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THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION 
SIOUX OUTBREAK OF 1890 


JAMES MOONEY 


641 


Say, shall not I at last attain 
Some height, from whence the Past is clear, 
In whose immortal atmosphere 
I shall behold my dead again? 
Bayard Taylor. 


For the fires grow cold and the dances fail, 
And the songs in their echoes die; 
And what have we left but the graves beneath, 
And, above, the waiting sky? 
The Song of the Ancient People. 


My Father, have pity on me! 
I have nothing to eat, 
Lam dying of thirst— 
Everything is gone! 
Arapaho Ghost Song. 


643 


CONTENTS 


Page 
¥ntroduction--c. caceics-c\sce -oces=+- “=> =a =e meri a= sino oimeciwienrmsecs ccc 653 
TURD PR aT Th fils qos eesnos< oes Ae baes ed CEE CORD GaCC BCC COA SIC Se SES at 657 
Chapter I—Paradise lost ...---. ------------+---22-2eeerreeeet certo 657 
Il—The Delaware prophet and Pontiac ...--.-.----------------- 662 
Il1I—Tenskwatawa the Shawano prophet..-.---------------------- 670 
IV—Tecumtha and Tippecanoe ......------ -2---------+-----+-7-- 681 
V—Kiinakak and minor prophets.-.....----------------++--+----- 692 
TIAN ea acceded se Scos Comb oo SOccOS Gane Ene Cos Goeeocmneoe 692 
Pa Gheskoueee conan cen ace eae eer ae === aa aelecamienivinn= 700 
Ta vibomescce ceases ceeee seeiee eae cin= ino m= aleinineininns = 701 
Nakaicdoklt Miss ss. -222- 2 -cec ne ese-- 22s semen meio n= 704 
The Potawatomi prophet.......------------------+------ 705 
Cheez-tah-paezh the Sword-bearer -..------------------- 706 
ViI—The Smohalla religion of the Columbia region..------------- 708 
Smohall ame seer eee ea ewes erie alain ten Jeleinisim inne — 708 
Joseph and the Nez Percé war ---.--------------+++----- 711 
ViIl—Smohalla and his doctrine .-.--.-----------------+-+----+-+-- 716 
VIII— The Shakers of Puget sound.....-..----------------+--++---- 746 
IX — Wovoka the messiah. -----..------- -------++ +--+ ----02222-22- 764 
X—The doctrine of the Ghost dance --..- ---------+------++++++--- 717 
Appendix: 

The Mormons and the Indians .------.--------------- 792 
Poreupine’s account of the messiah. ..--------------- 793 
The Ghost dance among the Sioux-.-...--------------- 796 
Selwyn’s interview with Kuwapi ------------------- 798 
XI—The Ghost dance west of the Rockies-.------.---------------- 802 
XII—The Ghost dance east of the Rockies—among the Sioux . ---- 816 
Appendix: Causes of the OUtDLOaKe sence ees seen nani 829 
Commissioner Morgan’s statement. ..---------------- 829 
Ex-Agent McGillyeuddy’s statement. ---------------- 831 
Statement of General Miles .---.-------------------- 833 

Report of Captain Hurst.-.-----------------+-----+-- 83 
Statement of American Horse. .----.-----------+----- 839 
Statement of Bishop Hare ...--.-------------------- 840 
XIII — The Sioux outbreak—Sitting Bull and Wounded Knee ..----- 843 
Appendix: The Indian story of Wounded Knee -..-.----- 884 
XIV —Close of the outbreak —The Ghost dance in the AOUbneere== = 887 
XV—The ceremony of the Ghost dance.---.-------------+---+-++-- 915 
Among the northern Cheyenne...-..--------------------- 915 
Among the Sioux..---.------------++--2+--+-2 22 ere rr 915 
Song rehearsals.....--.-------- +--+ --2+ -0-+-----072000°° 918 
Preparations for the dance...--------------+-----+++---- 918 
Giving the feather... -----------------+----2+ e202 er6-7- 919 
The painting of the dancers. ..---.----------------+----- 919 


645 


646 CONTENTS (TH. ANN. 14 
The narrative—Continued Page 
Chapter XV—The ceremony of the Ghost dance—Continued 

The; ceremony, <e 28- -e seee ae wiete else ielnini= we twin = aie === 929 
THeiCrow GAD CO nse are = = <a ia= oe ntem =(n cle Salafe]~lnlniniolalnin a = ao'= 921 
Mhe Nypnotlcyprocess ees. )-cie- ee aaa eee eto ae 
The:area covered by the dance.--.-.-.-.-.-..-.--------- 926 
Present condition of the dance......-..-...------------- 927 
MV — Parallelsynyother SyStemis = — atte ex ape eerste teat arr 928 
The: Biblical period ....---..--..----+-=----------------- 928 
Mohammed anism eee tee sete ata eae ae tetera 930 
OAMVOL ATG oes rete pata cinleie wlelaloislai)- setae eee ei ler ila 932 
Dancerof Saint ODN: ea nese ale ase) te osininai a= 935 
TherMlagellants = 22-2 scsi eisleleeai ial ae -\~ = eam 935 
Ranters, Quakers, and Fifth-Monarchy men...--....----- 936 
Brench prophets: <2 o-- <2 <.1- =n) y= seta = nm - 938 
BR 20) GaSe oSSe See Sece Jee ee eaters Seo UM cor monicoonco 939 
Methodists 939 
Shakersvcteeisree oes es ences aie natsla bine iiags a raitaica 941 
Kentucky revival....---.------------- ---- +--+ +--+ +----- 942 
PNG Ge): ) Cue e eR eae eee sa oeae ccopaasoncccocoocesson 944 
Otherparalllels):2 222 5)6 2 seo se esse cere = eee ee 945 
Beekmanttes: 2.22. - sae es 3 cae ee eee tees aistattatalatale 945 
Patterson'and Brown’s mission=---=-.------<---.------ 946 
Wilderness) worshipers sss-te see seeeseee a eeei-e ase. moO, 
Heavenlyerecrults ye os.pee stats sete eee ee eit 947 

Appendix: Hypnotism and the dance among the Der- 
FAS t oeee de doe coonodd cadena oS ab Sececeneoc cane aecacGne 948 
MONSON LB = 5 oc ems escie a =e yep a latam overlain iain ol imcpe dnote Pain a Sindee ami etnaicrepeinlet ofa 953 
Nor aw LS RL) 6 feo ebco SConBReS noes coceod Beas Ses0.CecmoceDSoncD ec bere paoods 953 
The Arapaho=c-\.- 2.2.2 == sree ite eo satan minfmlo = ale sini eile lela nia 95: 
Tribal synonymy -..--.----.------------ +22 e222 een ee een eee 953 
Tribal signs —.- ==... --- 222-2 -- -Sen 2 eo nee seme 2 oe nln eeeicinesiee = sine aa= 954 
Sketch of the tribe 954 
Songs of the Arapaho 958 
1. Opening song: Eyehe'! ni nisa'na—O, my children!...------- 958 
2. Sélicha’ heita'wuni‘na—The sacred pipe tells me. ..------.----- 959 
3. Ate! bé tidwu/ndnuw’ — When at first I liked the whites-.--.----- 961 
4, A'bd'ni'hi'— My partner ......-..--------------------+ +--+ +2 962 
5, A'-nistina'a/hu—My father -.-...---.-..22-----22--- 0-92 oon 962 
6. E’yehe'! Wi’ nayw uhu' — E’yehe'! They are new - .-.------------ 963 
7. Hi'sdhi‘hi—My partner! My partner .-.-.--.-.------.----------- 964 

8. A -nani'ni/bi/nd’si waku’na —The wind makes the head-feathers 
Ob Ss See os ee Bo DcOpme cose moecos Skosbedts no bacon cmoa nace 965 
9. He! Néine'th bishiqa’wi— When I met him approaching. ------ 965 
10. Hiina’na’wundnu—I take pity on those ....--.----.----------- 966 
11. A-ni’qu wa’ wand nibd tia’ — Father, now I am singing it-----. -- 966 
2. Ha’ yana'-usi'ya’— How bright is the moonlight! 966 
13. Ha’'ti ni‘bit— The cottonwood song. --.--.----- 967 
14. Eyehe'! A‘nie'sa'na’—The young Thunderbirds... .....-..------ 968 
15. A’he'stina’nini naya' qitihi— Our father, the Whirlwind. .-.-.. 970 
16. A’he'stina’nini ndya’qiti—Our father, the Whirlwind .....---.- 970 
17. Ninad'niahu'na—I circle around ...-.------------------------ 970 
18. Ha’'nahaww nen beni ni na—Vhe Hanahawunen gave it tome... 971 
19. Ate’be’ tana’-ise’ti— When first our father came.....-...-.---. 971 
20. A-ni' dine’ thahi/nani/na—My father did not recognize me..... -. 972 


— —— 
AL A ID 


MOONEY] 


CONTENTS 


The songs—Continued 
The Arapaho—Continued 
Songs of the Arapaho—Continued 


21. 


22, Na‘ha'ta bi'taa‘wu—The earth is about to move -------------- 
23. Ahe'siina’nini dichiqa' hd’ wa-t’ —1I am looking at my father . ---- 
94. Ha'dnake'i—The rock ....--------- ------ ----22 2-2 2222 reer 
25. Wa'wa'na dani’ did’ —1 am about to hum --------------------- 
26. A-te'bé dii'nétita’ni¢g — At the beginning of existence... ..---- 
27. Tahu'na'dni'nia/‘huna—It is I who make the thunder .....-. -- 
28. Ani‘qu ne'chawu'nani’— Father, have pity on me 

29, A-ni/niha’niahu'na—I fly around yellow.--.-------------- 

30. Niha‘nata’yeche' tim The yellow hide...-...------------------- 
31. A-bddi/thina‘hu— The cedar tree .------------------------+----- 
32. Wa'wa ni'naninakw ti—Now I am waving an eagle feather... 
33. 4-ni'qana’ga—There is a solitary bull..---.-----. ---------+-+-- 
34, A-néd'thibiwd' hand —The place where crying begins ...--.---- 
35. Thildya’ he'ndd'awa — When WRG UNO ivay Cecacee eeewice = === = 
36. A-hw hu ha'geni'sti ti— The crow is making a road ...--.------ 
37. Bi'taa’wu hwhu! —The crow brought the earth.----..----.---- 
38. Ni/nini/tubi/na hwhu' (1) —The crow has called me....-..----- ; 
39. Ninani’naa‘tani'na hwhw (1)—The erow is circling above me. 
40. Lyw hii’ thiibé'nawa! — Here it is, I hand it to you ..---.-------- 
41. Hanat hi ya'ga‘ahi'na— Little boy, the coyote gun...--. ------ 
42, He'siina’ na'nahatha'hi—The father showed me ...---.-------- 
43. Néinisa'tdqu' thi Chinachi' chibi iha'—The seven venerable priests - 


Ni/-athw'-a-w @hakd'nith'ii— The whites are crazy 


. Né/nisa’ tigi Chi'ndchi’ chibaiha’ — The seven venerable priests - 


45, Ni/nani/naa‘tani'na hwhu' (11).----.--------+---: ------ ++ - ee 
46. Na’tdnu’ya ché'bi'nh—The pemmican that Iam using- .------- 
47. Hiéii/nawa’ hi'ni'ta’'quna‘ni—I know, in the pitfall -.-..------- 
48. Bii/hind/nina'té ni‘tabi’na—I hear everything. .--.------------ 
49. A-bii/qati’ hii/nichd' bi’ hindi’na— With the wheel I am gambling. 
50. Ani’dsa’kua’na—I am watching....-------------------------- 
51. Nichia i’ theti’hi— (There) is a good river ..----.------------- 
52, Ni/nini'tubi'na huhu! (IL) ------------------- 22-222 eee eee 
53. Anihii' ya atani'td’nu’nawa' —I use the yellow (paint).--.------ 
54. Nilnad'niahw tawa bi'taa’wu—I am flying about the earth . --.- 
55. I’nita’ta'-usd’na— Stand ready .-.-.----------------+------------ 
56. Wa'withd’bi—I have given you magpie feathers ...--.--.----- 
57. Ani'qa hé'tabi’nuhw'ni‘na—My father, lam poor -..-..--------- 
58. Na/nisa’taqu’thi hu’na— The seven crows.....----------------- 
59. Ahu’nd he'stina’nin— There is our father ---..--.-.----------- 
60. Ga/awa'hu—The ball, the ball .....-.-- -.------------------- 
61. Ahu! ni‘higa’hu— The Crow is running ..--------------+-+---- 
62. Ya'thii-yd’na —He put me in five places -.....---.---------+--- 
63. Ni/nad!qa'wa chibé' ti—I am going around the sweat-house.--. 
G4. Hise'hi—My comrade........----.--------------+-------+---° 


73. 


Arapaho glossary ...--------------------+------++--- 


5. Na'tu’wani'sa—My top, my top .----. ------------------------ 
. He'na'ga‘nawa'nen— When we dance until daylight 
. Nindi/nina’'tinakw ni‘na—I wear the morning star 
. A-ne'na’ tabi'ni‘na—My mother gave it to me 
. Yvhdi'd' dw hi'hi’ —Gambling song (Paiute gambling songs). ---- 
. Ni/qa-hu'hw —My father, my father ....---------------+------- 
. Ahw naw hw —With red paint 
. Ani’qga naga'qu—Father, the Morning Star . --..-------------- 


Ahu'yu hédthi'na— Closing song... ------------------ 


990 
990 
991 
991 
993 
994 
995 
995 
996 
997 
997 
998 
998 
999 
ooo) 


1OOL 
1001 
1002 
1005 
1006 
1006 
1007 
1008 
1010 


648 CONTENTS [ETH.ANN. 14 


The songs—Continued ; Page 
The Cheyenne. cess asses oe Renee ere eee reer eee ie ceececee 1023 
eiribalisynonym yess sone eee reece eee re eee ee ee are 1023 
Tribaligipni- sense eaceetei s ani ewe Sets tee ona eee tee eee 1024 
Sketclivofithe:tribec- seco <a cre Sere eee eee ae ner en eee 1024 
Songsiof the(Cheyenne ee. 2.. a eerassene cee ae eae sere eee 1028 
1. O'tdé nd’ nisi'ndsists— Well, my children. .....--.---.-...------ 1028 
2. Ehd'n esho'ini'— Our father has come. .-._-... --..---.-------- 1028 
3., Nainiso' ndastststht'— My children\-=--- 222. <2 sees sent ee 1029 
4, Niéi'see’nehe’ che'yowo'mi—I waded into the yellow river ..----.- 1030 

5. Wosi'vd-d'd' —The mountain is circling. .......----.-----.---- 103 
GueNiiha-whiihi—Myafather yl com see-) cas -ee ae eer sanee eee ee 1031 

7. Hi'awu'hi— We have put the devil aside ...--..-.----......-- 103 
8. Ni'ha e'yehe' !—My father, my father. ..-.....---.------------ 1031 
OueAlnindigiN— Myscomrades = sses eee ee eee eee eee areas 1032 
10: He'stutu'ai— The buffalo head .........2.--2.22-----5----<--- 1032 

1s) Naimiovte— am :coming- in sight] 5222s. ss- js. see = ene sees 103: 

12. -Avgacht: ht — ihe: cro WiiSiCirclin Ole: seems eee eres ie eee 103 

13. Nd’ nise'niisc'stse—My children, I am now humming..----...---. 1034 

14. Ogo'ch ehe'eye'!—The crow, the crow .-.--.-2--------2------= 1035 
15. Tsiso'soyo'tsito'ho— While I was going about......-...-.-.---- 1035 

16. Ni‘ha e'yehe'e' yeye’ !—My father, my father. .:.......-..----.- 10386 

IW -diga'ch eheeye’! —The crow, the crow, =-s9seeee so ae eee 1037 

18. Nd'niso'niisi’'stsi he’e'ye’ !—My children, my children... ---.---- 1037 
19) Aguiga'-thi— The crow woman... 22-4222.) 25-122 ose eee 1038 
Cheyenne: glossary. te 252 eee eee eee te eee eee eerie 1039 
TheriComanche s/f = Stee eee te seer ee eee a ee erg nee re eee 1043 
CribalisynonymMy;. cece s oe ogee se eae ee eee ee 1013 
Driballisign =2s sie scree eas eteeiee eee ane eee ee eee ae ears 1043 
Sketch ‘of, the tribes.2:--es-ceeee sae oe eee eisee a eeee oaseeee 1043 
SongsioftheiComanche-ass-cce sees ee see eee ee ase eee eee 1046 
Ls Heyothdnaihaelyoza..- a. essssatlers ae eee eee onc eee eee 1046 
PIO KOMITEE COUR OC BARR mie an RARER Merry SAA sre anes So SORE San 1047 
Sa MANUEBINE RUAN) Je eae ee eee eee eee eee 1047 
ASA ENAINTCUROUN Oi le- erste Wie = farce Reiners ene ete ec eee OT I 1047 
The Paiute, Washo, and Pit River tribes. .....-....---.---.---..--------- 1048 
Paiuteitribalisynonymy;coe-- sane see eee eee eee 1048 
SketehjofithePaiuter sae scene eceene es see eee ee eeee aera 1048 
Characteristics °.22 2. 5222.0. semeyc ons oe Seo ee ee ee eee 1048 
Genesis emythi.c25-sss0-cce cs cess econ oneree eee ee eee eee 1050 
‘Lhe Wiashove As cet can eyesore ee eee eR ere A 1051 
MhesPit RiverwMndianssasce. ce see eee eee eee eee ae 1052 
Songsiof thevPaiutes sacs seas ose oe eee See eee ee eee 1052 
1. Niivd ka ro'rdni' —The snow lies there.......-....---.+--.---- 1052 

2. Dena! gayo'n— A slender antelope.. -.2-...=.---2-52-=--------- 1053 

32 Do ti'mbi— The black rock. s2_42-6--5-.ee aoe eee ee 1053 

4. Pésii’ wi'noghin—The wind stirs the willows ..--------.-.----- 1053 

5. -Pdgit'ndvd!— Mog Nog = ae sae saci niae ae eee eee 1054 

6. Wimbindomé'n— Lhe whirlwind! == 22 2..-2- 2262 see ane 1054 

7. Kosi’ wimbi'ndomd' — There is dust from the whirlwind ...--. 1054 

8. Dombi'na so'wina'— The rocks are ringing .----....---.----.-- 1055 

9. Si'ng-d ro'yonji —The cottonwoods are growing tall .....---- 1055 
BAIULO SOLOSSUT Vac ele ace cranes ere eee fe a= ere eres 1056 
ANIA Riebbs Sado Seoco saan EE Sos pre SSO EOS baehos sseEcomesesssc.ase=oceo 1057 
Heche Vowel ete ate oecomaEenesd toce Crane OSS ohs nomsns pgesr eee ear 1057 


Mribalision’ ateacc ste cece: Ce a aee eee ote eek arnt Same te eins ee ee nore 1057 


MOONEY] CONTENTS 649 


The songs—Continued Page 
The Sioux—Continued 

Stretch of ther trihes css cio-=---ie-=---nmnenma= nie cn rinses sans 1058 

Sones ofithe SOUK so02e eee anew anise sate 1061 

1. Opening song: A’te he'ye e'yayo— The father says 80 ...------- 1061 

2. Michi'nkshi naipe— My son, let me grasp your handsets =< 1061 

3. He tuwe'cha he—Who think you comes there teece= ces ieee 1064 

4. Wana‘ yar ma'niye—Now he is walking...-.--.--------------- 1064 

5. Lechel miyo' qan-kte—This is to be my WiOD ese tees eesti 1065 

6. Michinkshi/yi tewa’qila che—I love my cChildren!22-=--'-- <=-=-= 1065 

7, Mila kit hiyw'michi’chiyana— Give me my Temi fer eo sic, <1-j2 <= ies 1065 

8. Le he'yahe' —This one says .----.------------+-0 0000 00r tron 1068 

9. Niya'te-ye! he'w'we—It is your father coming..-.-------------- 1068 

10. Miyo'qan kin wanla’ki— You see what I can do...--.---------- 1068 

11. Michinkshi mita’waye—It is my own (iG pe aaeaousede sepe creo 1069 

12. A’te he! u-we—There is the father coming. -------------------- 1069 

13. Wa'sna wa'tin-kta—I shall eat pemmican. ..------------------ 1069 

14, A'te lena ma‘ qu-we—The father gave us UI lan sae aE ee aoe Seam 1069 

15. Ina! he’ kuwo' — Mother, come Home Mee fen seen eee a= 1070 


16. Wa'na wanasa’pi-kta— Now they are about to chase the buffalo. 1070 
17. He! Kii'iyanka a'galv’-ye— He! They have come back racing.- 1071 


18. Mi'ye wanma’ yanka-yo Poo kesh Wetesee os ees a = === = 1071 

19, Maka! sito’maniyan—The whole world is coming ----.---------- 1072 

20. Lena wa'kan— These sacred things ---.------------+--+-+----- 1072 

21. Miyo'qan kin chichu'-che—I have given you my strength ------ 1072 

22, Michi'nkshi tahe’na—My child, come this way---------------- 1073 

23. Wana wiché!shka— Now set up the tipi ..---.----------+------ 1073 

24, A’te mi’chuye— Father, give themitom@s-.--eee = =s 6+ ees" 1074 

25, Hanpa wecha'ghe—1 made moccasins for him .--.------------- 1074 

26. Waka’nyan inya nkin-kte— The holy (hoop) shall run -...----- 1075 
SigusaelOSSaL geen e = steerer ao einmaeecoaae o occa aomaiaa 1075 
The Kiowa and Kiowa Apache ..-------------2-+-2- 220205 o error cero 1078 
Kiowa tri balieynonyMyi-...s- 2212 =~ ene nini ee 1078 
ISCO) HMI EUG cosgon Sa5 sees es Ses Soe oeae eke BIO aC CRS SCkS nigh 1078 
Sivatchto te theta w Meese es sere cere am clea meena ceca 1078 
eile Kiowa Ap achepeee! sss aeetat claim ==) 2 cme ini 1081 
Gonesotthe iow meee ccaeen: ve 32min ocr ae se eae SS 1081 
1. Da'ta-i so'da'te—The father will descend. -...----------------- 1081 

2. Dak in’ ago (im) zt’ ntedhe'dal— The spirit army is approaching - 1082 

8. Gu'ato dda'ga —I scream because I am a hirdeeee sesee eo = =o 1082 

4. Da'ta-i nyi hoinga’mo— The father shows me the road .----- -- 1083 

5. Dak in’a bate'yi—The spirit (God) is approaching - .---------- 1083 

6. Na'da'g éika’na— Because I am poor. .------------+---7 2777777 1084 

7. Zelbiit-qa’ga igudnpa'-ima' — He makes me dance with arrows. 1084 

8. Belta! To'ngyéi-gu adil—Red Tail has been sent .--. .--------- 1085 

9, Da'ta-i énka'igo'na — My father has much pity for us. -.------ 1085 

10. Da’ta-i inka! ntiihe'dal— My father has had pity on me -------- 1085 

11. Dak in'ago tiho'téihe'dal—The spirit host is advancing - -------- 1086 

12. E’vhyun'i degid'ta —I am mashing the berries ----------------- 1087 

13. Go'mgyéd-da'ga—That wind shakes my tipi------------------- 1087 

14. Dak‘in’a dakan' tiéhe'dal—God has had pity on us.------------- 1087 

15. Anso! gyiité’to—I shall cut off jhistfeet, seems a aete == = 1088 
TGC MASSE TAY oe mneceee eco eae 6 SOR CIS SO OS ae aes gE a tall aaes 1088 
The Caddo and associated tribes.-.--.-----------------srrrtr cr 1092 
Gaddortribalésymomyimygeas soe -2= =) eine am Pee SS 1092 


(@addortribalisigniece eects e-em aoe ens ee Se a --- 1092 


650 CONTENTS [prH. ANN. 14 

The songs—Continued Page 
The Caddo and associated tribes—Continued 

Sketchiof the Caddomeeer 2p aes se ae aa iota totaal lactnteniate 1092 

The wichita, Kichal, and Delaware. --s- --sereee. -- see ses n ee a 1095 

Songsjof) the'@ addons a eclaainte a etepe oee eoeg eeetee ele te eee 1096 

1. Ha’yo ta'ia’ é'd' —Our father dwells above -..-.....---------- 1096 

2. Wi'nti ha'yano' di'witi/a—All our people are going up. -.-.---- 1096 

Sa eNinavisty d7—lgnane COMO sserreeecers ane aie er ec ren ee eem 1097 

4 Natasa nd — We am) COMM Oy errata pate ey setae eee ise tees 1097 

5. Na’'-iye' ino’ ga'nio'sit — My sister above -.....-.-.-----.------ 1097 

6. Na’‘a ha'yo ha’wano— Our father above (has) paint......-.---- 1098 

7. Wi'nti ha'yano ka‘ka'na’ — All the people cried. ...---.-------- 1098 

8. Na'wii/‘na— We have our mother below -.......---.---------- 1098 

9. Ni’ ika’ na’‘a— Our grandmother and our father above--.-.-.--- 1099 

10. Hi'na ha‘/natobi’na— The eagle feather headdress -..-.-..----. 1099 

11. Na’ aa’ o'wi'ta’ —The father comes from above.-.......-------- 1099 

12. Na’ iwi’ o'wi'ta’' —See! the eagle comes.......----..----.----- 1100 

13. A/nana’ hana‘nito’/ — The feather has come back. --..-.---.---- 1101 

14. Na’ iwi’ ha'naa’—'There is an eagle above.........--.-------- 1101 

1Dievaitue Hatsint’—Come'on, Caddos sees. sees ee sce see eee 1101 

(CENGAGE A ean oan aetna ee Reba ogoase cao candcsnoseéhsaceasaoor 1102 

INDY AOU Cs ls Cee gea ses Re recnd ser eadornedecos apna dase tse SanccueEco0ses 1104 


PuatTeE LXXXV. 


LXXXVI. 
LXXXVII. 
LXXXVIII. 


LXXXIX. 
XC. 

XCI. 
XCII. 


XCIII. 
XCIV. 
XiCVE 


XCVI. 
XCVII. 
XCVIII. 
XCIX. 
(65 

Cl. 
CII. 
Cill. 
CIV. 
COAG 
CVI. 
COMA NIE 
CVIII. 
CIX. 
CX. 
CxI. 
CXIlI. 
CXIII. 
CXIV. 
CXV. 
CXVI. 
CXVII. 
CXVIII. 
CXIX. 
Cxx. 
CXXxI. 


CXXII 
56. 
57. 
58. 
59. 
60. 


FIGURE 


Tenskwatawa the Shawano prophet, 1808 and 1831 
Greenville treaty medal..-......--.----------------++---+-------- 
Tobin nh, a4 abe bons 2G OA SRBS SEBee co SoS Hee ec Onan tae 
Harrison treaty pipe 
Kiinakik the Kickapoo prophet..-----------------------+--++---- 


ILLUSTRATIONS 


Map of the Indian reservations of the United States showing 

the approximate area of the Ghost dance.-.-.----.-------- 
The prayer-stick 
Chief Joseph 
Map showing the distribution of the tribes of the upper 

Columbia 
Smohalia and his priests -.-.------.------------------+----- 
Smohalla church on Yakima reservation 
Interior of Smohalla chureh 
Winter view in Mason valley showing snow-covered sage- 

Hn eae ae a Sen e ses oo aan sen Soe Scone r a Sena Secreta DU eae 
Sioux ghost shirts from Wounded Knee battlefield 
Sioux sweat-house and sacrifice pole 
Map of the country embraced in the campaign against the 

Slower 


Map of Standing Rock agency and vicinity. ---------------- 
Map of Wounded Knee battlefield 
After the battle 
Battlefield of Wounded Knee 
Burying the dead 
Grave of the dead at Wounded Knee 
Battlefield after the blizzard 
Arapaho ghost shirt, showing coloring 
Arapaho ghost shirt—reverse 
Black Coyote 
Biinki, the Kiowa dreamer. -.--.-.---. ------+----------+---- 
Biiinki’s vision 
Kiowa summer shelter 
The Ghost dance (buckskin painting) 
Sacred objects from the Sionx Ghost dance. .-..-..---------- 
Sacred objects from the Sioux Ghost dance 
The Ghost dance—small circle ...-..----------------------- 
The Ghost dance —larger circle. ..----.--------------------- 
The Ghost dance — large circle 
The Ghost dance — praying 
The Ghost dance — inspiration 
The Ghost dance—rigid 
The Ghost dance —unconscious..-...------------------------ 
MHercrowad am care aoer cece ase nae ers ela ate nica nici inl= oe =lelnim= 
Arapaho bed 
The sweat-lodge: Kiowa camp on the Washita--------.----- 
. Dog-soldier insignia 


652 ILLUSTRATIONS [BTH. ANN. 14 
Page 

KIGURE Ola Kangkalkisiheavensacreseetraasas -maceece ecaeace ae ceseennesenecee 694 
625, Onsawkionr =~ ceecce serie ce eee ease ee ee cece sense Seen eee eee 698 
63° Nakai/-dokltmiiatdance-wheel:---.-=.2- .----6--S-2- 2-22 See eeeece 704 
64 a5 mo hall asta pees gs erp ge ence ai cinta = cac elects aeisetsteteterstee 726 
65: \Charles Ike; Smohalla interpreter. .-......5..-:--..cc.sesecee sees = 728 
66. Diagram showing arrangenient of worshipers at Smohalla service... 729 
GiJohnySlocumrandsoulssowaluoh=--- 9.225. ceeene-saaeee ee sees 746 
68 slakerchurchvatiMud) bay coco) 225. seee-aee eee eee eres 758 
GOMRWiOViO Kal mere aceasta ns oe nic oe eee a Sie ES a ee eee 764 
(OlaNavahoulndians’. ata cas-5 oes evecare te eee erate ae 810 
fi Mistayin' the kopt pueblo of Wialpi- = <2 2... > c= =e ete ee 812 
(2A SlOUxswarrlor—W easel Bears. cee cee ansea ee eeee: eee S44 
Tor ReO CLOW perigacee ions 2c stake sae esos eee eae eee acces eee S46 
ase SDOTERD UL bee gue cei en clc.s Boe eee eee ee ee age aloe ere 851 
RO mUC KIN OW BERT! & saree... St Sonor seen ee Rane aerate ener ee eee 853 
(omRedsRomahawike (52-2. cecccer eee vacate eeeeine eee eter eect 856 
“isibtino Bull theisioux medicine-man--.-s-+25-S.ceses eee eee sees 858 
78. Sketch of the country of the Sitting Bull fight, December 15,1890. 859 
79. Survivors of Wounded Knee—Blue Whirlwind and children. - -. -- 877 
80. Survivors of Wounded Knee— Marguerite Zitkala-noni.......---- 878 
81. Survivors of Wounded Knee—Jennie Sword ..........--....----- 879 
82. Survivors of Wounded Knee— Herbert Zitkalazi ....-.......----- 880 
slitting bull the Arapah olapostlesss-.cseeeeer ose en eee ease eee 896 
84. Two Kiowa prophecies (from a Kiowa calendar).--...-...----.---- 907 
SO eh oor, Buttalos. cen). saeco ee eee eee ree ee eae eens 908 
86. Sitting Bull comes down (from a Kiowa calendar)....-.---...---- 909 
STeeW pia tan en dee cer cote ee oe ee ee aa 912 
88) Arapaho tipiiand wind break as .c o---.e-e case ene ease ee ee 957 
SouBedsoLthe:pralriesoribessen= 2s. sec aoe cere ee aie ee eee 963 
SO shinny stickianduballieenn--tecess ei eee eee cetera econo 964 
OI aw iailstin ayornea.d=fea thers. o yacanis cease ence oars ae ieiee tee eter ae 964 
922 RhetRhund erbindace waar < ae cones ee eee eee eee 969 
93-eEummeriand|bullroareraesseca- s20) eee eee eee eee eee 974 
94. Dog-soldier insignia—rattle and quirt -.......--.--....---------- 987 
93, Dideram! of awili@ ame ss. 22. so ee ces 2 hein eee ee eee eee eee 1002 
J6-sSticks used invawilhramet ss: 4c. Sco oes coe ae ene ee eee eee eee 1003 
Oieerrump sticks msedsmiaw,) game ss, 2.sseae oe eens once eee 1003 
Js bas ketswsed iniGice Pam Gu sess cte assesses Soe ee eee eet ee 1004 
OOD icenised glu CeryaMNe hese a= se oe et sae aoete ee cee eee eee eee eee 1005 
00M Gheyennercamping circle) ease els c2 205-6 ie oe eee ee eee ee 1026 
TOTS Rarubenwilkurp tea: eres cc soe ete nee Sak ato aye ee 1049 
102. Native drawings of Ghost dance—A, Comanche; B, Sioux -...---- 1060 
LOSS Terkinoubeotaer ee eee tenis ooo oe Soci oe ee 1066 
LOSS MMAOW AICAMPING, CINCO 22). seseie ein wininin aiajele cies nc Seieses cies eeeereeee 1080 


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3 — — at Sele a a . ew cs ~ JULIUS BIEN A CO.NY. 
: a 


THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION 


By JAMES MOONEY 


INTRODUCTION 


In the fall of 1890 the author was preparing to go to Indian Ter- 
ritory, under the auspices of the Bureau of Ethnology, to continue 
researches among the Cherokee, when the Ghost dance began to attract 
attention, and permission was asked and received to investigate that 
subject also among the wilder tribes in the western part of the terri- 
tory. Proceeding directly to the Cheyenne and Arapaho, it soon 
became evident that there was more in the Ghost dance than had 
been suspected, with the result that the investigation, to which it 
had been intended to devote only a few weeks, has extended over a 
period of more than three years, and might be continued indefinitely, 
as the dance still exists (in 1896) and is developing new features at 
every performance. The uprising among the Sioux in the meantime 
made necessary also the examination of a mass of documentary material 
in the files of the Indian Office and the War Department bearing on 
the outbreak, in addition to the study in the field of the strictly reli- 
gious features of the dance. 

The first visit of about four months (December, 1890—April, 1891) 
was made to the Arapaho, Cheyenne, Kiowa, Comanche, Apache, Caddo, 
and Wichita, all living near together in the western part of what was 
then Indian Territory, but is now Oklahoma. These tribes were all 
more or less under the influence of the new religion. The principal 
study was made among the Arapaho, who were the most active propa- 
gators of the ‘‘ Messiah” doctrine among the southern tribes and are 
especially friendly and cordial in disposition. 

On returning to Washington, the author received a commission to 
make an ethnologic collection for the World’s Columbian Exposition, 
and, selecting the Kiowa for that purpose as a representative prairie 
tribe, started ont again almost immediately to the same field. This 
trip, lasting three months, gave further opportunity for study of the 
Ghost dance among the same tribes. After returning and attending 
to the labeling and arranging of the collection, a study was made of all 
documents bearing on the subject in possession of the Indian Office and 


653 


654 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 


the War Department. Another trip was then made to the field for the 
purpose of investigating the dance among the Sioux, where it had 
attracted most attention, and among the Paiute, where it originated. 
On this journey the author visited the Omaha, Winnebago, Sioux of 
Pine Ridge, Paiute, Cheyenne, and Arapaho; met and talked with the 
messiah himself, and afterward, on the strength of this facet, obtained 
from the Cheyenne the original letter containing his message and 
instructions to the southern tribes. This trip occupied about three 
months. 

A few months later, in the summer of 1892, another journey was 
made to the West, in the course of which the southern tribes and the 
Sioux were revisited, and some time was spent in Wyoming with the 
Shoshoni and northern Arapaho, the latter of whom were perhaps 
the most earnest followers of the messiah in the north. This trip con- 
sumed four months. After some time spent in Washington in elabo- 
rating notes already obtained, a winter trip (1892-93) was made under 
another commission from the World’s Fair to the Navaho and the Hopi 
ov Moki, of New Mexico and Arizona, Although these tribes were not 
directly concerned in the Ghost dance, they had been visited by apostles 
of the new doctrine, and were able to give some account of the cere- 
mony as it existed among the Havasupai or Cohonino and others farther 
to the west. On the return journey another short stay was made among 
the Kiowa and Arapaho. in the summer of 1893 a final visit, covering 
a period of five months, was made to the western tribes of Oklahoma, 
bringing the personal observation and study of the Ghost dance down 
to the beginning of 1894. 

The field inves igation therefore occupied twenty-two months, involy- 
ing nearly 32,000 miles of travel and more or less time spent with about 
twenty tribes. To obtain exact knowledge of the ceremony, the author 
took part in the dance among the Arapaho and Cheyenne. He also 
carried a kodak and a tripod camera, with which he made photographs 
of the dance and the trance both without and within the circle. Sev- 
eral months were spent in consulting manuscript documents and printed 
sources of information in the departments and libraries at Washington, 
and correspondence was carried on with persons in various parts of the 
country who might be able to give additional facts. From the begin- 
ning every effort was made to get a correct statement of the subject. 
Beyond this, the work must speak for itself. 

As the Ghost dance doctrine is only the latest of a series of Indian 
religious revivals, and as the idea on which it is founded is a hope 
common to all humanity, considerable space has been given to a diseus- 
sion of the primitive messiah belief and of the teachings of the various 
Indian prophets who have preceded Wovoka, together with brief 
sketches of several Indian wars belonging to the same periods. 

In the songs the effort has been to give the spirit and exact render- 
ing, without going into analytic details. The main purpose of the work 


MOONEY] INTRODUCTION 655 
is not linguistic, and as nearly every tribe concerned speaks a different 
language from all the others, any close linguistic study must be left 
to the philologist who can afford to devote a year or more to an indi- 
vidual tribe. The only one of these tribes of which the author claims 
intimate knowledge is the Kiowa. 

Acknowledgments are due the officers and members of the Office 
of Indian Affairs and the War Department for courteous assistance 
in obtaining documentary information and in replying to letters of 
inquiry; to Mr De Lancey W. Gill and Mr J. K. Millers and their 
assistants of the art and photographic divisions of the United States 
Geological Survey; to Mr A. R. Spofford, Librarian of Congress; to 
Mr F. V. Coville, botanist, Agricultural Department; Honorabie T. J. 
Morgan, former Commissioner of Indian Affairs; Major J. W. Mac- 
Murray, first artillery, United States Army; Dr Washington Mat- 
thews, surgeon, United States Army; Captain H. L. Scott, seventh 
cavalry, United States Army; Captain J. M. Lee, ninth infantry, United 
States Army; Captain E. L. Huggins, second cavalry, United States 
Army, of the staff of General Miles; the late Captain J. G. Bourke, 
third cavalry, United States Army; Captain H. G. Browne, twelfth 
infantry, United States Army; Judge James Wickersham, Tacoma, 
Washington; Dr George Bird Grinnell, editor of “Forest and Stream,” 
New York city; Mr Thomas V. Keam and the late A. M. Stephen, Keams 
Canyon, Arizona; Rey. H. R. Voth, Oraibi, Arizona; General L. W. 
Colby, Washington, District of Columbia; Mr D. B. Dyer, Augusta, 
Georgia; Rev. Myron Eells, Tacoma, Washington; Mr Emile Berliner 
and the Berliner Gramophone Company, for recording, and Professors 
John Philip Sousa and F. W. VY. Gaisberg, for arranging the Indian 
music; W.S. Godbe, Bullionville, Nevada; Miss L. McLain, Washing- 
ton City; Addison Cooper, Nashville, Tennessee; Miss Emma C. 
Sickels, Chicago; Professor A. H. Thompson, United States Geological 
Survey, Washington; Mrs L. B. Arnold, Standing Rock, North Dakota; 
Mr C. H. Bartlett, South Bend, Indiana; Dr T. P. Martin, Taos, New 
Mexico, and to the following Indian informants and interpreters: Philip 
Wells, Louis Menard, Ellis Standing Bear, American Horse, George 
Sword, and Fire Thunder, of Pine Ridge, South Dakota; Henry Reid, 
Rey. Sherman Coolidge, Norcok, Sage, and Sharp Nose, of Fort 
Washakie, Wyoming; Charley Sheep of Walker river, Nevada; Black 
Coyote, Sitting Bull, Black Short Nose, George Bent, Paul Boynton, 
Robert Burns, Jesse Bent, Clever Warden, Grant Left-hand, and the 
Arapaho police at Darlington, Oklahoma; Andres Martinez, Belo 
Cozad, Paul Setkopti, Henry Poloi, Little Bow, William Tivis, George 
Parton, Towakoni Jim, Robert Dunlap, Kichai, John Wilson, Tama, 
Igiagyahona, Deon, Mary Zotom, and Eliza Parton of Anadarko, 
Oklahoma. 

14 ETH—PT 2——2 


THE NARRATIVE 
CHAPTER | 


PARADISE LOST 


There are hours long departed which memory brings 
Like blossoms of Eden to twine round the heart. 
Moore. 


The wise men tell us that the world is growing happier—that we live 
longer than did our fathers, have more of comfort and less of toil, fewer 
wars and discords, and higher hopes and aspirations. So say the wise 
men; but deep in our own hearts we know they are wrong. For were 
not we, too, born in Arcadia, and have we not—each one of us—in that 
May of life when the world was young, started out lightly and airily 
along the path that led through green meadows to the blue mountains 
on the distant horizon, beyond which lay the great world we were to 
conquer? And though others dropped behind, have we not gone on 
through morning brightness and noonday heat, with eyes always 
steadily forward, until the fresh grass began to be parched and 
withered, and the way grew hard and stony, and the blue mountains 
resolved into gray rocks and thorny cliffs? And when at last we 
reached the toilsome summits, we found the glory that had lured us 
onward was only the sunset glow that fades into darkness while we 
look, and leaves us at the very goal to sink down, tired in body and 
sick at heart, with strength and courage gone, to close our eyes and 
dream again, not of the fame and fortune that were to be ours, but only 
of the old-time happiness that we have left so far behind. 

As with men, so is it with nations. The lost paradise is the world’s 
dreamland of youth. What tribe or people has not had its golden 
age, before Pandora’s box was loosed, when women were nymphs and 
dryads and men were gods and heroes? And when the race lies 
crushed and groaning beneath an alien yoke, how natural is the dream 
of a redeemer, an Arthur, who shall return from exile or awake from 
some long sleep to drive out the usurper and win back for his people 
what they have lost. The hope becomes a faith and the faith becomes 
the creed of priests and prophets, until the hero is a god and the dream 
a religion, looking to some great miracle of nature for its culmination 
and accomplishment. The doctrines of the Hindu avatar, the Hebrew 
Messiah, the Christian millennium, and the Hestnanin of the Indian 
Ghost dance are essentially the same, and have their origin in a hope 
and longing common to all humanity. 


657 


658 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Probably every Indian tribe, north and south, had its early hero god, 
the great doer or teacher of all first things, from the Iuskeha and 
Manabozho of the rude Iroquoian and Algonquian to the Quetzalcoatl, 
the Bochica, and the Viracocha of the more cultivated Aztecs, Muyscas, 
and Quichuas of the milder southland. Among the roving tribes of 
the north this hero is hardly more than an expert magician, frequently 
degraded to the level of a common trickster, who, after ridding the 
world of giants and monsters, and teaching his people a few simple 
arts, retires to the upper world to rest and smoke until some urgent 
necessity again requires his presence below. Under softer southern 
skies the myth takes more poetic form and the hero becomes a person 
of dignified presence, a father and teacher of his children, a very 
Christ, worthy of all love and reverence, who gathers together the 
wandering nomads and leads them to their destined country, where he 
instructs them in agriculture, house building, and the art of govern- 
ment, regulates authority, and inculeates peaceful modes of life. 
“Under him, the earth teemed with fruits and flowers without the 
pains of culture. An ear of Indian corn was as much as a single man 
could carry. The cotton, as it grew, took of its own accord the rich dyes 
of human art. The air was filled with intoxicating perfumes and the 
sweet melody of birds. In short, these were the haleyon days, which 
find a place in the mythic systems of so many nations in the Old World. 
It was the golden age of Anahuac.” (Prescott, 1.)! When at last his 
work is well accomplished, he bids farewell to his sorrowing subjects, 
whom he consoles with the sacred promise that he will one day return 
and resume his kingdom, steps into his magic boat by the seashore, 
and sails away out of their sight to the distant land of sunrise. 

Such was Quetzalcoatl of the Aztecs, and such in all essential 
respects was the culture god of the more southern semicivilized races. 
Curiously enough, this god, at once a Moses and a messiah, is usually 
described as a white man with flowing beard. From this and other 
circumstances it has been argued that the whole story is only another 
form of the dawn myth, but whether the Indian god be an ancient 
deified lawgiver of their own race, or some nameless missionary who 
found his way across the trackless ocean in the early ages of Chris- 
tianity, or whether we have here only a veiled parable of the morning 
light bringing life and joy to the world and then vanishing to return 
again from the east with the dawn, it is sufficient to our purpose that 
the belief in the coming of a messiah, who should restore them to their 
original happy condition, was well nigh universal among the American 
tribes. 

This faith in the return of a white deliverer from the east opened the 
gate to the Spaniards at their first coming alike in Haiti, Mexico, | 
Yueatan, and Peru. (Brinton, 1.) The simple native welcomed the 
white strangers as the children or kindred of their long-lost benefactor, 


1 Parenthetic references throughout the memoir ure to bibliographic notes following The Songs. 


MOONEY] PUEBLO REVOLT OF 1680 659 


immortal beings whose near advent had been foretold by oracles and 
omens, whose faces borrowed from the brightness of the dawn, whose 
glistening armor seemed woven from the rays of sunlight, and whose 
god-like weapons were the lightning and the thunderbolt. Their 
first overbearing demands awakened no resentment; for may not the 
gods claim their own, and is not resistance to the divine will a crime? 
Not until their most sacred things were trampled under foot, and the 
streets of the holy city itself ran red with the blood of their slaughtered 
princes, did they read aright the awful prophecy by the light of their 
blazing temples, and know that instead of the children of an incarnate 
god they had welcomed a horde of incarnate devils. ‘The light of 
civilization would be poured on their land. But it would be the light 
of a consuming fire, before which their barbaric glory, their institu- 
tions, their very existence and name as a nation, would wither and 
become extinet. Their doom was sealed when the white man had set 
his foot on their soil.” (Prescott, 2.) 

The great revolt of the Pueblo Indians in August, 1680, was one of the 
first determined efforts made by the natives on the northern continent 
to throw off the yoke of a foreign oppressor. The Pueblo tribes along 
the Rio Grande and farther to the west, a gentle, peaceful race, had early 
welcomed the coming of the Spaniards, with their soldiers and priests, 
as friends who would protect them against the wild marauding tribes 
about them and teach them the mysteries of a greater * medicine” than 
belonged to their own kachinas. The hope soon faded into bitter dis- 
appointment. The soldiers, while rough and overbearing toward their 
brown-skin allies, were yet unable to protect them from the inroads of 
their enemies. The priests prohibited their dances and simple amuse- 
ments, yet all their ringing of bells and chanting of hymus availed not 
to bring more rain on the crops or to turn aside the vengeful Apache. 
«What have we gained by all this?” said the Pueblos one to another; 
“not peace and not happiness, for these new rulers will not protect us 
from our enemies, and take from us all the enjoyments we once knew.” 

The pear was ripe. Pope, a medicine-man of the Tewa, had come 
back from a pilgrimage to the far north, where he claimed to have vis- 
ited the magic lagoon of Shipapu, whence his people traced their origin 
and to which the souls of their dead returned after leaving this life. 
By these ancestral spirits he had been endowed with occult powers and 
commanded to go back and rouse the Pueblos to concerted effort for 
deliverance from the foreign yoke of the strangers. 

Wonderful beings were these spirit messengers. Swift as light and 
impalpable as thought, they passed under the earth from the magic 
lake to the secret subterranean chamber of the oracle and stood before 
him as shapes of fire, and spoke, telling him to prepare the strings of 
yucea knots and send them with the message to all the Pueblos far and 
near, so that in every village the chiefs might untie one knot from the 
string each day, and know when they came to the last knot that then 
was the time to strike. 


660 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 


From the Pecos, across the Rio Grande to Zuni and the far-distant 
Hopi mesas, every Pueblo village accepted the yucca string and began 
secret preparation for the rising. The time chosen was the new moon 
of August, 1680, but, through a partial discovery of the plot, the explo- 
sion was precipitated on the 10th. So sudden and complete was the 
surprise that many Spaniards in the Pueblo country, priests, soldiers, 
and civilians, were killed, and the survivors, after holding out for a 
time under Governor Otermin at Santa Fé, fled to El Paso, and in 
October there remained not a single Spaniard in all New Mexico. 
(Bandelier, 1a, 1.) 

Despite their bitter disappointment, the southern nations continued 
to cherish the hope of a coming redeemer, who now assumed the charac- 
ter of a terrible avenger of their wrongs, and the white-skin conqueror 
has had bloody occasion to remember that his silent peon, as he toils 
by blue Chapala or sits amid the ruins of his former grandeur in the 
dark forests of Yueatan, yet waits ever and always the coming of 
the day which shall break the power of the alien Spaniard and restore 
to their inheritance the children of Anahuac and Mayapan. In Peru 
the natives refused to believe that the last of the Incas had perished a 
wanderer in the forests of the eastern Cordilleras. For more than two 
centuries they cherished the tradition that he had only retired to 
another kingdom beyond the mountains, from which he would return 
in his own good time to sweep their haughty oppressors from the land. 
In 1781 the slumbering hope found expression in a terrible insurrection 
under the leadership of the mestizo Condorcanqui, a descendant of the 
ancient royal family, who boldly proclaimed himself the long lost 
Tupae Amaru, child of the sun and Inea of Peru. With mad enthu- 
siasm the Quichua highlanders hailed him as their destined deliverer 
and rightful sovereign, and binding around his forehead the imperial 
fillet of the Incas, he advanced at the head of an immense army to the 
walls of Cuzco, declaring his purpose to blot out the very memory of 
the white man and reestablish the Indian empire in the City of the 
Sun. Inspired by the hope of vengeance on the conqueror, even boys 
beeame leaders of their people, and it was only after a bloody struggle 
of two years’ duration that the Spaniards were able to regain the 
mastery and consigned the captive Inea, with all his family, to an 
ignominious and barbarous death. Even then so great was the feeling 
of veneration which he had inspired in the breasts of the Indians that 
“notwithstanding their fear of the Spaniards, and though they were 
surrounded by soldiers of the victorious army, they prostrated them. 
selves at the sight of the last of the children of the sun, as he passed 
along the streets to the place of execution.” (Humboldt, 1.) 

In the New World, as in the Old, the advent of the deliverer was to be 
heralded by signs and wonders. Thus in Mexico, a mysterious rising 
of the waters of Lake Tezcuco, three comets blazing in the sky, and a 
strange light in the east, prepared the minds of the people for the near 


MOONEY] A WINNEBAGO PROPHECY 661 


coming of the Spaniards. (Prescott, 3.) In this connection, also, there 
was usually a belief in a series of previous destructions by flood, fire, 
famine, or pestilence, followed by a regeneration through the omnipotent 
might of the savior. The doctrine that the world is old and worn out, 
and that the time for its renewal is near at hand, is an essential part 
of the teaching of the Ghost dance. The number of these cycles of 
destruction was variously stated among different tribes, but perhaps 
the most sadly prophetic form of the myth was found among the Win- 
nebago, who forty years ago held that the tenth generation of their 
people was near its close, and that at the end of the thirteenth the red 
race would be destroyed. By prayers and ceremonies they were then 
endeavoring to placate their angry gods and put farther away the doom 
that now seems rapidly closing in on them. (Schoolcraft, Ind, Tribes, 1.) 


CHAPTER II 
THE DELAWARE PROPHET AND PONTIAC 


Hear what the Great Spirit has ordered me to tell you: Put off entirely the cus- 
toms which you have adopted since the white people caine among us.—The Delaware 
Prophet. 


This is our land, and not yours.—The Confederate Tribes, 1752. 

The English advances were slow and halting, for a long period almost 
imperceptible, while the establishment of a few small garrisons and 
jsolated trading stations by the French hardly deserved to be called an 
occupaney of the country. As a consequence, the warlike northern 
tribes were slow to realize that an empire was slipping from their grasp, 
and it was not until the two great nations prepared for the final strug- 
gle in the New World that the native proprietors began to read the stars 
aright. Then it was, in 1752, that the Lenape chiefs sent to the British 
agent the pointed interrogatory: “The English claim all on one side of 
the river, the French claim all on the other—where is the land of the 
Indians?” (Bancroft, 1.) Then, as they saw the French strengthening 
themselves along the lakes, there came a stronger protest from the 
council ground of the confederate tribes of the west: “This is our land 
and not yours. Fathers, both you and the English are white; the land 
belongs to neither the one nor the other of you, but the Great Being 
above allotted it to be a dwelling place for us; so, fathers, I desire you 
to withdraw, as I have desired our brothers, the English.” A wampum 
belt gave weight to the words. (Bancroft, 2.) The French commander’s 
reply was blunt, but more practiced diplomats assured the red men 
that all belonged to the Indian, and that the great king of the French 
desired only to set up a boundary against the further encroachments 
of the English, who would otherwise sweep the red tribes from the Ohio 
as they had already driven them from the Atlantic. The argument 
was plausible. In every tribe were French missionaries, whose fear- 
less courage and devotion had won the admiration and love of the 
savage; in every village was domiciliated a hardy voyageur, with his 
Indian wife and family of children, in whose veins commingled the 
blood of the two races and whose ears were attuned alike to the wild 
songs of the forest and the rondeaus of Normandy or Provence. It 
was no common tie that bound together the Indians and the French, 
and when a governor of Canada and the general of his army stepped 
into the circle of braves to dance the war dance and sing the war song 
with their red allies, thirty-three wild tribes declared on the wampum 
belt, “The French are our brothers and their king is our father. We 

662 


MOONEY] JOURNEY TO THE SPIRIT WORLD 663 


will try his hatchet upon the English” (Bancroft, 3), and through seven 
years of blood and death the lily and the totem were borne abreast 
until the flag of France went down forever on the heights of Quebec. 

For some time after the surrender the unrest of the native tribes was 
soothed into a semblance of quiet by the belief, artfully ineulcated by 
their old allies, that the king of France, wearied by his great exertions, 
had fallen asleep for a little while, but would soon awake to take ven- 
geance on the English for the wrongs they had inflicted on his red 
children. Then, as they saw English garrisons occupying the aban- 
doned posts and English traders passing up the lakes even to the 
sacred island of the Great Turtle, the despairing warriors said to one 
another, “We have been deceived. English and French alike are 
white men and liars. We must turn from both and seek help from our 
Indian gods.” 

In 1762 a prophet appeared among the Delawares, at Tuscarawas, 
on the Muskingum, who preached a union of all the ved tribes and a 
return to the old Indian life, which he declared to be the divine com- 
mand, as revealed to himself in a wonderful vision. From an old French 
manuscript, written by an anonymous eyewitness of the scene which he 
describes, we have the details of this vision, as related by Pontiac to his 
savage auditors at the great council of the tribes held near Detroit in 
April, 1763. Parkman gives the story on the authority of this manu- 
script, which he refers to as the * Pontiac manuscript,” and states that 
it was long preserved in a Canadian family at Detroit, and afterward 
deposited with the Historical Society of Michigan. It bears internal 
evidence of genuineness, and is supposed to have been written by a 
French priest. (Parkman, 1.) The vision, from the same manuscript, 
is related at length in Schoolcraft’s Algic Researches. 

According to the prophet’s story, being anxious to know the “ Master 
of Life,” he determined, without mentioning his desire to anyone, to 
undertake a journey to the spirit world. Ignorant of the way, and not 
knowing any person who, having been there, could direct him, lhe per- 
formed a mystic rite in the hope of receiving some light as to the course 
he should pursue. He then fell into a deep sleep, in which he dreamed 
that it was only necessary to begin his journey and that by continuing 
to walk forward he would at last arrive at his destination. 

Early the next morning, taking his gun, ammunition, and kettle, he 
started off, firmly convinced that by pressing onwat d without discour- 
agement he should accomplish his object. Day after day he proceeded 
without incident, until at sunset of the eighth day, while preparing to 
encamp for the night by the side of a small stream in a little opening 
in the forest, he noticed, running out from the edge of the prairie, three 
wide and well-trodden paths. Wondering somewhat that they should 
be there, he finished his temporary lodging and, lighting a fire, began 
to prepare his supper. While thus engaged, he observed with astonish- 
ment that the paths became more distinct as the night grew darker. 


664 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eTH. ANN. 14 


Alarmed at the strange appearance, he was about to abandon his 
encampment and seek another at a safer distance, when he remembered 
his dream and the purpose of his journey. It seemed to him that one 
of these roads must lead to the place of which he was in search, and he 
determined, therefore, to remain where he was until morning, and then 
take one of the three and follow it to the end. Accordingly, the next 
morning, after a hasty meal, he left his encampment, and, burning with 
the ardor of discovery, took the widest path, which he followed until 
noon, when he suddenly saw a large fire issuing apparently from the 
earth. His curiosity being aroused, he went toward it, but the fire 
increased to such a degree that he became frightened and turned back. 

He now took the next widest of the three paths, which he followed 
as before until noon, when a similar fire again drove him back and 
compelled him to take the third road, which he kept a whole day with- 
out meeting anything unusual, when suddenly he saw a precipitous 
mountain of dazzling brightness directly in his path. Recovering from 
his wonder, he drew near and examined it, but could see no sign of a 
road to the summit. Hewas about to give way to disappointment, when, 
looking up, he saw seated a short distance up the mountain a woman 
of bright beauty and clad in snow-white garments, who addressed him 
in his own language, telling him that on the summit of the mountain 
was the abode of the Master of Life, whom he had journeyed so far 
to meet. ‘But to reach it,” said she, “you must leave all your cumber- 
some dress and equipments at the foot, then go and wash in the river 
which I show you, and afterward ascend the mountain.” 

He obeyed her instructions, and on asking how he could hope to 
climb the mountain, which was steep and slippery as glass, she replied 
that in order to mount he must use only his left hand and foot. This 
seemed to him almost impossible, but, encouraged by the woman, he 
began to climb, and at length, after much difficulty, reached the top. 
Here the woman suddenly vanished, and he found himself alone with- 
outa guide. On looking about, he saw before him a plain, in the midst 
of which were three villages, with well-built houses disposed in orderly 
arrangement. He bent his steps toward the principal one, but after 
going a short distance he remembered that he was naked, and was 
about to turn back when a voice told him that as he had washed himself 
in the river he might go on without fear. Thus bidden, he advanced 
without hesitation to the gate of the village, where he was admitted 
and saw approaching a handsome man in white garments, who offered 
to lead him into the presence of the Master of Life. Admiring the 
beauty of everything about him, he was then conducted to the Master 
of Life, who took him by the hand and gave him for a seat a hat 
bordered with gold. Afraid of spoiling the hat, he hesitated to sit 
down until again told to do so, when he obeyed, and the Master of 
Life thus addressed him: 

Tam the Master of Life, whom you wish to see and with whom you wish tospeak. 
Listen to what I shall tell you for yourself and for all the Indians. 


MOONEY] VISIT TO THE MASTER OF LIFE 665 


He then commanded him toexhort his people to cease from drunken- 
ness, wars, polygamy, and the medicine song, and continued : 


The land on which you are, I have made for you, not forothers. Wherefore do you 
suffer the whites to dwell upon your lands? Can you not do without them? I know 
that those whom you call the children of your Great Father [the King of France] 
supply your wants; but were you not wicked as you are you would not need them. 
You might live as you did before you knew them. Before those whom you call your 
brothers [the French] had arrived, did not your bow and arrow maintain you? You 
needed neither gun, powder, nor any other object. The flesh of animals was your 
food; their skins your raiment. But when I saw you inclined to evil, I removed the 
animals into the depths of the forest that you might depend on your brothers for 
your necessaries, for your clothing. Again become good and do my will and I will 
send animals for yoursustenance. I donot, however, forbid suffering among you your 
Father's children. I love them; they know me; they pray to me. I supply their 
own wants, and give them that which they bring to you. Not so with those who 
are come to trouble your possessions [the English]. Drive them away; wage war 
against them; I love them not; they know me not; they are my enemies; they are 
your brothers’ enemies, Send them back to the lands I have made for them. Let 
them remain there. (Schoolcraft, Alg. fes., 1.) 


The Master of Life then gave him a prayer, carved in Indian hiero- 
glyphics upon a wooden stick, which he was told to deliver to his chief 
on returning to earth. (Parkman, 2.) His instructor continued : 


Learn it by heart, and teach it to all the Indians and children. It must be repeated 
morning and evening. Do all that I have told thee, and announce it to all the 
Indians as coming from the Master of Life. Let them drink but one draught, or two 
at most, in one day. Let them have but one wife, and discontinue running after 
other people’s wives and daughters. Let them not fight one another. Let them 
not sing the medicine song, for in singing the medicine song they speak to the evil 
spirit. Drive from your lands those dogs in red clothing; they are only an injury to 
you. When you want anything, apply to me, as your brothers do, and I will give to 
both. Do not sell to your brothers that which I have placed on the earth as food. In 
short, become good, and you shall want nothing. When you meet one another, bow 
and give one another the [left] hand of the heart. Above all, I command thee to 
repeat morning and evening the prayer which I have given thee. 


The Indian received the prayer, promising to do as he had been 
commanded and to recommend the same course to others. His former 
conductor then came and, leading him to the foot of the mountain, bid 
him resume his garments and go back to his village. His return 
excited much surprise among his friends, who had supposed him lost. 
They asked him where he had been, but as he had been commanded 
to speak to no one until he had seen the chief, he motioned with his 
hand to signify that he had come from above. On entering the village 
he went at once to the wigwam of the chief, to whom he delivered the 
prayer and the message which he had received from the Master of Life. 
(Schoolcraft, Alg. Res., 2.) 

Although the story as here given bears plain impress of the white 
man’s ideas, it is essentially aboriginal. While the discrimination 
expressed by the Master of Life in favor of the French and against 
the English may have been due to the fact that the author of the 


666 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. Ld 


manuscript was a Frenchman, it is more probable that we have here 
set forth only the well-known preference of the wild tribes. ‘The 
occupancy of a region by the English always meant the speedy expul- 
sion of the natives. The French, on the contrary, lived side by side 
with the red men, joining in their dances and simple amusements, and 
entering with fullest sympathy into their wild life, so that they were 
regarded rather as brethren of an allied tribe than as intruders of an 
alien race. This feeling is well indicated in the prophet’s narrative, 
where the Indians, while urged to discard everything that they have 
adopted from the whites, are yet to allow the French to remain among 
them, though exhorted to relentless war on the English. The differ- 
ence received tragic exemplification at Michilimackinae a year later, 
when a handful of French traders looked on unarmed and unhurt 
while a crew of maddened savages were butchering, scalping, and 
drinking the blood of British soldiers. The introduction of the trivial 
incident of the hat is characteristically Indian, and the confounding 
of dreams and visions with actual happenings is a frequent result of 
mental exaltation of common occurrence in the history of religious 
enthusiasts. The Delaware prophet regards the whole experience as 
an actual fact instead of a distempered vision induced by long fasts 
and vigils, and the hieroglyphic prayer—undoubtedly graven by him- 
self while under the ecstasy—is to him areal gift from heaven. The 
whole story is a striking parallel of the miraculous experiences 
recounted by the modern apostles of the Ghost dance. The prayer-stick 
also and the heavenly map, later described and illustrated, reappear in 
the account of Kinakutk, the Kickapoo prophet, seventy years after- 
ward, showing in a striking manner the continuity of aboriginal ideas 
and methods. 

The celebrated missionary, Heckewelder, who spent fifty years 
among the Delawares, was personally acquainted with this prophet 
and gives a detailed account of his teachings and of his symbolic 
parchinents. He says: 

In the year 1762 there was a ramous preacher of the Delaware nation, who resided 
at Cayahaga, near Lake Erie, and travelled about the country, among the Indians, 
endeavouring to persuade them that he had been appointed by the Great Spirit to 
instruct them in those things that were agreeable to him, and point out to them the 
offences by which they had drawn his displeasure on themselves, and the means by 
which they might recover his favour for the future. He had drawn, as he pretended, 
by the direction of the Great Spirit, a kind of map on a piece of deerskin, some- 
what dressed like parchment, which he called ‘‘the great Book or Writing.” This, 
he said, he had heen ordered to shew to the Indians, that they might see the 
situation in which the Mannitto had originally placed them, the misery which they 
had brought upon themselves by neglecting their duty, and the only way that was 
now left them to regain what they had lost. This map he held before him while 
preaching, frequently pointing to particular marks and spots upon it, and giving 
explanations as he went along. 

The size of this map was about fifteen inches square, or, perhaps, something more, 
An inside square was formed by lines drawn within it, of about eight inches each 
way; two of these lines, however, were not closed by about half an inch at the corners. 


MOONEY] HECKEWELDER ON THE PROPHET 667 


Across these inside lines, others of about an inch in length were arawn with sundry 
other lines and marks, all which was intended to represent a strong inaccessible 
barrier, to prevent those without from entering the space within, otherwise than at 
the place appointed for that purpose. When the map was held as he directed, the 
corners which were not closed lay at the left-hand side, directly opposite to each 
other, the one being at the southeast by south, and the nearest at the northeast by 
north. Inexplaining or describing the particular points on this map, with his fingers 
always pointing to the place he was describing, he called the space within the inside 
lines ‘‘the heavenly regions,” or the place destined by the Great Spirit for the habita- 
tion of the Indians in future life. The space left open at the southeast corner he 
called the ‘‘avenue,” which had been intended for the Indians to enter into this 
heaven, but which was now in the possession of the white people; wherefore the 
Great Spirit had since caused another ‘‘avenue” to be made on the opposite side, at 
which, however, it was both difficult and dangerous for them to enter, there being 
many impediments in their way, besides a large ditch leading to a gulf below, over 
which they had to leap; but the evil spirit kept at this very spot a continual watch 
for Indians, and whoever he laid hold of never could get away from him again, but 
was carried to his regions, where there was nothing but extreme poverty; where the 
ground was parched up by the heat for want of rain, no fruit came to perfection, 
the game was almost starved for want of pasture, and where the evil spirit, at his 
pleasure, transformed men into horses and dogs, to be ridden by him and follow him 
in his hunts and wherever he went. 

The space on the outside of this interior square was intended to represent the 
country given to the Indians to hunt, fish, and dwell in while in this world; the 
east side of it was called the ocean or ‘ great salt-water lake.” Then the preacher, 
drawing the attention of his hearers particularly to the southeast avenue, would say 
to them, ‘‘Look here! See what we have lost by neglect and disobedience; by 
being remiss in the expression of our gratitude to the Great Spirit for what he has 
bestowed upon us; by neglecting to make to him sufficient sacrifices; by looking 
upon a people of a different colour from our own, who had come across a great lake, 
as if they were a part of ourselves; by suffering them to sit down by our side, and 
looking at them with indifference, while they were not only taking our country from 
us, but this (pointing to the spot), this, our own avenue, leading into those beautiful 
regions which were destined for us. Such is the sad condition to which we are 
reduced. What is now to be done, and what remedy is to be applied? I will tell 
you, my friends. Hear what the Great Spirit has ordered me to tell you! You are 
to make sacrifices, in the manner that I shall direct; to put off entirely from your- 
selves the customs which you have adopted since the white people came among us. 
You are to return to that former happy state, in which we lived in peace and plenty, 
before these strangers came to disturb us; and, above all, you must abstain from 
drinking their deadly beson, which they have forced upon us, for the sake of increas- 
ing their gains and diminishing our numbers. Then will the Great Spirit give 
success to our arms; then he will give us strength to conquer our enemies, to drive 
them from hence, and recover the passage to the heavenly regions which they have 
taken from us.” 

Such was in general the substance of his discourses. After having dilated more 
or less on the various topics which I have mentioned, he commonly concluded in 
this manner: ‘‘And now, my friends, in order that what I have told you may remain 
firmly impressed on your minds, and to refresh your memories from time to time, I 
advise you to preserve, in every family at least, such a book or writing as this, which 
I will finish off for you, provided you bring me the price, which is only one buck- 
skin or two doeskins apiece.” ‘The price was of course bought (sic), and the book 
purchased. Jn some of those maps, the figure of a deer or turkey, or both, was 
placed in the heavenly regions, and also in the dreary region of the evil spirit. The 
former, however, appeared fat and plump, while the latter seemed to have nothing 
but skin and bones. ( Heckewelder, 1.) 


668 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH, ANN. 14 


From the narrative of John McCullough, who had been taken by the 
Indians when a child of 8 years, and lived for some years as an adopted 
son in a Delaware family in northeastern Ohio, we gather some addi- 
tional particulars concerning this prophet, whose name seems to be lost 
to history. McCullough himself, who was then but a boy, never met 
the prophet, but obtained his information from others who had, espe- 
cially from his Indian brother, who went to Tuscarawas (or Tuscalaways) 
to see and hear the new apostle on his first appearance. 


It was said by those who went to see him that he had certain hieroglyphics marked 
on a piece of parchment, denoting the probation that human beings were subjected 
to whilst they were living on earth, and also denoting something of a future state. 
They informed me that he was almost constantly erying whilst he was exhorting 
them. I saw a copy of his hieroglyphiecs, as numbers of them had got them copied 
and undertook to preach or instruct others. The first or principal doctrine they 
taught them was to purify themselves from sin, which they taught they could do by 
the use of emetics and abstinence from carnal knowledge of the different sexes; to 
quit the use of firearms, and to live entirely in the original state that they were in 
before the white people found out their country. Nay, they taught that that fire 
was not pure that was made by steel and flint, but that they shorld make it by 
rubbing two sticks together. . . . It was said that their prophet taught them, 
or made them believe, that he had his instructions immediately from Meesh-she-la- 
mil-lang-up, or @ being that thought us into being, and that by following his instrue- 
tions they would, in a few years, be able to drive the white people out of their 
country. 

I knew a company of them who had secluded themselves for the purpose of purify- 
ing from sin, as they thought they could do. I believe they made no use of firearms. 
They had been out more than two years before I left them. . . . It was said that 
they made use of no other weapons than their bows and arrows. ‘They also taught, 
in shaking hands, to give the left hand in token of friendship, as it denoted that 
they gave the heart along with the hand. (Prit/s, 7.) 


The religious ferment produced by the exhortations of the Delaware 
prophet spread rapidly from tribe to tribe, until, under the guidance of 
the master mind of the celebrated chief, Pontiac, it took shape in a 
grand confederacy of all the northwestern tribes to oppose the further 
progress of the English. The coast lands were lost to the Indians. The 
Ohio and the lakes were still theirs, and the Alleghanies marked a nat- 
ural boundary between the two sections. Behind this mountain barrier 
Pontiac determined to make his stand. Though the prospect of a res- 
toration of the French power might enable him to rally a following, he 
himself knew he could expect no aid from the French, for their armies 
had been defeated and their garrisons were already withdrawn; but, 
relying on the patriotism of his own red warriors, when told that the 
English were on their way to take possession of the abandoned posts, 
he sent back the haughty challenge, “I stand in the path.” 

To Pontiac must be ascribed the highest position among the leaders 
of the Algonquian race. Born the son of a chief, he became in turn the 
chief of his own people, the Ottawa, whom it is said he commanded on 
the occasion of Braddock’s defeat. lor this or other services in behalf 
of the French he had received marks of distinguished consideration from 


MOONEY] PONTIAC’S PLAN OF CONFEDERATION 669 


Montealm himself. By reason of his natural ability, his influence was 
felt and respected wherever the name of his tribe was spoken, while to 
his dignity as chief he added the sacred character of high priest of the 
powerful secret order of the Midé, (Parkman, 3.) Now, in the prime 
of manhood, he originated and formulated the policy of a confederation 
of all the tribes, an idea afterward taken up and carried almost toa 
suecessful accomplishment by the great Tecumtha. As principal chief 
of the lake tribes, he summoned them to the great council near Detroit, 
in April, 1763, and, as high priest and keeper of the faith, he there 
announeed to them the will of the Master of Life, as revealed to the 
Delaware prophet, and called on them to unite for the recovery of 
their ancient territories and the preservation of their national life. 
Under the spell of his burning words the chiefs listened as to an oracle, 
and cried out that he had only to declare his will to be obeyed. 
(Parkman, 4.) His project being unanimously approved, runners were 
sent out to secure the cooperation of the more remote nations, and in a 
short time the confederation embraced every important tribe of Algon- 
quian lineage, together with the Wyandot, Seneca, Winnebago, and 
some of those to the southward. (Parkman, 5.) 

Only the genius of a Pontiac could have molded into a working unit 
such an aggregation of diverse elements of savagery. His executive 
ability is sufficiently proven by his creation of a regular commissary 
department based on promissory notes—hieroglyphics graven on birch- 
bark and signed with the otter, the totem of his tribe; his diplomatic 
bent appeared in his employment of two secretaries to attend to this 
unique correspondence, each of whom he managed to keep in ignorance 
of the business transacted by the other (Parkman, 6); while his military 
capacity was soon to be evinced in the carefully laid plan which enabled 
his warriors to strike simultaneously a crushing blow at every British 
post scattered throughout the 500 miles of wilderness from Pittsburg 
to the straits of Mackinaw. 

The history of this war, so eloquently told by Parkman, reads like 
some old knightly romance. The warning of the Indian girl; the con- 
certed attack on the garrisons; the ball play at Mackinac on the king’s 
birthday, and the massacre that followed; the siege of Fort Pitt and 
the heroic defense of Detroit; the bloody battle of Bushy run, where 
the painted savage recoiled before the kilted Highlander, as brave and 
almost as wild; Bouquet’s march into the forests of the Ohio, and the 
submission of the vanquished tribes—all these things must be passed 
over here. They have already been told by a master of language. 
But the contest of savagery against civilization has but one ending, and 
the scene closes with the death of Pontiac, a broken-spirited wanderer, 
cut down at last by a hired assassin of his own race, for whose crime 
the blood of whole tribes was poured out in atonement. (Parkman, 7.) 


CHAPTER III 
TENSKWATAWA THE SHAWANO PROPHET 


I told all the redskins that the way they were in was not good, and that they 
ought to abandon it.—7enskwatawa. 


A very shrewd and influential man, but circumstances have destroyed him.— 
Catlin. 

Forty years had passed away and changes had come to the western 
territory. The cross of Saint George, erected in the place of the lilies 
of France, had been supplanted by the flag of the young republic, 
which in one generation had extended its sway from the lakes to the 


Fic. 56—Tenskwatawa the Shawano prophet, 1808 and 1831, 


gulf and from the Atlantic to the Rocky mountains. By treaties made 
in 1768 with the Iroquois and Cherokee, the two leading Indian con- 
federacies in the east, the Ohio and the Kanawha had been fixed as the 
boundary between the two races, the Indians renouncing forever their 
claims to the seaboard, the Delaware, and the Susquehanna, while they 
were confirmed in their possession of the Alleghany, the Ohio, and the 
great northwest. But the restless borderer would not be limited, and 
encroachments on the native domain were constantly being made, 
resulting in a chronic warfare which kept alive the spirit of resentment. 
The consequence was that in the final struggle of the Revolution the 
670 


EXPLANATION OF FIGURE 56 


The first portrait is taken from one given in Lossing’s American Revolution and 
War of 1812. 116 (1875), page 189, and thus deseribed: ‘The portrait of the Prophet 
is from a pencil sketch made by Pierre Le Dru, a young French trader, at Vincennes, 
in 1808. He made a sketch of Tecumtha at about the same time, both of which 
I found in possession of his son at Quebee in 1848, and by whom I was kindly per- 
mitted to copy them.” The other is a copy of the picture painted by Catlin in 1831, 
after the tribe had removed to Kansas. The artist describes him as blind in his 
left (2) eye, and painted him holding his medicine fire in his right hand and his 
sacred string of beans in the other. 


MOONEY] THE TREATY OF GREENVILLE 671 


Indian tribes ranged themselves on the British side. When the war 
ended and a treaty of peace was made between the new government 
and the old, no provision was made for the red allies of the king, and 
they were left to continue the struggle single-handed. The Indians 
claimed the Ohio country as theirs by virtue of the most solemn trea- 
ties, but pioneers had already occupied western Pennsylvania, western 
Virginia, and Kentucky, and were listening with eager attention to the 
reports brought back by adventurous hunters from the fertile lands of 
the Muskingum and the Scioto. They refused to be bound by the trea- 


ties of a government they had repudiated, and the tiibes of the north- 
west were obliged to fight to defend their territories. Under the able 


xCE WA GTON 
PRESIDENT 1705 4 


Fic. 57—Greenville treaty medal, obverse and reverse. 


leadership of Little Turtle they twice rolled back the tide of white 
invasion, defeating two of the finest armies ever sent into the western 
country, until, worn out by twenty years of unceasing warfare, and 
crushed and broken by the decisive victory of Wayne at the Fallen 
Timbers, their villages in ashes and their cornfields cut down, the 
dispirited chiefs met their conqueror at Greenville in 1795 and signed 
away the rights for which they had so long contended. 

By this treaty, which marks the beginning of the end with the east- 
ern tribes, the Indians renounced their claims to all territory east of a 
line running in a general way from the mouth of the Cuyahoga on Lake 
Erie to the mouth of the Kentucky on the Ohio, leaving to the whites 
the better portion of Ohio valley, including their favorite hunting 


14 ETH—PT 2 3 


oP) 


672 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


ground of Kentucky. The Delaware, the Wyandot, and the Shawano, 
three of the leading tribes, were almost completely shorn of their ancient 
inheritance and driven back as refugees among the Miami. 

The Canadian boundary had been established along the lakes; the 
Ohio was lost to the Indians; for them there was left only extermina- 
tion or removal to the west. Their bravest warriors were slain. Their 
ablest chieftain, who had led them to victory against St Clair, had 
bowed to the inevitable, and was now regarded as one with a white 
man’s heart and a traitor to his race. A brooding dissatisfaction set- 
tled down on the tribes. Who shall deliver them from the desolation 
that has come on them? 

Now arose among the Shawano another prophet to point out to his 
people the “open door” leading to happiness. In November, 1805, a 
young man named Laulewasikaw (Lalawe’thika, a rattle or similar instru- 
ment—Gatschet), then hardly more than 30 years of age, called around 
him his tribesmen and their allies at their ancient capital of Wapa- 
koneta, within the present limits of Ohio, and there announced himself 
as the bearer of a new revelation from the Master of Life, who had 
taken pity on his red children and wished to save them from the 
threatened destruction. He declared that he had been taken up to the 
spirit world and had been permitted to lift the veil of the past and the 
future—had seen the misery of evil doers and learned the happiness 
that awaited those who followed the precepts of the Indian god. He 
then began an earnest exhortation, denouncing the witchcraft practices 
and medicine juggleries of the tribe, and solemnly warning his hearers 
that none who had part in such things would ever taste of the future 
happiness. The firewater of the whites was poison and accursed; and 
those who continued its use would after death be tormented with all 
the pains of fire, while flames would continually issue from their mouths, 
This idea may have been derived from some white man’s teaching or 
from the Indian practice of torture by fire. The young must cherish 
and respect the aged and infirm. All property must be in common, 
according to the ancient law of their ancestors. Indian women must 
cease to intermarry with white men; the two races were distinct and 
must remain so. The white man’s dress, with his tlint-and-steel, must 
be discarded for the old time buckskin and the firestick. More than 
this, every tool and every custom derived from the whites must be put 
away, and they must return to the methods which the Master of Life 
had taught them. When they should do alt this, he promised that they 
would again be taken into the divine favor, and find the happiness 
which their fathers had known before the coming of the whites. Finally, 
in proof of his divine mission, he announced that he had received power 
to cure all diseases and to arrest the hand of death in sickness or on 
the battlefield. (Drake, Tecumseh, 1. To avoid repetition, it may be 
stated that, except when otherwise noted, the principal facts concern- 
ing Tecumtha and the prophet are taken from Drake’s work, the most 


MOONEY] THE PROPHET’S TRANCE 673 


valuable published on the subject. The prophet and his doctrines are 
also spoken of at some length by Tanner, Kendall, Warren, and Catlin, 
as hereafter quoted, while the history of Tecumtha is a part of the his- 
tory of Ohio valley, to be found in any work treating of that section 
and period ) 

In an account quoted by Drake, probably from an English writer, it 
is stated that the prophet was noted for his stupidity and intoxication 
until his fiftieth (?) year, when one day, while lighting his pipe in his 
‘abin, he suddenly fell back apparently lifeless and remained in that 
condition until his friends had assembled for the funeral, when he 
revived from his trance, and after quieting their alarm, announced that 
he had been to the spirit world and commanded them to call the people 
together that he might tell them what he had seen. When they had 
assembled, he declared that he had been conducted to the border of the 
spirit world by two young men, who had permitted him to look in upon 
its pleasures, but not to enter, and who, after charging him with the 
message to his people already noted, had left him, promising to visit 
him again at a future time. (Drake, Ab. Races, 1.) 

Although the language of this account is somewhat overdrawn, the 
main statements are probably correct, as it is in complete accordance 
with the Indian system by which all truth has been revealed in dreams 
and trances from the first dawn of tradition down to Smohalla and the 
messiah of the Ghost dance. 

His words aroused an intense excitement among his hearers, and the 
impression deepened as the tidings of the new gospel were carried from 
camp to camp. Those who were addicted to drunkenness—the beset- 
ting sin of the Indians since their acquaintance with the whites—were 
so thoroughly alarmed at the prospect of a fiery punishment in the spirit 
world that for a long time intoxication became practically unknown 
among the western tribes. Their zeal led also to the inauguration of a 
crusade against all who were suspected of dealing in witcheraft or 
magic arts; but here the prophet took advantage of this feeling to 
effectually rid himself of all who opposed his sacred claims. It was 
only necessary for him to denounce such a person as a witch to have 
him pay the forfeit with reputation, if not with life. 

Among the first of his victims were several Delawares— Tatepocoshe (more gener- 
ally known as Teteboxti), Patterson, his nephew, Coltos, an old woman, and an aged 
man called Joshua. These were successively marked by the prophet, and doomed 
to be burnt alive. The tragedy was commenced with the old woman. The Indians 
roasted her slowly over a fire for four days, calling upon her frequently to deliver 
up her charm and medicine bag. Just as she was dying, she exclaimed that her 
grandson, who was then out hunting, had it in his possession. Messengers were 
sent in pursuit of him, and when found he was tied and brought into camp. He 
acknowledged that on one occasion he had borrowed the charm of his grandmother, 
by means of which he had flown through the air over Kentucky, to the banks of the 
Mississippi, and back again, between twilight and bedtime; but he insisted that he 


had returned the charm to its owner, and, after some consuitation, he was set at 
liberty. The following day a council was held over the case of the venerable chief 


674 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH ANN. 14 


Tatepocoshe, he being present. His death was decided upon after full deliberation ; 
and, arrayed in his finest apparel, he calmly assisted in building his own funeral 
pile, fully aware that there was no escape from the judgment that had been passed 
upon him. The respect due to his whitened locks induced his executioners to treat 
him with merey. He was deliberately tomahawked by a young man, and his body 
was then placed upon the blazing fagots and consumed. The next day the old 
preacher Joshua met a similar fate. The wife of Tatepocoshe and his nephew 
Billy Patterson were then brought into the council house and seated side by side. 
The latter had Jed an irreproachable life, and died like a Christian, singing and pray- 
ing amid the flames which destroyed his body. While preparations were making 
for the immolation of Tatecoposhe’s wife, her brother, a youth of 20 years of age, 
suddenly started up, took her by the hand, and, to the amazement of the coune!], led 
her out of the house. He soon returned, and exclaiming, ‘‘ The devil has come among 
us (alluding to the prophet), and we are killing each other,” he reseated himself in 
the midst of the crowd. This bold step checked the wild frenzy of the Indians, put 
an end to these cruel scenes, and for a time greatly impaired the impostor’s influence 
among the Delawares. (Drake, Tecumseh, 2.) 

The prophet now changed his name to Tenskwatawa, ‘The Open 
Door” (from skwa’te, a door, and the/nuwi, to be open; frequently spelled 
Klskwatawa), significant of the new mode of life which he had come to 
point out to his people, and fixed his headquarters at Greenville, Ohio, 
where representatives from the various scattered tribes of the northwest 
gathered about him to learn the new doctrines. Some, especially the 
Kickapoo, entered fervently into his spirit, while others were disposed 
to oppose him. The Miami, who regarded the Shawano as intruders, 
were jealous of his influence, and the chiefs of his own tribe were 
somewhat inclined to consider him in the light of a rival. To estab- 
lish his sacred character and to dispel the doubts of the unbelievers, he 
coutinued to dream dreams and announce wonderful revelations from 
time to time, when an event oceurred which effectually silenced opposi- 
tion and stamped him as one inspired. 

By some means he had learned that an eclipse of the sun was to 
take place in the summer of 1806, As the time drew near, he called 
about him the scoffers and boldly announced that on a certain day he 
would prove to them his supernatural authority by causing the sun to 
become dark. When the day and hour arrived and the earth at mid- 
day was enveloped in the gloom of twilight, Tenskwatawa, standing in 
the midst of the terrified Indians, pointed to the sky and eried, “ Did 
I not speak truth? See, the sun is dark!” There were no more 
doubters now. All proclaimed him a true prophet and the messenger 
of the Master of Life. His fame spread abroad and apostles began to 
carry his revelations to the remotest tribes. 

We get but fragmentary light in regard to the details of the doctrine 
and ceremonies of this religious revival, as well as of that which pre- 
ceded it. There were then no railroads, no newspaper correspondents 
to gather each day’s proceedings, and no telegraph to flash the news 
across the continent before nightfall; no reservation system, with its 
attendant army of employees, everyone a spy when an emergency 
arose; and no investigators to go among the tribes and study the 


MOONEY] DISSEMINATION OF THE DOCTRINE 675 


matter from an ethnologic point of view. Our information is derived 
chiefly from military officers, who knew these things only as vague 
rumors of Indian unrest fomented by British agents; from the state- 
ments of a few illiterate interpreters or captives among the savages, 
and from the misty recollections of old men long after the excitement 
had passed away. Of the dances which are a part of every important 
Indian ceremony, the songs which they chanted, the peculiar dress or 
adornments which probably distinguished the believers—of all these 
we know nothing; but we may well surmise that the whole elaborate 
system of Indian mythology and ceremonial was brought into play to 
give weight to the words of the prophet, and enough is known to show 
that in its leading features the movement closely resembled the modern 
Ghost dance. 

It is impossible to know how far the prophet was responsible for the 
final shaping of the doctrine. Like all such movements, it undoubtedly 
grew and took more definite form under the hands of the apostles who 
went out from the presence of its originator to preach to the various 
tribes. A religion which found adherents alike in the everglades of 
Florida and on the plains of the Saskatchewan must necessarily have 
undergone local modifications. From a comparison of the various 
accounts we can arrive at a general statement of the belief. 

The prophet was held to be an incarnation of Manabozho, the great 
‘first doer” of the Algonquian system. His words were believed to be 
the direct utterances of a deity. Manabozho had taught his people 
certain modes of living best suited to their condition and capacity. A 
new race had come upon them, and the Indians had thrown aside their 
primitive purity of life and adopted the innovations of the whites, which 
had now brought them to degradation and misery and threatened them 
with swift and entire destruction. To punish them for their disobe- 
dience and bring them to a sense of their duty, Manabozho had called 
the game from the forests and shut it up under the earth, so that the 
tribes were now on the verge of starvation and obliged to eat the flesh 
of filthy hogs. They had also lost their old love for one another and 
become addicted to the secret practices of the poisoner and the wizard, 
together with the abominable ceremonies of the calumet dance. They 
must now put aside all these things, throw away the weapons and the 
dress of the white man, pluck out their hair as in ancient times, wear 
the eagle feather on their heads, and clothe themselves again with the 
breecheloth and the skins of animals slain with the bows and arrows 
which Manabozho had giventhem. (Kendall, 1.) They must have done 
with the white man’s flint-and-steel, and cook their food over a fire 
made by rubbing together two sticks, and this fire must always be kept 
burning in their lodges, as it was a symbol of the eternal life, and their 
care for it was an evidence of their heed to the divine commands. The 
firewater must forever be put away, together with the medicine bags 
and poisons and the wicked juggleries which had corrupted the ancient 


676 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 


purity of the Midé rites. Instead of these the prophet gave them new 
songs and new medicines. Their women must cease from any connec- 
tion with white men. They were to love one another and make an end 
of their constant wars, to be kind to their children, to keep but one dog 
in a family, and to abstain from lying and stealing. If they would listen 
to his voice and follow his instructions, the incarnate Manabozho prom- 
ised that at the end of four years (i. e., in 1811) he would bring on two 
days of darkness, during which he would travel invisibly throughout 
the land, and cause the animals which he had created to come forth 
again out of the earth. (Hendall, 2.) They were also promised that 
their dead friends would be restored to them. 

The ideas as to the catastrophe that was to usher in the new era seem 
to have varied according to the interpreter of the belief. Among the 
Ottawa, and perhaps among the lake tribes generally, there was to be 
a period of darkness, as already stated. Among the Cherokee, and 
probably also among the Creek, it was believed that there would be a 
terrible hailstorm, which would overwhelm with destruction both the 
whites and the unbelievers of the red race, while the elect would be 

varned in time to save themselves by fleeing to the high mountain tops. 
The idea of any hostile combination against the white race seems to 
have been no part of the doctrine. In the north, however, there is 
always a plain discrimination against the Americans. The Great Father, 
through his prophet, is represented as declaring himself to be the com- 
mon parent alike of Indians, English, French, and Spaniards; while the 
Americans, on the contrary, ‘‘are not ny children, but the children of 
the evil spirit. They grew from the scum of the great water, when it 
was troubled by an evil spirit and the froth was driven into the woods 
by a strong east wind. They are numerous, but I hate them. They 
are unjust; they have taken away your lands, which were not made for 
them.” (MHendall, 3.) 

From the venerable James Wafford, of the Cherokee nation, the 
author in 1891 obtained some interesting details in regard to the excite- 
nent among the Cherokee. According to his statement, the doctrine 
first came to them through the Creek about 1812 or 1813. It was prob- 
ably given to the Creek by Tecumtha and his party on their visit to that 
tribe in the fall of 1811, as will be related hereafter. The Creek were 
taught by their prophets that the old Indian life was soon to return, 
when “instead of beef and bacon they would have venison, and instead 
of chickens they would have turkeys.” Great sacred dances were 
inaugurated, and the people were exhorted to be rez idy for what was to 
come, From the south the movement spread to the Cherokee, and one 
of their priests, living in what is now upper Georgia, began to preach 
that on a day near at hand there would be a terrible storm, with a 
mighty wind and hailstones as large as hominy mortars, which would 
destroy from the face of the earth all but the true believers who had 
previously taken refuge on the highest summits of the Great Smoky 


MOONEY] THE EXCITEMENT AMONG THE CHEROKEE 677 


mountains. Full of this belief, numbers of the tribe in Alabama and 
Georgia abandoned their bees, their orchards, their slaves, and every- 
thing else that might have come to them through the white man, and, 
in spite of the entreaties and remonstrances of friends who put no 
faith in the prediction, took up their toilsome march for the mountains 
of Carolina. Wafford, who was then about 10 years of age, lived with 
his mother and stepfather on Valley river, and vividly remembers 
the troops of pilgrims, with their packs on their backs, fleeimg from 
the lower country to escape from the wrath to come. Many of them 
stopped at the house of his stepfather, who, being a white man, was 
somewhat better prepared than his neighbors to entertain travelers, 
and who took the opportunity to endeavor to persuade them to turn 
back, telling them that their hopes and fears alike were groundless. 
Some listened to him and returned to their homes, but others went on 
and climbed the mountain, where they waited until the appointed day 
arrived, only to find themselves disappointed. Slowly and sadly then 
they took up their packs once more and turned their faces homeward, 
dreading the ridicule they were sure to meet there, but yet believing 
in their hearts that the glorious coming was only postponed for a time. 
This excitement among the Cherokee is noted at some length in the 
Cherokee Advocate of November 16, 1844, published at Tahlequah, 
Cherokee Nation. Among the Creek the excitement, intensified by 
reports of the struggle now going on in the north, and fostered and 
encouraged by the emissaries of Spain and England, grew and spread 
until it culminated in the summer of 1815 in the terrible Creek war. 

Enough is known of the ceremonial of this religion to show that it 
must have had an elaborate ritual. We learn from Warren that the 
adherents of the prophet were accustomed to perform certain cere- 
monies in solemn councils, and that, after he had prohibited the corrupt 
secret rites, he introduced instead new medicines and songs, and that 
at the ancient capital of the Ojibwa on Lake Superior the Indians col- 
lected in great numbers and performed these dances and ceremonies 
day and night. (Warren, 1.) They were also instructed to dance 
naked, with their bodies painted and with the warclub in their hands. 
(Kendall, 4.) The solemn rite of confirmation, known as ‘shaking 
hands with the prophet,” was particularly impressive. From the nar- 
rative of John Tanner, a white man captured when a child from his 
home in Kentucky and brought up among the wild Ojibwa, we get the 
best contemporary account of the advent of the new doctrine in the 
north and its effect on the lake tribes. He says: 

It was while I was living here at Great Wood river that news came of a great man 
among the Shawneese, who had been favoured by a revelation of the mind and will 
of the Great Spirit. Iwas hunting in the prairie, at a great distance from my lodge, 
when I saw astranger approaching. At first I was apprehensive of an enemy, but 
as he drew nearer, his dress showed him to be an Ojibbeway; but when he came up, 


there was something very strange and peculiar in his manner. He signified to me 
that I must go home, but gave no explanation of the cause. He refused to look at 


678 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


me or enter into any kind of conversation. I thought he must be crazy, but never- 
theless accompanied him to my lodge. When we had smoked, he remained a long 
time silent, but at last began to tell me he had come with a message from the 
prophet of the Shawneese. ‘‘ Henceforth,” said he, ‘‘ the fire must neyer be suffered 
to go out in your lodge. Summer and winter, day and night, in the storm, or when it 
is calm, you must remember that the life in your body and the fire in your lodge are 
the same and of the same date. If you suffer your fire to be extinguished, at that 
moment your life will be at its end. You must not suffer a dog to live; you must 
never strike either a man, a woman, a child, or a dog. The prophet himself is com- 
ing to shake hands with you; but I have come before, that you may know what is 
the will of the Great Spirit, communicated to us by him, and to inform you that the 
preservation of your life, for a single moment, depends on your entire obedience, 
From this time forward we are neither to be drunk, to steal, to lie, or to go against 
our enemies. While we yield an entire obedience to these commands of the Great 
Spirit, the Sioux, even if they come to our country, will not be able to see us; we 
shall be protected and made happy.” I listened to all he had to say, but told him, 
in answer, that I could not believe we should all die in case our fire went out; in 
many instances, also, it would be difficult to avoid punishing our children; our dogs 
were useful in aiding us to hunt and take animals, so that I could not believe the 
Great Spirit had any wish to take them from us. Ile continued talking to us until 
late at night; then he lay down to sleep in my lodge. I happened to wake first in 
the morning, and, perceiving the fire had gone out, I called him to get up and see 
how many of us were living and how many dead. He was prepared for the ridicule 
I attempted to throw upon his doctrine, and told me that I had not yet shaken 
hands with the prophet. His visit had been to prepare me for this important event, 
and to make me aware of the obligations and risks I should incur, by entering into 
the engagement implied in taking in my hand the message of the prophet. I did 
not rest entirely easy in my unbelief. The Indians, generally, received the doctrine 
of this man with great humility and fear, Distress and anxiety was visible in every 
countenance. Many killed their dogs, and endeavored to practice obedience to all 
the commands of this new preacher, who still remained among us. But, as was 
usual with me, in any emergency of this kind, I went to the traders, firmly believing 
that if the Deity had any communications to make to men, they would be given, in 
the first instance, to white men. The traders ridiculed and despised the idea of a 
new revelation of the Divine will, and the thought that it should be given to a poor 
Shawnee. Thus was I confirmed in my infidelity. Nevertheless, I did not openly 
ayow my unbelief to the Indians, only I refused to kill my dogs, and showed no 
great degree of anxiety to comply with his other requirements. As long as I 
remained among the Indians, I made it my business to conform, as far as appeared 
consistent with my immediate convenience and comfort, with all their customs. 
Many of their ideas I have adopted, but I always found among them opinions which 
I could not hold. The Ojibbeway whom I have mentioned remained some time 
among the Indians in my neighborhood, and gained the attention of the principal 
men so effectually that a time was appointed and a lodge prepared for the solemn 
and public espousing of the doctrines of the prophet. When the people, and I 
among them, were brought into the long lodge, prepared for this solemnity, we saw 
something carefully concealed under a blanket, in figure and dimensions bearing 
some resemblance to the form of aman. This was accompanied by two young men, 
who, it was understood, attended constantly upon it, made its bed at night, as for 
aman, and slept near it. But while we remained ne one went near it or raised the 
blanket which was spread over its unknown contents. Four strings of mouldy and 
discoloured beans were all the remaining visible insignia of this important mission, 
After a long harangue, in which the prominent features of the new revelation were 
stated and urged upon the attention of all, the four strings of beans, which we were 
told were made of the flesh itself of the prophet, were carried with much solemnity 
to each man in the lodge, and he was expected to take hold of each string at the 
top, and draw them gently through his hand. This was called shaking hands with 


MOONEY] THE DOCTRINE IN THE NORTH 679 


the prophet, and was considered as solemnly engaging to obey his injunctions, and 
accept his mission as from the Supreme. A1l the Indians who touched the beans had 
previously killed their dogs; they gave up their medicine bags, and showed a 
disposition to comply with all that should be required of them. 

We had now been for some time assembled in considerable numbers. Much agita- 
tion and terror had prevailed among us, and now famine began to be felt. The faces 
of men wore an aspect of unusual gloominess; the active became indolent, and the 
spirits of the bravest seemed to be subdued. I started to hunt with my dogs, which 
I had constantly refused to kill or suffer to be killed. By their assistance, I found 
and killed a bear. On returning home, I said to some of the Indians, ‘‘ Has not the 
Great Spirit given us our dogs to aid us in procuring what is needful for the support 
of our life, and can you believe he wishes now to deprive us of their services? The 
prophet, we are told, has forbid us to suffer our fire to be extinguished in our lodges, 
and when we travel or hunt, he will not allow us to use a flint and steel, and we are 
told he requires that no man should give fire to another. Can it please the Great 
Spirit that we should lie in our hunting camps without fire, or is if more agreeable to 
him that we should make fire by rubbing together two sticks than with a flint anda 
piece of steel?” But they would not listen to me; and the serious enthusiasm which 
prevailed among them so far affected me that I threw away my flint and steel, laid 
aside my medicine bag, and, in many particulars, complied with the new doctrines; 
but I would not kill my dogs. I soon learned to kindle a fire by rubbing some dry 
cedar. which I was careful to carry always about me, but the discontinuance of the 
use of flint and steel subjected many of the Indians to much inconvenience and 
suffering. The influence of the Shawnee prophet was very sensibly and painfully 
felt by the remotest Ojibbeways of whom I had any knowledge, but it was not the 
common impression among them that his doctrines had any tendency to unite them 
in the accomplishment of any human-purpose. For two or three years drunkenness 
was much less frequent than formerly, war was less thought of, and the entire aspect 
of affairs among them was somewhat changed by the influence of one man. But 
gradually the impression was obliterated; medicine bags, flints, and steels were 
resumed; dogs were raised, women and children were beaten as before, and the 
Shawnee prophet was despised. At this day he is looked upon by the Indians as an 
impostor anda bad man. (Tanner, 1.) 


Tanner’s account is confirmed by Warren, from the statements of old 
men among the Ojibwa who had taken part in the revival. According 
to their story the ambassadors of the new revelation appeared at the 
different villages, acting strangely and with their faces painted black — 
perhaps to signify their character as messengers from the world of 
shades. They told the people that they must light a fire with two dry 
sticks in each of their principal settlements, and that this fire must 
always be kept sacred and burning. They predicted the speedy return 
of the old Indian life, and asserted that the prophet would cause the 
dead to rise from the grave. The new belief took sudden and complete 
possession of the minds of the Ojibwa and spread “like wildfire” from 
end to end of their widely extended territory, and even to the remote 
northern tribes in alliance with the Cree and Asiniboin. The strongest 
evidence of their implicit obedience to the new revelation was given by 
their attention to the command to throw away their medicine bags, the 
one thing which every Indian holds most sacred. It is said that the 
shores of Lake Superior, in the vicinity of the great village of Shaga- 
waumikong (Bayfield, Wisconsin), were strewn with these medicine 
bags, which had been cast into the water. At this ancient capital of 


680 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


the tribe the Ojibwa gathered in great numbers, to dance the dances 
and sing the songs of the new ritual, until a message was received 
from the prophet inviting them to come to him at Detroit, where he 
would explain in person the will of the Master of Life. This was in 
1808. The excitement was now at fever heat, and it was determined 
to go in a body to Detroit. It is said that 150 canoe loads of Ojibwa 
actually started on this pilgrimage, and one family even brought with 
them a dead child to be restored to life by the prophet. They had pro- 
ceeded a considerable distance when they were met by an influential 
French trader, who reported, on the word of some who had already 
visited the prophet’s camp and returned, that the devotees there were 
on the brink of starvation—which was true, as the great multitude 
had consumed their entire supply of provisions, and had been so oceu- 
pied with religious ceremonies that they had neglected to plant their 
corn. It was also asserted that during the prophet’s frequent periods 
of absence from the camp, when he would disappear for several days, 
claiming on his return that he had been to the spirit world in converse 
with the Master of Life, that he was really concealed in a hollow log in 
the woods. This is quite probable, and entirely consistent with the 
Indian theory of trances and soul pilgrimages while the body remains 
unconscious in one spot. These reports, however, put such a damper 
on the ardor of the Ojibwa that they returned to their homes and 
gradually ceased to think about the new revelation. As time went on 
a reaction set in, and those who had been most active evangelists of the 
doctrine among the tribe became most anxious to efface the remem- 
brance of it. One good, however, resulted to the Ojibwa from the 
throwing away of the poisonous compounds formerly in common use 
by the lower order of doctors, and secret poisoning became almost 
unknown. (Warren, 2.) 

When the celebrated traveler Catln went among the prairie tribes 
some thirty years later, he found that the prophet’s emissaries—he says 
the prophet himself, which is certainly a mistake—had carried the living 
fire, the sacred image, and the mystic strings (see portrait and descrip- 
tion) even to the Blackfeet on the plains of the Saskatchewan, going 
without hindrance among warring tribes where the name of the Sha- 
wano had never been spoken, protected only by the reverence that 
attached to their priestly character. There seems no doubt that by 
this time they had developed the plan of a confederacy for driving back 
the whites, and Catlin asserts that thousands of warriors among those 
remote tribes had pledged themselves to fight under the lead of Tecum- 
tha at the proper time. His account of the prophet’s methods in the 
extreme northwest agrees with what Tanner has reported from the 
Ojibwa country. (Catlin, 7.) But disaster followed him like a shadow. 

tivals, jealous of his success, came after him to denounce his plans as 

visionary and himself as an impostor. The ambassadors were obliged 
to turn back to save their lives and retrace their way in haste to the far 
distant Wabash, where the fatal battle of Tippecanoe and the death of 
his great brother, Tecumtha, put an end to all his splendid dreams. 


CHAPTER IV 
TECUMTHA AND TIPPECANOE 


These lands are ours. No one has aright to remove us, because we were the first 
owners.— Tecumtha to Wells, 1807. 


The Great Spirit gave this great island to his red children. He placed the whites 
on the other side of the big water. They were not contented with their own, but 
came to take ours from us. They have driven us from the sea to the lakes—we can 
go no farther.—Tecumtha, 1810. 


The President may sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and I will 
have to fight it out.—Tecumtha to Harrison, 1810. 

And now we begin to hear of the prophet’s brother, Tecumtha, the 
most heroic character in Indian history. Tecumtha, ‘‘The Meteor,” was 
the son of a chief and the worthy scion of a warrior race. His tribe, 
the Shawano, nade it their proud boast that they of all tribes had 
opposed the most determined resistance to the encroachments of the 
whites. His father had fallen under the bullets of the Virginians while 
leading his warriors at the bloody battle of Point Pleasant, in 1774 
His eldest and dearest brother had lost his life in an attack on a southern 
frontier post, and another had been killed fighting by his side at 
Wayne’s victory in 1794. What wonder that the young Tecumtha 
declared that his flesh crept at the sight of a white man! 

But his was no mean spirit of personal revenge; his mind was too 
noble for that. He hated the whites as the destroyers of his race, but 
prisoners and the defenseless knew well that they could rely on his 
honor and humanity and were safe under his protection. When only a 
boy—tor his military career began in childhood—he had witnessed the 
burning of a prisoner, and the spectacle was so abhorrent to his feel- 
ings that by an earnest and eloquent harangue he induced the party 
to give up the practice forever. In later years his name was accepted 
by helpless women and children as a guaranty of protection even in 
the midst of hostile Indians. Of commanding figure, nearly six feet in 
height and compactly built; of dignified bearing and piercing eye, 
before whose lightning even a British general quailed; with the fiery 
eloquence of a Clay and the clear-cut logic of a Webster; abstemious 
in habit, charitable in thought and action, brave as a lion, but humane 
and generous withal—in a word, an aboriginal American knight—his 
life was given to his people, and he fell at last, like his father and his 
brothers before him, in battle with the destroyers of his nation, the 
champion of a lost cause and a dying race. 

His name has been rendered ‘+The Shooting Star” and The Panther 
Crouching, or Lying in Wait.” From a reply to a letter of inquiry 

681 


682 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


addressed to Professor A. 8S. Gatschet, the well-known philologist, I 
extract the following, which throws valuable light on the name system 
and mythology of the Shawano, and shows also that the two render- 
ings, apparently so dissimilar, have a common origin: 

Shawano personal names are nearly all clan names, and by their interpretation 
the clan to which the individual or his father or mother belongs may be discovered. 


Thus, whena man is ealled ‘‘ tight fitting” or ‘‘ good fit,” he is of the Rabbit clan, 
because the fur fits the rabbit very tightly and closely. The name of Tecumtha is 


Fig. 58—Tecumtha. 


One of the finest looking men I ever saw—about 6 feet high, straight, with large, fine features, and 
altogether a daring, bold-looking fellow.— Captain Floyd, 1810. 

One of those uncommon geniuses which spring up occasionally to produce revolutions and overturn 
the established order of things.—Governor Harrison. 


derived from nila ni tka'mthka, “I cross the path or way of somebody, or of an ani- 
mal.” This indicates that the one so named belongs to the clan of the round- foot or 
claw-foot animals, as panther, lion, or even raccoon. Tecumtha and his brother 
belonged to the clan of the manetuwi msipessi or ‘‘ miraculous panther” (msi, great, 
big; pishiwi, abbreviated pessi, cat, both combined meaning the American lion). So 
the translations ‘‘ panther lying in wait,” or ‘‘crouching lion,” give only the sense 
of the name, and no animal is named in it. But the msi-pessi, when the epithet 
miraculous (manetuwi) is added to it, means a ‘celestial tiger,” i. e., a meteor or 
shooting star. The manetuwi msi-pessi lives in water only and is visible not as an 


EXPLANATION OF FIGURE 58 


This portrait isa copy of the one given by Lossing in his American Revolution 
and the War of 1812, 111 (1875), page 283. He quotes a description of Tecumtha’s 
personal appearance by a British officer who saw him in 1812, and then goes on to 
give the history of the portrait. ‘‘Captain J. B. Glegg, Brock’s aid-de-camp, has 
left on record the following description of Tecumtha at thatinterview: ‘Tecumseh’s 
appearance was very prepossessing; his figure light and finely proportioned; his 
age I imagined to be about five and thirty [he was about forty]; in height, 5 feet 
9 or 10 inches; his complexion light copper; countenance oval, with bright hazel 
eyes, bearing cheerfulness, energy, and decision. Three small silver crosses or 
coronets were suspended from the lower cartilage of his aquiline nose, and a large 
silver medallion of George the Third, which I believe his aneestor had received 
from Lord Dorchester when governor-general of Canada, was attached to a mixed- 
colored wampum string and hung round his neck. His dress consisted of a plain, 
neat uniform, tanned deerskin jacket, with long trowsers of the same material, the 
seams of both being covered with neatly cut fringe, and he had on his feet leather 
sins, much ornamented with work made from the dyed quills of the poreu- 
pine.” The portrait of Teeumtha above given is from a pencil sketch by Pierre Le 
Dru. . . . Inthis I have given only the head by Le Dru. The cap was red, and 
in front was a single eagle’s feather, black, with a white tip. The sketch of his 
dress (and the medal above deseribed), in which he appears as a brigadier-general 
of the British army, is from a rough drawing, which I saw in Montreal in the sum- 
mer of 1858, made at Malden soon after the surrender of Detroit, where the Indians 
celebrated that event by a grand feast. It was only on gala occasions that Tecumtha 
was seen in full dress. The sketch did uot pretend to give a true likeness of the 
chief, and was valuable only as a delineation of his costume. From the two we are 
enabled to give a pretty faithful picture of the great Shawnoese warrior and states- 
man as he appeared in his best mood. When in full dress he wore a cocked hat and 
plume, but would not give up his blne breechcloth, red leggins fringed with buck- 
skin, and buckskin moccasins.” 


moce 


MOONEY] TECUMTHA AT GREENVILLE 683 


animal, but as a shooting star, and exceeding in size other shooting stars. This 
monster gave name to a Shawano clan, and this clan, to which Tecumtha belonged, 
was classed among the claw-foot animals also. The quick motion of the shooting 
star was correctly likened to that of a tiger or wildcat rushing upon his prey. 
Shooting stars are supposed to be souls of great men all over America. The home 
of the dead is always in the west, where the celestial bodies set, and since meteors 
travel westward they were supposed to return to their western home. 

Tecumtha was now in the prime of manhood, being about 40 years of 
age, and had already thought out his scheme of uniting all the tribes in 
one grand confederation to resist the further encroachinents of the 
whites, on the principle that the Indians had common interests, and that 
what concerned one tribe concerned all. As the tribes were constanthy 
shifting about, following the game in its migrations, he held that no one 
tribe had any more than a possessory right to the land while in actual 
occupancy, and that any sale of lands, to be valid, must be sanctioned 
by all the tribes concerned. His claim was certainly founded in justice, 
but the government refused to admit the principle in theory, although 
repeatedly acting on it in practice, for every important treaty after- 
ward made in Mississippi valley was a joint treaty, as it was found 
impossible to assign the ownership of any considerable section to any one 
particular tribe. The Shawano themselves hunted from the Cumber- 
land to the Susquehanna. As a basal proposition, Tecumtha claimed 
that the Greenville treaty, having been forced on the indians, was 
invalid; that the only true boundary was the Ohio, as established in 
1768, and that all future cessions must have the sanction of all the 
tribes claiming rights in that region, 

By this time there were assembled at Greenville to listen to the teach- 
ings of the prophet hundreds of savages, representing all the widely 
extended tribes of the lake region and the great northwest, all wrought. 
up to the highest pitch of excitement over the prospect of a revival of 
the old Indian life and the perpetuation of aboriginal sovereignty. 
This was Tecumtha’s opportunity, and he was quick to improve it. 
Even those who doubted the spiritual revelations could see that they 
were in danger from the continued advances of the whites, and were 
easily convinced that safety required that they should unite as one 
people for the preservation of a common boundary. The pilgrims car- 
ried back these ideas to their several tribes, and thus what was at first 
a simple religious revival soon became a political agitation. They were 
equally patriotic from the Indian point of view, and under the circum- 
stances one was almost the natural complement of the other. All the 
evidence goes to show that the movement in its inception was purely 
religious and peaceable; but the military spirit of Tecumtha afterward 
gave to it a warlike and even aggressive character, and henceforth the 
apostles of the prophet became also recruiting agents for his brother. 
Tecumtha himself was too sensible to think that the whites would be 
destroyed by any interposition of heaven, or that they could be driven 
out by any combination of the Indians, but he did believe it possible 


684 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [RTH. ANN. 14 


that the westward advance of the Americans could be stopped at the 
Ohio, leaving his people in undisturbed possession of what lay beyond. 
In this hope he was encouraged by the British officials in Canada, 
and it is doubtful if the movement would ever have become formid- 
able if it had not been incited and assisted from across the line. 
v In the spring of 1807 it was estimated that at Fort Wayne fifteen hun- 
dred Indians had recently passed that post on their way to visit the 
prophet, while councils were constantly being held and runners were 
going from tribe to tribe with pipes and belts of wampum. It was 
plain that some uncommon movement was going on among them, and 
it also was evident that the British agents had a hand in keeping up 
the excitement. The government became alarmed, and the crisis came 
when an order was sent from the President to Tecumtha at Greenville 
to remove his party beyond the boundary of 1795 (the Greenville treaty). 
Trembling with excitement, Tecumtha rose and addressed his followers 
in a passionate speech, dwelling on the wrongs of the Indians and 
the continued encroachments of the whites. Then, turning to the mes- 
senger, he said, “These lands are ours. No one has a right to remove 
us, because we were the first owners The Great Spirit above has 
appointed this place for us, on which to light our fires, and here we will 
remain. As to boundaries, the Great Spirit above knows no bounda- 
ries nor will his red children acknowledge any.” (Drake, Tecumseh, 3.) 
From this time it was understood that the Indians were preparing to 
make a final stand for the valley of the Ohio. The prophet continued 
to arouse their enthusiasm by his inspired utterances, while Tecumtha 
became the general and active organizer of the warriors. At a confer- 
ence with the governor of Ohio in the autumn of 1807 he fearlessly 
denied the validity of the former treaties, and declared his intention to 
resist the further extension of the white settlements on Indian lands. 
The next spring great numbers of Indians came down from the lakes 
to visit Tecumthaand his brother, who, finding their following increasing 
so rapidly, accepted an invitation from the Potawatomi and Kickapoo, 
and removed their headquarters to a more central location on the 
Wabash. The Delaware and Miami, who claimed precedence in that 
region and who had all along opposed the prophet and Tecumtha, pro- 
tested against this move, but without effect. The new settlement, 
which was on the western bank of the river, just below the mouth of 
the Tippecanoe, was known to the Indians as Kehtipaquononk, ‘the 
great clearing,” and was an old and favorite location with them. It had 
been the site of a large Shawano village which had been destroyed by 
the Americans in 1791, and some years later the Potawatomi had rebuilt 
upon the same place, to which they now invited the disciples of the 
new religion. The whites had corrupted the name to Tippecanoe, and 
it now generally became known as the Prophet’s town. 
Nothing else of moment occurred during this year, but it was learned 
that Teeumtha contemplated visiting the southern tribes in the near 


MOONEY] THE CONFERENCE WITH HARRISON 685 


future to enlist them also in his confederacy. In 1809, however, rumors 
of an approaching outbreak began to fill the air, and it was evident 
that the British were instigating the Indians to mischief in anticipa- 
tion of a war between England and the United States. Just at this 
juncture the anger of Tecumtha’s party was still further inflamed by 
the negotiation of treaties with four tribes by which additional large 
tracts were ceded in Indiana and [linois. The Indians now refused to 
buy ammunition from the American traders, saying that they could 
obtain all they wanted for nothing in another quarter. In view of the 
signs of increasing hostility, Governor Harrison was authorized to take 
such stepsas might be necessary to protect the frontier. Tecumtha had 
now gained over the Wyandot, the most influential tribe of the Ohio 
region, the keepers of the great wampum belt of union and the lighters 
of the council fire of the allied tribes. Their example was speedily 
followed by the Miami, whose adhesion made the tribes of the Ohio and 
the lakes practically unanimous. The prophet now declared that he 
would follow in the steps of Pontiac, and called on the remote tribes 
to assist those on the border to roll back the tide which would other- 
wise overwhelm them all. In return, the Sauk and Fox sent word that 
they were ready whenever he should say the word. 

In the summer of 1810, according to a previous arrangement, Tecum- 
tha, attended by several hundred warriors, descended the river to Vin- 
cennes to confer with Governor Harrison on the situation. The con- 
ference began on the 15th of August and lasted three days. Tecum- 
tha reiterated his former claims, saying that in uniting the tribes he 
was endeavoring to dam the mighty water that was ready to overflow 
his people. The Americans had driven the Indians from the sea and 
threatened to push them into the lakes: and, although he disclaimed 
any intention of making war against the United States, he declared his 
fixed resolution to insist on the old boundary and to oppose the further 
intrusion of the whites on the lands of the Indians, and to resist the 
survey of the lands recently ceded. He was followed by chiefs of five 
different tribes, each of whom in turn declared that he would support 
the principles of Teeumtha. Harrison replied that the government 
would never admit that any section belonged to all the Indians in com- 
mon, and that, having bought the ceded lands from the tribes who were 
first found in possession of them, it would defend its title by arms. To 
this Tecumtha said that he preferred to be on the side of the Americans, 
and that if his terms were conceded he would bring his forces to the 
aid of the United States in the war which he knew was soon to break out 
with England, but that otherwise he would be compelled to join the 
British. The governor replied that he would state the case to the Pres- 
ident, but that it was altogether unlikely that he would consent to the 
conditions. Recognizing the inevitable, Tecumtha expressed the hope 
that, as the President was to determine the matter, the Great Spirit 
would put sense into his head to induce him to give up the lands, adding, 


686 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ErH. ANN. 14 


“Tt is true, he is so far off he will not be injured by the war. Ie may 
sit still in his town and drink his wine, while you and I will have to 
fight it out.” The governor then requested that in the event of an 
Indian war Tecumtha would use his influence to prevent the practice 
of cruelties on women and children and defenseless prisoners. To 
this he readily agreed, and the promise was faithfully kept. (Drake, 
Tecumseh, 4.) 

The conference had ended with a tacit understanding that war must 
come, and both sides began to prepare for the struggle. Soon after it 
was learned that the prophet had sent belts to the tribes west of the 
Mississippi, inviting them to join in a war against the United States. 
Outrages on the Indians by settlers intensified the hostile feeling, 
and the Delawares refused to deliver up a murderer until some of the 
whites who had killed their people were first punished. Harrison him- 
self states that the Indians could rarely obtain satisfaction for the most 
unprovoked wrongs. In another letter he says that Tecumtha * has 
taken for his model the celebrated Pontiac, and I am persuaded he 
will bear a favorable comparison in every respect with that far-famed 
warrior.” 

In July, 1811, Tecumtha again visited Harrison at Vincennes. In 
the course of his talk he said that the whites were unnecessarily 
alarmed, as the Indians were only following the example set them by 
the colonies in uniting for the furtherance of common interests. He 
added that he was now on his way to the southern tribes to obtain 
their adhesion also to the league, and that on his return in the spring 
he intended to visit the President to explain his purposes fully and to 
clear away all difficulties. In the meantime he expected that a large 
number of Indians would join his colony on the Wabash during the 
winter, aud to avoid any danger of collision between them and the 
whites, he requested that no settlements should be made on the dis- 
puted lands until he should have an opportunity to see the President. 
To this Harrison replied that the President would never give up a 
country which he had bought from its rightful owners, nor would he 
suffer his people to be injured with impunity. This closed the interview, 
and the next day Tecumtha started with his party for the south to 
visit the Creek and Choctaw. About the same time it was learned 
that the British had sent a message to the prophet, telling him that 
the time had now come for him to take up the hatchet, and inviting 
him to send a party to their headquarters at Malden (now Amherst- 
burg, Ontario) to receive the necessary supplies. In view of these 
things Harrison suggested to the War Department that opportunity 
be taken of Tecumtha’s absence in the south to strike a blow against 
his confederacy. Continuing in the same letter, he says of the great 
Indian leader: 


The implicit obedience and respect which the followers of Tecumseh pay to him 
is really astonishing, and more than any otber circumstance bespeaks him one of 


MOONEY] TECUMTHA AMONG THE CREEK 687 


those uncommon geniuses which spring up occasionally to produce revolutions and 
overturn the established order of things. If it were not for the vicinity of the 
United States, he would perhaps be the founder of an empire that would rival in 
glory Mexico or Peru. No difficulties deter him. For four years he has been in con- 
stant motion. You see him to-day on the Wabash, and in a short time hear of him 
on the shores of Lake Erie or Michigan or on the banks of the Mississippi, and 
wherever he goes he makes an impression favorable to his purposes. He is now 
upon the last round, to put a finishing stroke to his work. I hope, however, before 
his return that that part of the fabric which he considered complete will be demol- 
ished, and even its foundations rooted up. (Drake, Tecumseh, 5.) 


On this trip Tecumtha went as far as Florida and engaged the Semi- 
nole for his confederacy. Then, retracing his steps into Alabama, he 
came to the ancient Creek town of Tukabachi, on the Tallapoosa, near 
the present site of Montgomery. What happened here is best told in 
the words of McKenney and Hall, who derived their information from 
Indians at the same town a few years later: 


He made his way to the lodge of the chief called the Big Warrior. He explained 
his object, delivered his war talk, presented a bundle of sticks, gave a piece of wam- 
pum and a war hatehet—all which the Big Warrior took—when Teeumthé, reading 
the spirit and intentions of the Big Warrior, looked him in the eye, and, pointing 
his finger toward his face, said: ‘‘Your blood is white. You have taken my talk, 
and the sticks, and the wampum, and the hatchet, but you do not mean to fight. 
I know the reason. You do not believe the Great Spirit has sent me. You shall 
know. [leave Tuckhabatchee directly, and shall go straight to Detroit. When I 
arrive there, I will stamp on the ground with my foot and shake down every house 
in Tuckhabatchee.” So saying, he turned and left the Big Warrior in utter amaze- 
ment at both his manner and his threat, and pursued his journey. The Indians 
were struck no less with his conduct than was the Big Warrior, and began to dread 
the arrival of the day when the threatened calamity would befall them. They met 
often and talked over this matter, and counted the days carefully to know the day 
when Tecumthé would reach Detroit. The morning they had fixed upon as the 
day of his arrival at last came. A mighty rumbling was heard—the Indians all ran 
out of their houses—the earth began to shake; when at last, sure enough, every 
house in Tuckhabatchee was shaken down. The exclamation was in every mouth, 
“Tecumtheé has got to Detroit!” The effect was electric. The message he had deliv- 
ered to the Big Warrior was believed, and many of the Indians took their rifles and 
prepared for the war. The reader will not be surprised to learn that an earthquake 
had produced all this; but he will be, doubtless, that it should happen on the very 
day on which Tecumthé arrived at Detroit, and in exact fulfillment of his threat. 
It was the famous earthquake of New Madrid on the Mississippi. (WeKenney and 
Hall, 1.) 


The fire thus kindled among the Creek by Tecumtha was fanned 
into a blaze by the British and Spanish traders until the opening of 
the war of 1812 gave the opportunity for the terrible outbreak known 
in history as the Creek war. 

While Tecumtha was absent in the south, affairs were rapidly 
approaching a crisis on the Wabash. The border settlers demanded 
the removal of the prophet’s followers, stating in their memorial to the 
President that they were ‘fully convinced that the formation of this 
combination headed by the Shawano prophet was a British scheme, and 
that the agents of that power were constantly exciting the Indians to 

14 ETH—PT 2—— 


688 THE GHOST-DANCE 


hostility against the United States.” 


messages to the different tribes earnestly 
sequences of a hostile outbreak, but 


dressed. 


mystic rites. 


Harrison now determined to break up the pro 
Accordingly, at the head of about 900 men, in 
250 regulars. he marched from Vincennes, and 


vember, 1811, encamped within a few miles 
town. The Indians had fortified the place 
and labor. It was sacred to them as the spot 
the new religion had been so long enacted, 
they believed it had been rendered impregna 
the white man. The next day he approached 
met by messengers from the town, who stated 
anxious to avoid hostilities and had already 
by several chiefs, who had unfortunately 
side of the river and thus had 

eral. A truce accord 

the next day, when terms 
ranged between the gov 
The army encamped ona 
Indians, an elevated piece 
a marshy prairie, within a 
though Harrison did not 
would make a night attack, yet 
the troops sleep on their arms 


Was 


At 4 o’clock in the morning of the 
cording to his practice, had risen pre 
the troops, and 
on his boots by 
with Gen 
and Majors 


derly drum 
purpose of 
troops to 


RELIGION 


of the In 
upon the 
The whole 
feet, the camp 
governor mounted 
the point of attack. 
had taken their 
forty seconds from 
whole of the troops were 


Iie, 59—Harrison treaty pipe. 


[ETH. ANN. 14 


Governor Harrison now sent 
warning them of 
about the same 
prophet himself announced that he had now taken up 
ahawk against the United States, and would only 
with his life, unless the wrongs of the Indians 
It was known also that he was arousing 
lowers to a feverish pitch of excitement by the daily 


the con- 
time the 
the tom- 
it down 
were re- 
his fol- 
practice of 


phet’s camp. 
cluding about 
on the 5th of No- 
of the prophet’s 
with great care 
where the rites of 
and by these rites 
ble to the attacks of 
still nearer, and was 
that the prophet was 
sent a pacific message 
gone down on the other 
failed to find the gen- 
ingly agreed on until 
of peace were to be ar- 
ernor and the chiefs. 
spot pointed out by the 
of ground rising out of 
mile of the town. Al- 
believe that the Indians 
as a precaution he had 
in order of battle. 

7th, Governor Harrison, ac- 
paratory to the calling up 
was engaged, while drawing 
the fire, 
eral Wells, Colonel Owen, 
Taylor and Hurst. The or- 
had been roused for the 
giving the signal for the 
turn out, when the attack 
dians suddenly commenced 
left of the 
army was instantly on its 


in conversation 


flank camp. 
tires were extinguished, the 
his horse and proceeded to 
Several of the companies 
places in the line within 


the report of the first gun, and the 
prepared for action in the course 


MOONEY] THE BATTLE OF PROPHET’S TOWN 689 


of two minutes, a fact as creditable to their own activity and bravery as to the skill 
and bravery of their officers. The battle soon became general, and was maintained 
on both sides with signal and even desperate valor. The Indians advanced and 
retreated by the aid of a rattling noise, made with deer hoofs, and persevered in 
their treacherous attack with an apparent determination to conquer or die upon the 
spot. The battle raged with unabated fury and mutual slaughter until daylight, 
when a gallant and successful charge by our troops drove the enemy into the swamp 
and put an end to the contlict. 

Prior to the assault the prophet had given assurances to his followers that in the 
coming contest the Great Spirit would render the arms of the Americans unavailing; 
that their bullets would fall harmless at the feet of the Indians; that the latter 
should have light in abundance, while the former would be involved in thick dark- 
ness. Availing himself of the privilege conferred by his peculiar office, and perhaps 
unwilling in his own person to attest at once the rival powers of a sham prophecy 
and a real American bullet, he prudently took a position on an adjacent eminence, 
and when the action began, he entered upon the performance of certain mystic rites, 
at the same time singing a war song. In the course of the engagement he was 
informed that his men were falling. He told them to fight on—it would soon be as 
he had predicted. And then, in louder and wilder strains, his inspiring battle song 
was heard commingling with the sharp crack of the rifle and the shrill war whoop of 
his brave but deluded followers. (Drake, Tecumseh, 6.) 


Drake estimates the whole number of Indians engaged in the battle 
at between 800 and 1,000, representing all the principal tribes of 
the region, and puts the killed at probably not less than 50, with 
an unusually large proportion of wounded. Harrison’s estimate would 
seem to put the numbers much higher. The Americans lost 60 killed 
or mortally wounded, and 188 in all. (Drake, Tecumseh. 7.) In their 
hurried retreat the Indians left a large number of dead on the field. 
3elieving on the word of the prophet that they would receive super- 
natural aid from above, they had tought with desperate bravery, and 
their defeat completely disheartened them. They at once abandoned 
their town and dispersed, each to his own tribe. Tecumtha’s great 
fabric was indeed demolished, and even its foundations rooted up. 

The night before the engagement the prophet had performed some 
medicine rites by virtue of which he had assured his followers that 
half of the soldiers were already dead and the other half bereft of 
their senses, so that the Indians would have little to do but rush into 
their camp and finish them with the hatchet. The result infuriated 
the savages. They refused to listen to the excuses which are always 
ready to the tongue of the unsuccessful medicine-man, denounced him 
as a liar, and even threatened him with death. Deserted by all but a 
few of his own tribe, warned away from several villages toward which 
he turned his steps, he found refuge at last among a small band of 
Wyandot; but his influence and his sacred prestige were gone forever, 
and he lived out his remaining days in the gloom of obscurity. 

From the south Tecumtha returned through Missouri, Iowa, and 
Illinois, everywhere making accessions to his cause, but reached the 
Wabash at last, just a few days after the battle, only to find his fel- 
lowers scattered to the four winds, his brother a refugee, and the great 


690 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


object of his life—a confederation of all the tribes—brought to nothing. 
His grief and disappointment were bitter. He reproached his brother 
in unmeasured terms for disobeying his instructions to preserve peace 
in his absence, and when the prophet attempted to reply, it is said that 
Tecumtha so far forgot his dignity as to seize his brother by the hair 
and give him a violent shaking, threatening to take his life. 

Early in 1812 Tecumtha sent a message to Governor Harrison, inform- 
ing him of his return from the south, and stating that he was now 
ready to make the proposed visit to the President. To this Harrison 
replied, giving his permission, but refusing to allow any party to accom- 
pany him. This stipulation did not please the great leader, who had 
been accustomed to the attendance of a retinue of warriors wherever 
he went. He declined the terms, and thus terminated his intercourse 
with the governor. In June, 1812, he visited the agent at Fort Wayne, 
and there reiterated the justice of his position in regard to the owner- 
ship of the Indian lands, again disclaimed having had any intention 
of making war against the United States, and reproached Harrison 
for marching against his people in his absence. In return, the agent 
endeavored to persuade him now to join forces with the United States 
in the approaching conflict with England. ‘Tecumtha listened with 
frigid indifference, made a few general remarks in reply, and then with 
a haughty air left the council house and took his departure for Malden, 
where he joined the British standard.” (Drake, Tecwmseh, 8.) His 
subsequent career is a part of the history of the war of 1812. 

Formal declaration of war against Great Britain was made by the 
United States on June 18, 1812. Tecumtha was already at Malden, 
the British headquarters on the Canadian side, and when invited by 
some friendly Indians to attend a council near Detroit in order to make 
arrangements for remaining neutral, he sent back word that he had 
taken sides with the king, and that his bones would bleach on the 
Canadian shore before he would recross the river to join in any council 
of neutrality. A few days later he led his Indians into battle on the 
British side. For his services at Maguaga he was soon afterward 
regularly commissioned a brigadier general in the British army. 

We pass over the numerous events of this war—Maguaga, the 
Raisin, Fort Meigs, Perry’s victory—as being outside the scope of our 
narrative, and come to the battle of the Thames, October 5, 1815, the 
last ever fought by Teeumtha. After Perry’s decisive victory on 
the lake, Proctor hastily prepared to retreat into the interior, despite 
the earnest protests of Tecumtha, who charged him with cowardice, an 
imputation which the British general did not dare to resent. The 
retreat was begun with Harrison in close pursuit, until the British and 
Indians reached a spot on the north bank of the Thames, in the vicin- 
ity of the present Chatham, Ontario. Here, finding the ground favora- 
ble for defense, Tecumtha resolved to retreat no farther, and practically 
compelled Proctor to make a stand. The Indian leader had no hope of 


MOoNEY] THE END OF TECUMTHA 691 


triumph in the issue. His sun had gone down, and he felt himself 
already standing in the shadow of death. He was done with life and 
desired only to close it, as became a warrior, striking a last blow 
against the hereditary enemy of his race. When he had posted his 
men, he called his chiefs about him and calmly said, ‘‘ Brother warriors, 
we are now about to enter into an engagement from which I shall never 
come out—my body will remain on the field of battle.” He then 
unbuckled his sword, and, placing it in the hands of one of them, said, 
‘““When my son becomes a noted warrior and able to wield a sword, 
give this to him.” He then laid aside his British military dress and 
took his place in the line, clothed only in the ordinary deerskin hunt- 
ing shirt. (Drake, Tecumseh, 9.) When the battle began, his voice was 
heard encouraging his men until he fell under the cavalry charge 
of the Americans, who had already broken the ranks of the British 
regulars and forced them to surrender. Deprived of their leader and 
deserted by their white allies, the Indians gave up the unequal contest 
and fled from the field. Tecumtha died in his forty-fourth year. 

After the close of the war the prophet returned from Canada by per- 
mission of this government and rejoined his tribe in Ohio, with whom 
he removed to the west in 1827. (Schoolera/t, Ind. Tribes, 2.) Catlin, 
who met and talked with him in 1832, thus speaks of him: 

This, no doubt, has been a very shrewd and influential man, but circumstances 
have destroyed him, as they have many other great men before him, and he now 
lives respected, but silent and melancholy, in his tribe. I conversed with him a great 
deal about his brother Tecumseh, of whom he spoke frankly, and seemingly with 
great pleasure; but of himself and his own great schemes he would say nothing. 
He told me that Tecumseh’s plans were to embody all the Indian tribes in a grand 
confederacy, from the province of Mexico to the Great Lakes, to unite their forces 
in an army that would be able to meet and drive back the white people, who were 
continually advancing on the Indian tribes and forcing them from their lands 
toward the Rocky mountains; that Tecumseh was a great general, and that nothing 
but his premature death defeated his grand plan. (Catlin, 2.) 


CHAPTER V 
KANAKUK AND MINOR PROPHETS 
KANAKUK 


My father, the Great Spirit holds all the world in his hands. I pray to him that 
we may not be removed from our lands. . . . Take pity on us and let us remain 
where we are.—Adnakik. 


Iwas singularly struck with the noble efforts of this champion of the mere rem- 
nant of a poisoned race, so strenuously laboring to rescue the remainder of his 
people from the deadly bane that has been brought amongst them by enlightened 
Christians.—Catlin, 

The scene now shifts to the west of the Mississippi. With the death 
of Tecumtha the confederacy of the northwestern tribes fell to pieces, 
and on the closin of the war of 1812 the government inaugurated 
a series of treaties resulting, within twenty years, in the removal of 
almost every tribe beyond the Mississippi and the appropriation of 
their former country by the whites. Among others the Kickapoo, by 
the treaty of Edwardsville in 1819, had ceded the whole of their ancient 
territory in Illinois, comprising nearly one-half the area of the state, in 
exchange for a much smaller tract on Osage river in Missouri and $3,000 
in goods. (Treaties, 7.) The government also agreed to furnish two 
boats to take them up the river to their new home, where “the United 
States promise to guarantee to the said tribe the peaceable possession 
of the tract of land hereby ceded to them, and to restrain and prevent 
all white persons from hunting, settling, or otherwise intruding upon it.” 

For some reason, however, the Kickapoo manifested no overwhelming 
desire to remove from their villages and cornfields on the broad prai- 
ries of Illinois to the rugged hills of Missouri. This may have been 
due to the innate perversity of the savage, or possibly to the fact that 
the new country guaranteed to them was already oecupied by their 
hereditary enemies, the Osage, who outnumbered the Kickapoo three 
toone. ‘To be sure, these aboriginal proprietors had agreed to surrender 
the territory to the United States, but they were still at home to all 
visitors, as the immigrant Cherokee had learned to their cost. Be that 
as it may, several years passed and it began to be suspected that the 
Kickapoo were not anxious to go west and grow up with the country 
Investigation disclosed the fact that, instead of removing to the reser- 
vation on Osage river, one-half of the tribe had gone southward in a 
body and crossed over to the Spanish side of Red river (now Texas), 
where they might reasonably hope to be secure from the further advance 
of the Americans. Others were preparing to follow, and the govern- 


692 


MOONEY] KANAKUK THE KICKAPOO PROPHET 693 


ment agents were instructed to make a strong effort to effect the imme. 
diate removal of the tribe to Missouri and to prevent the emigration 
of any more to the south. 

It now appeared that they were encouraged to hold their ground by ¢ 
new prophet who had sprung up among them, named Kiinakuk. The 


Fic. 60—Kanakfk the Kickapoo prophet. 


name (also spelled Kee-an-ne- kuk and Kanacuk), refers to putting the 
foot upon a fallen object, and does not denote ‘the foremost man,” as 
rendered by Catlin. In a letter written to General Clark, in February, 
1827—a few days after the prophet himself had visited General Clark— 
the agent, Mr Graham, after reporting his failure to induce the tribe to 


694 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN, 14 


remove, states that the prophet ‘lad no idea of giving up his lands,” 
and continues: 


This man has acquired an influence over his people through supposed revelations 
from God, which he urges on them with an eloquence, mildness, and firmness of man- 
ner that carries to their credulous ears conviction of his communications with God. 

To give a favorable turn to his mind, I apparently gave credence to his statements 
of these revelations, and attempted to put a construction on them for him. He 
listened to me with great attention, and, after I had finished, said I might be right; 
that God would talk to him again and he would let me know what he said. In the 
meantime he would use his influence to get his people to move, but that he could not 
himself come over until all had removed; that there were many bad men yet among 
them, whom he hoped to convert to the ways of God, and then all would come over. 
He would preach to his men and warn them from taking away or injuring the prop- 
erty of the white people, and if any white man struck them—to use his own expres- 
sion—he would bow his head and.not complain; he would stop any attempt to take 
revenge. He seems to have a wonderful influence over those Indians who accom- 
panied him. They neither drank nor painted, were serious, though not gloomy. 
(Ind. Off., 7.) 


In the same month Kiinaktk himself visited General Clark at Saint 
Louis, and in the course of a long talk explained the origin of his divine 
mission and the nature of his doctrine, illustrating the subject by means 
of apeculiar diagram (figure 61), and clos- 
ing with an earnest appeal in behalf of his 
people that they should be allowed to re- 
main undisturbed. Although it was said 
by the traders that he had stolen his in- 
spiration from a Methodist preacher, it is 
plain from an examination of his doctrine 
that he was the direct spiritual successor of 
Tenskwatawa and the Delaware prophet, 
who in their generation had preached to 
the same tribe. Like his predecessors, 
also, he condemned the use of ‘medicine 
bags” and medicine songs, which, although 
universal among the tribes, seem to have 
been regarded by the better class of In- 
A dians as witcheraft was in former days 
among the whites. 

After the usual preliminary expressions 
of mutual friendship and good will, Kiinakfk stated that all his people 
were united in sentiment, and then proceeded to explain his religious 
views as follows: 


Fie, 61—Kiinaktik’s heaven. 


My fatker, the Great Spirit has placed us all on this earth; he has given to our 
nation a piece of land. Why do you want to take it away and give us so much 
trouble? We ought to live in peace and happiness among ourselves and with you. 
We have heard of some trouble abont our land. I have come down to see you and 
have all explained. 


MOONEY] KANAKUK’S HEAVEN 695 


My father, the Great Spirit appeared to me; he saw my heart was in sorrow about 
our land; he told me not to give up the business, but go to my Great Father and he 
would listen to me. My father, when I talked to the Great Spirit, I saw the chiefs 
holding the land fast. He told me the life of our children was short and that the 
earth would sink. 

My father, I will explain to you what the Great Spirit said to me—to do so, I must 
make some marks, The Great Spirit says: My father, we started from this point 
(A, figure 61), We are here now (B), When we get here (C), the Great Spirit will 
appear to me again. Here (B) the Great Spirit gave his blessings to the Indians and 
told them to tell his people to throw away their medicine bags and not to steal, not to 
tell lies, not to murder, not to quarrel, and to burn their medicine bags. If they 
did not, they could not get onthe straight way, but would have to gothe crooked path 
of the bad here (D); that when we got to this place (the curved line, E), we would not 
be able to cross it unless we were all good. It was fire. That we should go to this 
place (E), where there would be collected all the red chiefs and there would be a 
great preaching. That if we had not thrown away all our bad doings, these two 
points would meet (D and E), and then the Great Spirit would destroy everything 
and the world would be turnedover, That if we would be good and throw away all 
our bad doings, we would cross this fire, when we would [come] to water (second 
line), which we would cross. There we would come to a country where there was 
nothing but a prairie and nothing grew upon it. There the sun would be hid from 
us by four black clouds. When we get here (C), the Great Spirit will explain these 
round marks. 

My father, I have now explained as well as I can, with much pains, our situation. 
I wish you to tell me the truth and hide nothing from me. I have heard that some 
of your warriors are going to take up the tomahawk. I explained to you last fall 
our situation. We are now here (Bb), where we are in great trouble. I told you of 
all our troubles. I asked you to reflect on our situation and that we would come 
back to see you. 

me - = » x * * 

My father, you eall all the redskins your children. When we have children, we 
treat them well. That is the reason I make this long talk to get you to take pity on 
us and let us remain where we are. 

My father, I wish after my talk is over you would write to my Great Father, the 
president, that we have a desire to remain a little longer where we now are. I have 
explained to you that we have thrown all our badness away and keep the good path. 
I wish our Great Father could hear that. I will now talk to my Great Father, the 
president. 

My Great Father, I don’t knov, if you are the right chief, because I have heard 
some things go wrong. I wish you to reflect on our situation and let ine know. I 
want to talk to you mildly and in peace, so that we may understand each other, 
When I saw the Great Spirit, he told me to throw all our bad acts away. Wedidso. 
Some of our chiefs said the land belonged to us, the Kickapoos; but this is not what 
the Great Spirit told inwe—the lands belong to him. The Great Spirit told me that 
no people owned the lands—that all was his, and not to forget to tell the white peo- 
ple that when we went into council. When I saw the Great Spirit, he told me, Men- 
tion all this to your Great Father. He will take pity on your situation and let you 
remain on the lands where you are for some years, when you will be able to get 
through all the bad places (the marks in the figure), and where you will get to a 
clear piece of land where you will all live happy. When I talked to the Great Spirit, 
he told me to make my warriors throw their tomahawks in the bad place. I did so, 
an every night and morning I raise my hands to the Great Spirit and pray to him 
to give us success. I expect, my father, that God has put me in a good way—that 
our children shall see their sisters and brothers and our women see their children. 
They will grow up and travel and see their totems. The Great Spirit told me, ‘* Our 
old men had totems. They were good and had many totems. Now you have scarcely 


696 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eTH. ANN. 14 


any. If you follow my advice, you will soon have totems again.” Say this to my 
Great Father for me.! 


Pr # ¥ # ry * # 


My father, since I talked with the Great Spirit, our women and children and our- 
selves, we have not such good clothes, but we don’t mind that. We think of praying 
every day to the Great Spirit to get us safe to the good lands, where all will be 
peace and happiness. 

My father, the Great Spirit holds all the world in his hands. I pray to him that 
we may not be removed from our land until we can see and talk to all our 
totems. 5 

My father, when I left my women and children, they told me, ‘‘As you are going 
to see our Great Father, tell him to let us alone and let us eat our victuals with a 
good heart.” 

My father, since my talk with the Great Spirit we have nothing cooked until the 
middle of the day. The children get nothing in the morning to eat. We collect 
them all to pray to the Great Spirit to make our hearts pure, and then eat. We 
bring our children up to be good, 

My father, I will tell you all I know. IT will put nothing on my back. God told 
me, Whenever you make a talk, tell everything true. Keep nothing behind, and 
then you will find everything go right. 


My father, when I talked with the Great Spirit, he did not tell me to sell my lands, 
because I did not know how much was a dollar’s worth, or the game that run on it. 
If he told me so, I would tell you to-day. 

My father, you have heard what I have said. I have represented to you our situ- 
ation, and ask you to take pity on us and let us remain where we are. a 

My father, I have shown you in the lines I have made the bad places. Our war- 
riors even are afraid of those dark places you see there. That is the reason they 
threw their tomahawks aside and put up their hands to the Great Spirit. 


My father, every time we eat we raise our hands to the Great Spirit to give us 
success. 

My father, we are sitting by each other here to tell the truth. If you write any- 
thing wrong, the Great Spirit will know it. If I say anything not true, the Great 
Spirit will hear it. 

My father, you know how to write and can take Gown what is said for your satis- 
faction. I can not; all I do is through the Great Spirit for the benefit of my women 
and children. 

My father, everything belongs to the Great Spirit. If he chooses to make the 
earth shake, or turn it over, all the skins, white and red, can not stop it. I have 
done. I trust to the Great Spirit. (Ind. Of, 2.) 


A few years later, in 1831, Catlin visited Kiinaktik, who was still living 
with the remnant of his people in Hlinois, and was then regarded as 
their chief. He still preached the same doctrine, which the artist imecor- 
rectly supposed was the Christian religion — probably from the fact that 
the meetings were held on Sunday in imitation of the whites —and 
especially was constantly and earnestly exhorting his tribesmen to cease 
from drinking whisky, which threatened to destroy their race. His 
influence had extended into Michigan, and many of the Potawatomi 


1The totem is the badge of a clan or gens of atribe. The meaning is that by disease and death 
many of their gentes had become entirely extinct, but that by heeding the prophet's advice they would 
again become a numerous people. 


MOONEY] CATLIN ON KANAKUK 697 


were counted among his disciples. Catlin, who painted his portrait 
(of which figure 60 is a reproduction), heard him preach, and expressed 
surprise and admiration at the ease and grace of his manner and his 
evident eloquent command of language. The traveler continues: 


I was singularly struck with the noble efforts of this champion of the mere rem- 
nant of a poisoned race so strenuously laboring to rescue the remainder of his people 
from the deadly bane that has been brought amongst them by enlightened Christians. 
How far the efforts of this zealous man have succeeded in Christianizing, I can not 
tell, but it is quite certain that his exemplary and constant endeavors have com- 
pletely abolished the practice of drinking whisky in his tribe, which alone is a very 
praiseworthy achievement, and the first and indispensable step toward all other 
improvements. I was some time amongst those people, and was exceedingly pleased 
and surprised also to witness their sobriety and their peaceable conduct, not having 
seen an instance of drunkenness, or seen or heard of any use made of spirituous 
liquors whilst I was amongst the tribe. (Catlin, 3.) 


After mentioning, although apparently not crediting the assertion of 
the traders, that the prophet had borrowed his doctrines from a white 
man, Catlin goes on to describe a peculiar prayer-stick which Kiinaktk 
had given to his followers, and which reminds us at once of the similar 
device of the Delaware prophet of 1764, and is in line with the whole 
system of birchbark pictographs among the northern tribes. These 
sticks were of maple, graven with hieroglyphic prayers and other 
religious symbols. They were carved by the prophet himself, who dis- 
tributed them to every family in the tribe, deriving quite a revenue 
from their sale} and in this way increasing his influence both as a priest 
and as a man of property. Apparently every man, woman, and child 
in the tribe was at this time in the habit of reciting the prayers from 
these sticks on rising in the morning and before retiring for the night. 
This was done by placing the right index finger first under the upper 
character while repeating a short prayer which it suggested, then under 
the next, and the next, and so on to the bottom, the whole prayer, 
which was sung as a sort of chant, occupying about ten minutes. 

Without undertaking to pass judgment on the purity of the prophet’s 
motives, Catlin strongly asserts that his influence and example were 
good and had effectually turned his people from vice and dissipation to 
temperance and industry, notwithstanding the debasing tendency of 
association with a frontier white population. 

The veteran missionary, Allis, also notes the use of this prayer stick 
as he observed it in 1834 among the Kickapoo, then living near Fort 
Leavenworth, in Kansas. The prophet’s followers were accustomed to 
meet for worship on Sunday, when Kiinaktik delivered an exhortation 
in their own language, after which they formed in line and marched 
around several times in single file, reciting the chant from their prayer- 
sticks and shaking hands with the bystanders as they passed. As they 
departed they continued to chant until they arrived at the ‘father’s 
house” or heaven, indicated by the figure of a horn at the top of the 
prayer-stick. The worshipers met alsoon Fridays and made confession 


698 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 
of their sins, after which certain persons appointed for the purpose 
gave each penitent several strokes with a rod of hickory, according to 
the gravity of his offense. (Allis, 7.) 

Through the kindness of Mr ©. H. Bartlett, of South Bend, Indiana, 
the United States National Museum has recently come into possession 


Fic. 62—Onsawkie. 


of one of these prayer-sticks. The stick, of which plate LXXXVI gives 
a good idea, is of maple, a little more than 12 inches in length, 2,°; 
inches in its greatest width, and three-eighths of an inch thick. It is 
said to have been painted a bright red on one side and a vivid green 


on the other. The paint has now disappeared, however, leaving bare 


PL. LXXXVI 


FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


THE PRAYER-STICK 


MOONEY] THE PRAYER-STICK 699 


the surface of the wood, polished from long use. One side is carved 
with the symbolic figures already meutioned, while the other is smooth. 
In all its details it is a neat specimen of Indian workinanship. Accord 
ing to the tradition of the Armstrong family, its former owners, the 
small square in the lower left-hand corner represents hell or the final 
abode of the wicked, while the house with the four pine (?) trees, at 
the top, symbolizes the spiritual home of the devout followers of the 
prophet. As is well known, four is the sacred number of many Indian 
tribes. The significance of several other lines above and below is 
unknown. Along the shaft of the stick from bottom to top are the 
prayer characters, arranged in three groups of five each, one group 
being near the bottom, while the others are along the upper portion of 
the shaft and are separated one from the other by a small circle. The 
characters bear some resemblance to the old black-letter type of a 
missal, while the peculiar arrangement is strongly suggestive of the 
Catholic rosary with its fifteen ‘‘mysteries” in three groups of five 
each. It will be remembered that the earliest and most constant mis- 
sionaries among the Kickapoo and other lake tribes were Catholic, and 
we may readily see that their teachings and ceremonies influenced this 
native religion, as was afterward the case with the religions of Smo- 
halla and the Ghost dance. Neither three nor five are commonly known 
as sacred numbers among the Indians, while three is distinetly Chris- 
tian in its symbolism. It is perhaps superfluous to state that the ideas 
of heaven and hell are not aboriginal, but were among the first incor- 
porated from the teachings of the white missionaries. The characters 
resembling letters may be from the alphabetic system of sixteen char- 
acters which it is said the Ojibwa invented for recording their own 
language, and taught to the Kickapoo and Sauk, and which resembled 
somewhat the letters of the Roman alphabet, from which they appar- 
ently were derived. (Hamilton, 1.) 

This prayer-stick or ‘‘bible,” as it has been called, was obtained by 
Mr Bartlett from Mr R. V. Armstrong, of Mill Creek, Indiana, who 
stated that it was the only remaining one of a large nuinber which had 
been in possession of the family for many years. The story of the 
manner in which it was originally obtained, as told by Mr Armstrong, 
is interesting. ‘‘His father, Reverend James Armstrong, was a Meth- 
odist minister and missionary who had been sent to northern Indiana 
in the early part of this century. In 1830, while living on Shawnee 
prairie, 3 miles from the present site of Attica, Indiana, a large band 
of Kickapoo Indians came to his house to visit the missionary, and 
apparently regarded the interview as of great importance to them- 
selves. They declared that they were from beyond the Mississippi 
river, that they had heard of Mr Armstrong and his missionary labors, 
and that they believed him to be the one for whom their people had 
long been looking. Each Indian held in his hand one of these wooden 
crosses, and as they knelt on the grass in front of the missionary’s 


TOO THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. I 


house, they went through their devotions in their own tongue, moving 
their fingers over the imseription that ascends the shaft of the cross. 
The missionary understood them to state that this cross was their 
“bible,” that they knew that it was not the true bible, but that they 
had been told to use it until one should come who would give them in 
exchange the genuine word of God. Thereupon the missionary gath- 
ered up their crosses—and there were more than a large basketful of 
them—and gave in exchange to each a copy of the New Testament. 
The Indians received the books with profuse expressions of gratitude 
and apparently viewed them at once as sacred possessions. These 
wise men from the west then went away to their far country.” 

Kiinakak died of smallpox in 1852, in Kansas, where his people had 
been removed in spite of his eloquent appeals in their behalf. For 
many years he had been recognized as the chief of his tribe, and as 
such exerted a most beneficial influence over the Kickapoo in restrain- 
ing the introduction and use of liquor among them. At the same time 
he stanchly upheld the old Indian idea and resisted every advance of 
the missionaries and civilization to the last. He was regarded as pos- 
sessed of supernatural powers, and in his last illness asserted that he 
would arise again three days after death. In expectation of the fulfill- 
ment of the propheey, a number of his followers remained watching 
near the corpse until they too contracted the contagion and died like- 
wise. (Comr., 1.) After his death, the decline of his tribe was rapid 
and without check. In 1894 there remained only 514, about equally 
divided between Kansas and Oklahoma. These few survivors of a 
large tribe still hold in loving reverence the name of their chief and 
prophet. 

PA’/THESKE 


Recent personal investigation among the Winnebago failed to de- 
velop any knowledge of a former doctrine of an approaching destruc- 
tion of the world, as mentioned in a statement already quoted (see 
page 661). It appeared, however, that at the time indicated, about 1852 
or 1853, while the tribe was still living on Turkey river, lowa, a prophet 
known as Pa/théské, or Long Nose, announced that he had been 
instructed in a vision to teach his people a new dance, which he called 
the friendship dance (chi‘koraki’). This they were to perform at 
intervals for one whole year, at the end of which time, in the spring, 
they must take the warpath against their hereditary enemy, the 
Sioux, and would then reap a rich harvest of scalps. The dance, as 
he taught it to them, he claimed to have seen performed by a band of 
spirits in the other world, whither he had been taken after a ceremo- 
nial fast of several days’ duration. It differed from tieir other dances, 
and, although warlike in its ultimate purpose, was not a war dance. 
It was performed by the men aione, circling around a fire within the 
lodge. He also designated a young man named Sara/mintika, or ** Indis- 
tinct,” as the proper one to lead the expedition at the appointed time. 


MOONEY] ACCOUNT OF PA’THESKE TOL 


The friendship dance went on all through the summer and winter 
until spring, when the prophet announced that he had received a new 
revelation forbidding the proposed expedition. His digusted followers 
at once denounced him as an impostor and abandoned the dance. 
Sara/mintika was soon afterward killed by an accident, whieh was con- 
sidered by the Indians a direct retribution for his failure to carry out 
his part of the program, The prophet died a few years later while on 
a visit to Washington with a delegation of his tribe. 

Although the old men consulted on the subject seemed to know 
nothing of any predicted destruction of the world in this connection, 
it is probable that the statement given by Agent Fletcher at the time 
was correct, as such cycle myths are very general among the Indian 
and other primitive tribes. The Arapaho informed the author that 
we are now living in the sixth cycle, and that the final catastrophe will 
take vlace at the close of the seventh. 


TA’VIBO 


About 1870 another prophet arose among the Paiute in Nevada. As 
most Indian movements are unknown to the whites at their inception, 
the date is variously put from 1869 to 1872. He is said to have been 
the father of the present “messiah,” who has unquestionably derived 
many of his ideas from him, and lived, as does his son, in Mason val- 
ley, about 60 miles south of Virginia City, not far from Walker River 
reservation. In talking with his son, he said that his father’s name 
was Tii/vibo or “White man,” and that he was a capita (Spanish, capi- 
tan) or petty chief, but not a prophet or preacher, although he used 
to have visions and was invulnerable. From concurrent testimony of 
Indians and white men, however, there seems to be no doubt that he 
did preach and prophesy and introduce a new religious dance among 
his people, and that the doetrine which he promulgated and the hopes 
which he held out twenty years ago were the foundation on which his 
son has built the structure of the present messiah religion. He was 
visited by Indians from Oregon and Idaho, and his teachings made 
their influence felt among the Bannock and Shoshoni, as well as 
among all the scattered bands of the Paiute, to whom he continued to 
preach until his death a year or two later. (G@.D., Zand 2; A. G. 0O., 1; 
hasten ysis) 

Captain J. M. Lee, Ninth infantry, formerly on the staft of General 
Miles, was on duty in that neighborhood at the time and gives the fol- 
lowing account of the prophet and his doctrines in a personal letter to 
the author: 

I was on Indian duty in Nevada in 1869, 1870, and 1871, When visiting Walker 
Lake reservation in 1869-70, I became acquainted with several superstitious beliefs 
then prevailing among the Paiute Indians. It was a rough, mountainons region 
roundabout, and mysterious happenings, according to tradition, always occurred 
when the prophet or medicine-men went up into the mountains and there received 
their revelations from the divine spirits. In the earlier part of the sixties the whites 


TO2 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (PTH. ANN. 14 


began to come in and appropriate much of the Indian country in Nevada, and in the 
usual course it turned out that the medicine-men or prophets were looked to for relief, 
The most influential went up alone into the mountain and there met the Great Spirit. 
He brought back with him no tablets of stone, but he was a messenger of good 
tidings to the effect that within a few moons there was to be a great upheaval or 
earthquake, All the improvements of the whites—all their houses, their goods, 
stores, ete.—would remain, but the whites would ba swallowed up, while the Indians 
would be sayed and permitted to enjoy the earth and all the fullness thereof, in- 
eluding anything left by the wicked whites. This revelation was duly proclaimed 
by the prophet, and attracted afew believers, but the doubting skeptics were too 
many, and they ridiculed the idea that the white men would fall into the holes and 
be swallowed up while the Indians would not. As the prophet couid not enforce his 
belief, he went up into the mountain again and came back with a second revelation, 
which was that when the great disaster came, all, both Indians and whites, would be 
swallowed up or overwhelmed, but that at the end of three days (or a few days) the 
Indians would be resurrected in the flesh, and would live forever to enjoy the earth, 
with plenty of game, fish, and pine nuts, while their enemies, the whites, would 
be destroyed forever. There would thus be a final and eternal separation between 
Indians and whites. 

This revelation, which seemed more reasonable, was rather popular for awhile, 
but as time wore along faith seemed to weaken and the prophet was without honor 
even in his own country. After much fasting and prayer, he made a third trip to 
the mountain, where he secured a final revelation or message to the people. The 
divine spirit had become so much incensed at the lack of faith in the prophecies, 
that it was revealed to his chosen one that those Indians who believed in the 
prophecy would be resurrected and be happy, but those who did not believe in it 
would stay in the ground and be damned forever with the whites. 

It was not long after this that the prophet died, and the poor miserable Indians 
worried along for nearly two decades, eating grasshoppers, lizards, and fish, and 
trying to be civilized until the appearance of this new prophet Quoit-tsow, who is 
said to be the son, either actual or spiritual, of the first one. 


Additional details are given in the following interesting extract 
from a letter addressed to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, under 
date of November 19, 1890, by Mr Frank Campbell, who has an inti- 
mate acquaintance with the tribe and was employed in an official 
capacity on the reservation at the time when Tiivibo first announced 
the new revelation. It would appear from Mr Campbell’s statement 
that under the new dispensation both races were to meet on a common 
level, and, as this agrees with what Professor Thompson, referred to later 
on, afterward found among the eastern Paiute, it is probable that the 
original doctrine had been very considerably modified since its first 
promulgation a few years before. 

Eighteen years ago I was resident farmer on Walker Lake Indian reserve, Nevada. 
T had previously been connected with the Indian service at the reserve for ten years, 
was familiar with the Paiute customs, and personally acquainted with all the 
Indians in that region. In 1872 an Indian commenced preaching a new religion 
at that reserve that caused a profound sensation among the Paiute. For several 
months I was kept in ignorance of the cause of the excitement—which was remark- 
able, considering the confidence they had always reposed in me. They no doubt 
expected me to ridicule the sayings of the new messiah, as T had always labored 
among them to break down their superstitious beliefs. When finally I was made 


+e 
MOONEY] ACCOUNT OF TA’VIBO 703 


acquainted with the true facts of the case, I told them the preachings of Waugh-zee- 
waugh-ber were good and no harm could come from it. Indian emissaries visited 
the reserve from Idaho, Oregon, and other places, to investigate the new religion. 
I visited the Indian camp while the prophet was in a trance and remained until he 
came to. In accordance with instructions, the Indians gathered around him and 
joined in a song that was to guide the spirit back to the body. Upon reanimation 
he gave a long account of his visit in the spirit to the Supreme Ruler, who was then 
on the way with all the spirits of the departed dead to again reside upon this earth 
and change it into a paradise. Life was to be eternal, and no distinction was to 
exist between races. 

This morning’s press dispatches contain an account of Poreupine’s visit to Walker 
lake . . . that proves to me that the religion started at Walker lake eighteen 
years ago is the same that is now agitating the Indian world. There is nothing in 
it to cause trouble between whites and Indians unless the new Messiah is misquoted 
and his doctrine misconstrued. I left Walker Lake reserve in June, 1873, and at the 
time supposed this craze would die out, but have several times since been reminded 
by Nevada papers and letters that it was gradually spreading. (G. D., 3.) 


The name given by Campbell certainly does not much resemble 
Tiivibo, but it is quite possible that the father, like the son, had more 
than one name. It is also possible that ‘* Waughzeewaughber” was not 
the prophet described by Captain Lee, but one of his disciples who had 
taken up and modified the original doctrine. The name Tiivibo refers 
to the east (tdvdnagivat) or place where the sun (tébi) rises. By the 
cognate Shoshoni and Comanche the whites are called Taivo. 

From oral information of Professor A. H. Thompson, of the United 
States Geological Survey, I learn some particulars of the advent of the 
new doctrine among the Paiute of southwestern Utah. While his 
party was engaged in that section in the spring of 1875, a great excite- 
ment was caused among the Indians by the report that two mysterious 
beings with white skins (it will be remembered that the father of Wovoka 
was named Tiivibo or “white man”) had appeared among the Paiute 
far to the west and announced a speedy resurrection of all the dead 
Indians, the restoration of the game, and the return of the old-time 
primitive life. Under the new order of things, moreover, both races 
alike were to be white. A number of Indians from Utah went over 
into Nevada, where they met others who claimed to have seen these 
mysterious visitors farther in the west. On their return to Utah they 
brought back with them the ceremonial of the new belief, the chief 
part of the ritual being a dance performed at night in a circle, with no 
fire in the center, very much as in the modern Ghost dance. 

It is said that the Mormons, who hold the theory that the Indians are 
the descendants of the supposititious **ten lost tribes,” cherish, as a part 
of their faith, the tradition that some of the lost Hebrew emigrants are 
still ice-bound in the frozen north, whence they will one day emerge to 
rejoin their brethren in the south. When the news of this Indian revela- 
tion came to their ears, the Mormon priests accepted it as a prophecy 
of speedy fulfillment of their own traditions, and Orson Pratt, one of 
the most prominent leaders, preached a sermon, which was extensively 

14 ETH—PT 2 


5 


TOA THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


copied and commented on at the time, urging the faithful to arrange 
their affairs and put their houses in order to receive the long-awaited 
wanderers. 

According to the statement of the agent then in charge at Fort Hall, 
in Idaho, the Mormons at the same time—the early spring of 1875— 
sent emissaries to the Bannock, urging them to go to Salt Lake City to 
be baptized into the Mormon religion, A large number accepted the 
invitation without the knowledge of the agent, went down to Utah, and 
were there baptized, and then returned to work as missionaries of the 
new faith among their tribes. As an additional inducement, free rations 
were furnished by the Mormons to all who would come and be baptized, 
and “they were told that by being baptized and going to church the 
old men would all become young, the young men would never be sick, 
that the Lord had a work for them to do, and that they were the chosen 
people of God to establish his Kingdom upon the earth,” ete. It is also 
asserted that they were encouraged to resist the authority of the gov- 
ernment. (Comr., 2.) However much of truth there may be in these 
reports, and we must make considerable allowance for local prejudice, 
it is sufficiently evident that the Mormons took an active interest in 
the religious ferment then existing among the neighboring tribes and 
helped to give shape to the doctrine which crystallized some years later 
in the Ghost dance. 


NAKAI’-DOKLINI 


Various other prophets of more or less local celebrity have arisen 
from time to time among the tribes, and the resurrection of the dead 
and the return of the olden things have usually figured prominently 

in their prophecies. In fact, this idea 


° has probably been the day-dream of 
; ° a every Indian medicine-man since the 
5 ° 5 whites first landed in America. Most 
Shee of these, however, have been unknown 
ou AS to fame outside of their own narrow 
ew ee ye, OLenesece circles, except where chance or delib- 
5 Sets p erate purpose has given a warlike mean- 
° e 5 ing to their teachings and thus made 
° . ° them the subjects of official notice. 
; Among these may be mentioned the 


Apache medicine-man Nakai’ dokli/ni, 
who attracted some attention for a time 
in southern Arizona in 1881. (Bourke, 1.) In the early part of this 
year he began to advertise his supernatural powers, claiming to be 
able to raise the dead and commune with spirits, and predicting 
that the whites would soon be driven from the land. He taught his 
followers a new and peculiar dance, in which the performers were 
ranged like the spokes of a wheel, all facing inward, while he, stand- 


Fig. 68—Nakai'-dokli‘ni’s dance- wheel. 


MOONEY] NAKAI -DOKLI NI’S PROPHECY 705 


ing in the center, sprinkled them with the sacred hoddentin' as they 
circled around him. 

In June of 188i he announced to his people, the White Mountain 
bandof Apache on San Carlos reservation, that on condition of recely- 
ing a sufficient number of horses and blankets for his trouble he would 
bring back from the dead two chiefs who had been killed afew months 
before. The proposition naturally aroused great excitement among the 
Indians. Eager to have once more with them their beloved chiefs, they 
willingly produced the required ponies, and when remonstrated with by 
the agent, replied that they would wait until the specified time for the 
fulfillment of the prediction, when, if the dead chiefs failed to materi- 
alize, they would demand the restoration of the property. (Comr., 5.) 

Accordingly Nakai’ dokli/ni began his prayers and ceremonies, and 
the dance was kept up regularly at his camp on Cibicu creek until 
August, when it was reported to Colonel E. A. Carr, commanding at 
Fort Apache, that the medicine-man had announced that the dead 
chiefs refused to return because of the presence of the whites, but that 
when the whites left, the dead would return, and that the whites would 
be out of the country when the corn was ripe. 

As matters seemed to be getting serious, the agent now called on the 
commanding officer to ‘arrest or kill him, or both.” The officer pre- 
pared to make the arrest when Nakai/-dokli/ui should come down to the 
post to lead the dance which had been arranged to take place in a 
few days. The prophet failed to put in an appearance, however, and 
messengers were sent to his camp to ask him to come to the fort the 
next Sunday. To this message he returned an evasive reply, whereon 
Colonel Carr, with 85 white troops and 23 Apache scouts, started for 
his camp in Cibicu canyon to put him under arrest. They arrived at the 
village on August 30. Nakai/-dokli/ni submitted quietly to arrest, but 
as the troops were naking camp for the night, their own scouts, joined 
by others of the Indians, opened fire on them. A sharp skirmish 
ensued, in which several soldiers were killed or wounded, but the Io- 
dians were repulsed with considerable loss, including the prophet him- 
self, who was killed at the first fire. The result was another in the long 
series of Apache outbreaks. (Comr., 4; Sec. War, 1; A. G. O., 2.) 


THE POTAWATOMI PROPHET 


In 1883 a new religion was introduced among the Potawatomi and 
Kickapoo, of the Pottawotomie and Great Nemaha agency in north- 


1 Hadn-tin or hoddentin, in Navaho tadatin, is a sacred yellow powder from the pollen of the tule 
rush, or, among the Navaho, of corn. It enters into every important ceremonial performance of the 
Apache and Navaho. The latter always sprinkle some upon the surface of the water before crossing a 
stream. The name of the medicine-man is written also Nakay-doklunni or Nockay Delklinne, and he 
was commonly called Bobbydoklinny by the whites. Dr Washington Matthews, the best authority 
on the closely related dialect of the Navaho, thinks the name might mean ‘‘spotted or freckled Mexi- 
can,” Nakai, literally ‘‘ white alien,’ being the name for Mexican in both dialects. The name would 
not necessarily indicate that the medicine-man was of Mexican origin, but night have been given, in 
accordance with the custom of some tribes, to commemorate the fact that he had killed a freckled 
Mexican. 


706 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


eastern Kansas, by visiting Potawatomi, Winnebago, and Ojibwa from 
Wisconsin. As usual, the ritual part consists chiefly of a ceremonial 
dance. In doctrine it teaches the same code of morality enjoined 
by the ten commandments, and especially prohibits liquor drinking, 
gambling, and horse racing, for which reason the agents generally have 
not seen fit to interfere with it, and in some cases have rather encour- 
aged it as a civilizing influence among that portion of the tribes not 
ét¢ enrolled in Christian denominations. The movement is entirely 
Vdistinet from the Ghost dance, and may perhaps be a revival of the 
system preached by Kiinakiik more than fifty years before. In 1891 
the majority of the two tribes, numbering in all 749, were reported as 
adherents of the doctrine. (Comr., 5, 6,7; also reports from the same 
agency for 1887 and 1889.) A large number of the Sauk and Fox, Kick- 
apoo, and Potawatomi of Oklahoma are also believers in the religion. 
Y In 1885 Agent Patrick says on this subject: 

These Indians are chaste, cleanly, and industrious, and would be a valuable 
acquisition to the Prairie band if it were not for their intense devotion to a religious 
dance started among the northern Indians some years since. This dance was itytro- 
duced to the Prairie band about two years ago by the Absentee Pottawatomies and 
Winnebagoes, and has spread throughout the tribes in the agency. They seem to 
have adopted the religion as a means of expressing their belief in the justice and 
mercy of the Great Spirit and of their devotion to him, and are so earnest in their 
convictions as to its affording them eternal happiness that I have thought it impoli- 
tie so far to interfere with it any further than to advise as few meetings as possible 
and to discountenance it in my intercourse with the individuals practicing the 
religion. It is not an unmixed evil, as under its teaching drunkenness and gambling 
have been reduced 75 per cent, and a departure from virtue on the part of its mem- 
bers meets with the severest condemnation. As some tenets of revealed religion are 
embraced in its doctrines, I do not consider it a backward step for the Indians who 
have not heretofore professed belief in any Christian religion, and believe its worst 
features are summed up in the loss of time it occasions and the fanatical train of 
thought involved in the constant contemplation of the subject. (Comr., 6.) 


CHEEZ-TAH-PAEZH THE SWORD-BEARER 


It is probable that something of the messiah idea entered into the 
promises held out to his followers by Sword-bearer, a Crow medicine- 
man, in Montana in 1887. The official records are silent on this point, 
although it is definitely stated that he asserted his own invulnerability, 
and that his claims in this respect were implicitly believed by his 
people. Cheez-tah-paezh, literally “ Wraps his tail” (also written Chees- 
chapahdisch, Cheschopah, Chese cha-pahdish, and Chese-Topah), was 
without any special prominence in his tribe until the summer of 1887, 
when, in company with several other young men of the Crows, he par- 
ticipated in the sun dance of the Cheyenne, and showed such fortitude 
in enduring the dreadful torture that he was presented by the Cheyenne 
with a medicine saber painted red, in virtue of which he took the title 
of Sword-bearer. This naturally brought him into notice at home, and 
he soon aspired to become a chief and medicine-man, Among other 
things, he asserted that no bullet or weapon had power to harm him, 


MOONEY] THE SWORD-BEARER AFFAIR TOT 


What other claims he made are not known, but his words produced 
such an impression, it is said, that for a time every full-blood and half- 
blood among the Crows believed in him. 

In a few months he had become one,of the most influential leaders in 
the tribe, when, taking advantage of some dissatisfaction toward the 
agent, he headed a demonstration against the agency on September 30. 
Troops under General Ruger were called on to arrest him and the others 
concerned, and in attempting to do this, on November 5, 1887, a skir- 
mish ensued in which Sword-bearer was killed. His death convinced 
his followers of the falsehood of his pretensions, and the tribe, which 
hitherto had always been loyal to the government, soon resumed its 
friendly attitude. (Sec. War, 2; A. G@.0., 3; additional details from a 
personal letter by Colonel Simon Snyder, Fifteenth infantry.) 

The action is graphically described by Roosevelt on the authority of 
one of the officers engaged. When the troops arrived, they found the 
Crow warriors awaiting them ona hill, mounted on their war ponies 
and in full paint and buckskin. In this author’s words— 


The Crows on the hilltop showed a sullen and threatening front, and the troops 
advanced slowly toward them, and then halted for a parley. Meanwhile a mass of 
black thunder clouds gathering on the horizon threatened one of those cloudbursts 
of extreme severity and suddenness so characteristic of the plains country. While 
still trying to make arrangements for a parley, a horseman started out of the Crow 
ranks and galloped headlong down toward the troops. It was the medicine chief 
Sword-bearer. He was painted and in his battle dress, wearing his war bonnet of 
floating, trailing eagle feathers, and with the plumes of the same bird braided in the 
mane and tail of his fiery little horse. On he came at a gallop almost up to the 
troops, and then began to circle around them, calling and singing, and throwing his 
red sword into the air, catching it by the hilt as it fell. Twice he rode completely 
around the troops, who stood in uncertainty, not knowing what to make of his per- 
formance, and expressly forbidden to shoot at him. Then, paying no further heed 
to them, he rode back toward the Crows. It appears that he had told the latter 
that he would ride twice around the hostile force, and by his incantations would 
eall down rain from heaven, which would make the hearts of the white men like 
water, so that they would go back to their homes. Sure enongh, while the arrange- 
ments for the parley were still going forward, down came the cloudburst, drenching 
the command, and making the ground on the hills in front nearly impassable; and 
before it dried a courier arrived with orders to the troops to go back to camp. 

This fulfillment of Sword-bearer’s prophecy of course raised his reputation to the 
zenith, and the young men of the tribe prepared for war, while the older chiefs, who 
more fully realized the power of the whites, still hung back. When the troops next 
appeared, they came upon the entire Crow force, the women and children with their 
tepees being off to one side beyond a little stream, while almost all the warriors of 
the tribe were gathered in front. Sword-bearer started to repeat his former ride, to 
the intense irritation of the soldiers. Luckily, however, this time someof his young 
men could not be restrained. They, too, began to ride near the troops, and one of 
them was unable to refrain from firing on Captain Edwards’s troop, which was 
in the van. This gave the soldiers their chance. They instantly responded with 
a volley, and Edwards's troop charged. The fight lasted only a minute or two, for 
Sword-bearer was struck by a bullet and fell; and as he had boasted himself 
invulnerable and promised that his warriors should be invulnerable also if they 
would follow him, the hearts of the latter became as water, and they broke in every 
direction. (Roosevelt, 7.) 


CHAPTER VI 
THE SMOHALLA RELIGION OF THE COLUMBIA REGION 
SMOHALLA 


I have only one heart. Although you say, Go to another country, my heart is not 
that way. I do not want money for my land. I am here, and here is where I am 
going to be. IT will not part with lands, and if you come again I will say the same 
thing. I will not part with my lands. —Tmatilla ( ‘hief. 


We have never made any trade. The earth is part of my hody, and I never gave 
up the earth. So long as the earth keeps me I want to be Jet alone.— Toohulhulsote. 


Their only troubles arise from the attempts of white men to encroach upon the 
reservations. I verily believe that were the snow-crowned summits of Mount 
Rainier set apart as an Indian reservation, white men would immediately commence 
jumping them.—Superintendent Ross. 


About the time that the Paiute were preparing for the millennial 
dawn, we begin to hear of a ‘dreamer prophet ” on the Columbia, called 
Smohalla, who was becoming a thorn in the flesh of the Indian agents 
in that quarter, and was reported to be organizing among the Indians a 
new religion which taught the destruction of the whites and resistance 
to the government, and made moral virtues of all the crimes in the 
catalog. One agent, in disregard of grammar if not of veracity, 
gravely reported that ‘the main object is to allow a plurality of 
wives, immunity from punishment for lawbreaking, and allowance 
of all the vices—especially drinking and gambling—are chief virtues 
in the believers of this religion.” (Comr., 5.) 

This was bad enough, but worse was behind it. It appeared that 
Smohalla and his followers, numbering perhaps about 2,000 Indians of 
various tribes along the Columbia in eastern Washington and Oregon, 
had never made treaties giving up any of their lands, and consequently 
claimed the right to take salmon in the streams and dig kamas in the 
prairies of their ancestral country undisturbed and unmolested, and 
stoutly objected to going on any of the neighboring reservations at 
Yakima, Umatilla, or Warmspring. There is no doubt that justice 
and common sense were on the side of the Indians, for by the reports 
of the agents themselves it is shown that the dwellers on the reserva- 
tious were generally neglected, poor, and miserable, and subjected to 
constant encroachments by the whites in spite of treaties and treaty 
lines. while at the same time that agents and superintendents were 
invoking the aid of the military to compel Smohalla’s followers to go 
on a reservation these same men were moving heaven and earth to 
foree the Indians already on a reservation to give up their treaty rights 
and remove to another and less valuable location—to begin life anew 


708 


MOONEY] AFFAIRS IN THE NORTHWEST 709 


under the fostering care of the government until such time as the 
white man should want them to move on again. 

These matters are treated at length in the annual reports of the 
Commissioner of Indian Affairs, with the accompanying reports of 
superintendents and agents in charge of the reservations concerned, 
from 1870 to 1875. With regard to the Umatilla reservation, to which 
most strenuous efforts were made to remove the “renegades,” as they 
were called. Agent Boyle reports in 1870 (Comr., 9) that the Indians are 
“dispirited . . . in consequence of the oft-repeated theme that their 
farms are to be taken from them and given to the white settlers.” He 
continues, “It is hardly to be expected that the Indians can retain 
this reservation much longer unless the strong arm of the government 
protects them. Daily 1 am called upon to notify the white settlers 
that they are encroaching upon the Indian lands.” He advises their 
removal to a permanent reservation, “knowing as I do that they must 
go sooner or later.” Again, ‘The agency has been established for the 
space of ten years, and I regret exceedingly that I have been most 
completely disappointed with what I see about me.” In discussing 
the removal of the Indians to a new reservation, Superintendent 
Meacham says of a considerable portion of them that it ‘would suit 
them better to be turned loose to look out for themselves.” (Comr., 10.) 

In 1873 Agent Cornoyer reported that the Indians numbered 837, 
by the census of 1870, which he believes was as correct as could then 
be taken, but ‘*this number I think is now too high.” He continues: 

Of the appropriation of $4,000 per annum for beneficial objects, not one single 
dollar of that fund has been turned over to me since September, 1871; and of the 
appropriation for incidental expenses of $40,000 per annum for the Indian service in 
this state, only £200 of that appropriation has been turned over to me during the 
same period of two years. . . . I wonld also beg leave to call your attention to 
that portion of my last annual report wherein I called the attention of the Depart- 
iment to the unfulfilled stipulations of the treaty of June 9, 1855, with these Indians. 
(Comr., 11.) 

Comnnissioner Brunot, in 1871, stated that the estimated number of 
Indians coming under the provisions of the treaty at the time it was 
made in 1855 was 3,500, and “by the census taken in 1870 the number 
was 1,622”—a decrease of nearly one-half in fifteen years. Of these 
only about half were on the reservation, the rest being on Columbia 
river, ‘never having partaken of the benefits of the treaty.” On the 
next page he tells us what some of these benefits are: ‘ Maladminis- 
tration of agents, and the misapplication of funds, the failure of the 
government to perform the promises of the treaty, and the fact that 
the Indians have been constantly agitated by assertions that the goy- 
ernment intended their removal, and that their removal was urged for 
several years in succession in the reports of a former agent, thus tak- 
ing away from them all incentives to improve their lands.” (Com, 72.) 

In 1871 a commission was sent to Umatilla and other reservations, 
which gave the Indians a chance to speak for themselves. The Cayuse 


710 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


chief, described as a Catholic Indian, in dress, personal appearance, 
and bearing superior to the average American farmer, said: 


This reservation is marked out for us. We see it with our eyes and our hearts. 
We all hold it with our bodies and our souls. Right out here are my father and 
mother, and brothers and sisters and children, all buried. I am guarding their 
graves. My friend, this reservation, this small piece of land, we look upon it as 
our mother, as if she were raising us. You come to ask me for my land. It is like 
as if we who are Indians were to be sent away and get lost. . . . What is the 
reason you white men who live near the reservation like my land and want to 
get it?) You must not think so. My friends, you must not talk too strong about 
getting my land. I like my land and will not let it go. 


The Wallawalla chief said: 


Thave tied all the reservation in my heart and it can not be loosened. It is dear 
as our bodies to us. 


The Umatilla chief said: 


Our red people were brought up here. . . . When my father and mother died, 
Iwas left here. They gave me rules and gave me their land to live upon. They left 
me to take care of them after they were buried. I was to watch over their graves. 
I do not wish to part with my land. I have felt tired working on my land, so tired 
that the sweat dropped off me on the ground. Where is all that Governor Stevens 
or General Palmer said [i. e., that it was to be a reservation for the Indians forever] ? 
Tam very fond of this land that is marked ont forme. . . . Should I take only 
a small piece of ground and a white man sit down beside me, I fear there would be 
trouble all the time. 


An old man said: 


Iam getting old now, and I want to die where my father and mother and children 
have died. I do not wish to leave this land and go off to some other land. é 
I see where I have sweat and worked in trying to get food. I love my church, my 
mills, my farm, the graves of my parents and children. I do not wish to leave 
my land. That is all my heart, and I show it to you. 


A young chief said: 


Ihave only one heart, one tongue. Although you say, Go to another country, my 
heart is not that way. I do not wish for any money for my land. I am here, and 
here is where Iam going tobe. . . . I will not part with lands, and if you come 
again I will say the same thing. I will not part with my lands. 


The commissioner who was conducting the negotiations, after enu- 
merating the promises made to the Indians in return for the lands which 
they had surrendered under the original treaty of 1855, tells how some 
of these promises have been fulfilled: 

A miserably inadequate supply of worn-out agricultural implements. A 
group of eight or ten dilapidated shanties used for the agency buildings. The 
physician promised has never resided upon the reservation, but lives and practices 
his profession at Pendleton. The hospital promised (fifteen years ago) has not yet 
been erected. 

Of their ever-living grievance Colonel Ross, superintendent of the 
Washington agencies, says: 

Their only troubles arise from the attempts of white men to encroach upon the reser- 
vations. A mania prevails among a certain class of citizens in this direetion. I verily 


MOONEY] THE BEGINNING OF SMOHALLA (ut 


believe that were the snow-crowned summits of Mount Rainier set apart as an Indian 
reservation, white men would immediately commence jumping them. (Comr., 14.) 


JOSEPH AND THE NEZ PERCE WAR 


We first hear officially of Smohalla and his people from <A. B. 
Meacham, superintendent of Indian affairs in Oregon, who states, in 
September, 1870, that— 

One serious drawback [to the adoption of the white man’s road] is the 
existence among the Indians of Oregon of a peculiar religion called Smokeller or 
Dreamers, the chief doctrine of which is that the red man is again to rule the coun- 
try, and this sometimes leads to rebellion against lawful authority. 

A few pages farther on we learn the nature of this rebellion: 

The next largest band (not on a reservation) is Smokeller’s, at Priest rapids, 
Washington territory. They also refused to obey my order to come in, made to them 
during the month of February last, of which full report was made. I would also 
recommend that they be removed to Umatilla by the military. (Comr., 15.) 

Three months before this report Congress had passed a bill appoint- 
ing commissioners to negotiate with the tribes of Umatilla reservation 
“to ascertain upon what terms they would be willing to sell their lands 
and remove elsewhere,” and Meacham himself was the principal member 
of this commission. (Comr., 15.) 

In 1872 Smohalla’s followers along the Coluinbia were reported to 
number 2,000, and his apostles were represented as constantly traveling 
from one reservation to another to win over new converts to his teach- 
ings. Repeated efforts had been made to induce them to go on the 
reservations in eastern Oregon and Washington, but without: suecess. 
We are told now that— 

They have a new and peculiar religion, by the doctrines of which they are taught 
that a new god is coming to their rescue; that all the Indians who have died hereto- 
fore, and who shall die hereafter, are to be resurrected; that as they will then he 
very numerous and powerful, they will be able to conquer the whites, recover their 
lands, and live as free and unrestrained as their fathers lived in olden times. Their 
model of amanisan Indian. They aspire to be Indians and nothing else. 

It is thought by those who know them best that they can not be made to go upon 
their reservations without at least being intimidated by the presence of a military 
force. (Comr., 17.) 

We hear but little more of Smohalla and his doctrines for several 
years, until attention was again attracted to Indian affairs in the north. 
west by the growing dissatisfaction which culminated in the Nez Percé 
war of 1877. The Nez Percés, especially those who acknowledged the 
leadership of Chief Joseph, were largely under the influence of the 
Dreamer prophets, and there was reason to believe that an uprising 
inaugurated by so prominent a tribe would involve all the smaller tribes 
in sympathy with the general Indian belief. As soon therefore as it 
became evident that matters were approaching a crisis, a commission, of 
which General O. O. Howard was chief, was appointed to make some 
peaceable arrangement with the so-called “renegades” on the upper 
Columbia. The commissioners met Smohalla and his principal men 


alt? THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


at Wallula, Washington territory, on April 23, 1877, and as a result of 
the council then held these non-treaty tribes, although insisting as 
strongly as ever on their right to live undisturbed in their own coun- 
try, yet refrained from taking part in the war which broke out a few 
weeks later. 

It is foreign to our purpose to recount the history of the Nez Percé 
war of 1877. Asis generally the case with Indian wars, it originated 
in the unauthorized intrusion of lawless whites on lands which the 
Indians claimed as theirs by virtue of occupancy from time immemorial. 
The Nez Percés, whom all authorities agree in representing as a supe- 
rior tribe of Indians, originally inhabited the valleys of Clearwater and 
Salmon rivers in Idaho, with the country extending west of Snake 
river into Washington and Oregon as far as the Blue mountains. They 
are first officially noticed in the report of the Indian Commissioner for 
1843, where they are described as ‘‘noble, industrious, sensible,” and 
well disposed toward the whites, while ‘though brave as Cwsar, the 
whites have nothing to dread at their hands in case of their dealing out 
to them what they conceive to be right and equitable.” (Comr., 18.) 
It being deemed advisable to bring them into more direct relations 
with the United States, the agent who made the report called the 
chiefs together in this year and “assured them of the kind intentions of 
our government, and of the sad consequences that would ensue to any 
white man, from this time, who should invade their rights.” (Comr., 19.) 
On the strength of these fair promises a portion of the tribe, in 1855, 
entered into a treaty by which they ceded a large part of their terri- 
tory, and were guaranteed possession of the rest. In 1860, however, 
gold was discovered in the country, and the usual result followed. ‘In 
defiance of law, and despite the protestations of the Indian agent, a 
townsite was laid off in October, 1861, on the reservation, and Lewis- 
ton, with a population of 1,200, sprung into existence.” (Comr., 20.) A 
new treaty was then made in 1863, by which the intruders were secured 
in possession of what they had thus seized, and the Nez Percés were 
restricted within much narrower limits. By this treaty the Wallowa 
valley, in northeastern Oregon, the ancestral home of that part of the 
tribe under the leadership of Chief Joseph, was takeu from the Indians. 
This portion of the tribe, however, had refused to have part in the 
negotiations, and ‘Chief Joseph and his band, utterly ignoring the 
treaty of 1863, continued to ciaim the Wallowa valley, where he was 
tacitly permitted to roam without restraint, until the encroachments 
of white settlers induced the government to take some definite action 
respecting this band of non-treaty Nez Perecés.” (Comr., 21.) At this 
time the tribe numbered about 2,800, of whom about 500 acknowledged 
Joseph as their chief. ; 

Collisions between the whites and Indians in the valley became more 
frequent, and oneof Joseph’s band had been killed, when a commission 
was appointed in 1876 to induce the Indians to give up the Wallowa 
valley and remove to Lapwai reservation in Idaho. Joseph still refus- 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, LXXXVII 


CHIEF JOSEPH 


MOONEY] CAUSE OF THE NEZ PERCE WAR (ales) 


ing to remove, the matter was turned over to General Howard. On 
May 3, 1877, he held the first council with Joseph and his followers at 
Fort Lapwai. Their ceremonial approach, which was probably in accord 
with the ritual teachings of the Dreamer religion, is thus described by 
the general: 

A long rank of men, followed by women and children, with faces painted, the red 
paint extending back into the partings of the hair—the men’s hair braided and tied 
up with showy strings—ornamented in dress, in hats, in blankets with variegated 
colors, in leggings of buckskin and moccasins beaded and plain; women with bright 
shawls or blankets, and skirts to the ankle and top moccasins. All were monnted on 
Indian ponies as various in color as the dress of the riders, These picturesque people, 
after keeping us waiting long enough for effect, came in sight from up the valley from 
the direction of their temporary camp just above the company gardens. ‘They drew 
near to the hollow square of the post and in front of the small company to be inter- 
viewed. Then they struck up their song. They were not armed except with a few 
tomahawk pipes that could be smoked with the peaceful tobacco or penetrate the 
skull bone of an enemy, at the will of the holder. Yet somehow this wild sound 
produced a strange effect. It made one feel glad that there were but fifty of them, 
and not five hundred. It was shrill apd searching; sad, like a wail, and yet defiant 
inits close. The Indians swept around outside the fence and made the entire circuit, 
still keeping up the song as they rode. The buildings broke the refrain into irreg- 
ular bubblings of sound until the ceremony was completed. (Howard, 1.) 

At this conference Toohulhulsote, the principal Dreamer priest of 
Joseph’s band, acted as spokesman for the Indians, and insisted, accord- 
ing to the Smohalla doctrine, that the earth was his mother, that she 
should not be disturbed by hoe or plow, that men should subsist by 
the spontaneous productions of nature, and that the sovereignty of the 
earth could not be sold or given away. Continuing, he asserted, ‘* We 
neyer have made any trade. Part of the Indians gave up their land. 
T never did. The earth is part of my body, and I never gave up the 
earth. So long as the earth keeps me I want to be left alone.” Gen- 
eral Howard finally ordered him under arrest, after which the Indians 
at last agreed to go on a reservation by June 14. (Howard, 2.) A few 
days later, councils were held with Smohalla and his people, and with 
Moses, another noted “renegade” chief with a considerable following 
farther up the Columbia. Both chiefs, representing at least 500 war- 
riors, disclaimed any hostile intentions and agreed to go on reservations. 
Smohalla said, “Your law is my law. I say to you, yes. I will be on 
a reservation by September.” (Howard, 3.) Parties under Joseph and 
other leading chiefs then went out to select suitable locations for reser. 
vations, Joseph and his band deciding in favor of Lapwai valley. Every- 
thing was moving smoothly toward a speedy and peaceful settlement 
of all difficulties, and the commission had already reported the success- 
ful accomplishment of the work, when a single act of lawless violence 
undid the labor of weeks and precipitated a bloody war. (Comr., 22.) 

One of Joseph’s band had been murdered by whites some time betore, 
but the Indians had remained quiet. (Comr., 23.) Now, while the Nez 
Percés were gathering up their stock to remove to the reservation 
selected, a band of white robbers attacked them, ran off the cattle, and 


714 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ErH. ANN. 14 


killed one of the party in charge. Joseph could no longer restrain his 
warriors, and on June 13, 1877-—one day before the date that had been 
appointed for going on the reservation—the enraged Nez Percés 
attacked the neighboring settlement on White Bird creek, Idaho, and 
killed 21 persons.’ The war was begun. The troops under Howard 
were ordered out. The first fight occurred on June 17 at Hangman’s 
creek and resulted in the loss of 34 soldiers. Then came another on 
July 4 with.a loss of 13 more. Then on July 12 another encounter by 
troops under General Howard himself, in which 11 soldiers were killed 
and 26 wounded. (Comr., 24.) 

Then began one of the most remarkable exhibitions of generalship in 
the history of our Indian wars, a retreat worthy to be remembered 
with that of the storied ten thousand. With hardly a hundred war- 
riors, and impeded by more than 350 helpless women and children — with 
General Howard behind, with Colonel (General) Miles in front, and 
with Colonel Sturgis and the Crow scouts coming down upon his flank — 
Chief Joseph led his little band up the Clearwater and across the moun- 
tains into Montana, turning at Big Hole pass long enough to beat back 
his pursuers with a loss of 60 men; then on by devious mountain trails 
southeast into Yellowstone park, where he again turned on Howard 
and drove him back with additional loss of men and horses; then out 
of Wyoming and north into Montana again, hoping to find safety on 
Canadian soil, until intercepted in the neighborhood of the Yellowstone 
by Colonel Sturgis in front with fresh troops and a detachment of Crow 
scouts, with whom they sustained two more encounters, this time with 
heavy loss of men and horses to themselves; then again eluding their 
pursuers, this handful of starving and worn-out warriors, now reduced 
to scarcely fifty able men, carrying their wounded and their helpless 
families, crossed the Missouri and entered the Bearpaw mountains. 
But new enemies were on their trail, and at last, when within 50 miles 
of the land of refuge, Miles, with a fresh army, cut off their retreat by a 
decisive blow, capturing more than half their horses, killing a number 
of the band, including Joseph’s brother and the noted chief Looking 
Glass, and wounding 40 others. (Comr., 25.) 

Forced either to surrender or to abandon the helpless wounded, the 
women, and children, Joseph chose to surrender to Colonel Miles, ou 
October 5, 1877, after a masterly retreat of more than a thousand miles. 
He claimed that this was ‘‘a conditional surrender, with a distinet 
promise that he should go back to Idaho in the spring.” (Comr., 26.) 
The statement of General Howard’s aid-de-camp is explicit on this 
point: 


It was promised Joseph that he would be taken to Tongue river and kept there till 
spring, and then be returned toIdaho, General Sheridan, ignoring the promises made 


The details of the attack on the cattle guards is given by Helen Hunt Jackson (Century of ‘Dis- 
honor, page 131). The Indian Commissioner, in his official report, says: ‘‘ Open hostilities by these 
Indians began by the murder of 21 white men and women on White Bird creek, near Mount Idaho, in 
revenge for the murder of one of their tribe.” (Comr. Rept., 1877, page 12.) 


MOONEY] CHARACTER OF 'THE NEZ PERCES TEI US) 


on the battlefield, ostensibly on account of the difficulty of getting supplies there 
from Fort Buford, ordered the hostiles to Leavenworth, . . . butdifferent treat- 
ment was promised them when they held rifles in their hands. (Sutherland, 7.) 


Seven years passed before the promise was kept, and in the mean- 
time the band had been reduced by disease and death in Indian Terri- 
tory from about 450 to about 280. 

This strong testimony to the high character of Joseph and his people 
and the justice of their cause comes from the commissioner at the head 
of Indian affairs during and immediately after the outbreak : 


I traveled with him in Kansas and the Indian Territory for nearly a week and found 
him to be one of the most gentlemanly and well-behaved Indians that levermet. He 
is bright and intelligent, and is anxious for the welfare of hispeople. . . . The 
Nez Percés are very much superior to the Osages and Pawnees in the Indian Territory ; 
they are even brighter than the Poncas, and care should be taken to place them where 
they will thrive. . . . It will be borne in mind that Joseph has uever made a 
treaty with the United States, and that he has never surrendered to the government 
the lands he claimed to own in Idaho, . . . I had occasion in my last annual 
report to say that ‘‘ Joseph and his followers have shown themselves to be brave men 
and skilled soldiers, who, with one exception, have observed the rules of civilized 
warfare, and have not mutilated their dead enemies.” ‘These Indians were encroached 
upon by white settlers on soil they believed to be their own, and when these eneroach- 
ments became intolerable they were compelled, in their own estimation, to take up 
arms. (Comr., 27a.) 


In all our sad Indian history there is nothing to exceed in pathetic 
eloquence the surrender speech of the Nez Percé chiet: 


Iam tired of fighting. Our chiefs are killed. Looking Glass is dead. Toohul- 
hulsote is dead. The old men are all dead. It is the young men who say yes or no. 
He who led the young men is dead. It is cold and we have no blankets. The little 
children are freezing to death. My people, some of them, have run away to the hiils 
and have no blankets, no food. No one knows where they are—perhaps freezing to 
death. I want to have time to look for my children and see how many of them I 
ean find. Maybe I shall tind them among the dead. Hear me, my chiefs. I am 
tired. My heart is sick and sad. From where the sun now stands I will fight no 
more forever. (Sec. War, 3.) 


CHAPTER VII 


SMOHALLA AND HIS DOCTRINE 


My young men shall never work. Men who work can not dream, and wisdom 
comes to usin dreams. . . . Youaskmetoplow the ground. ShallI take a knife 
and tear my mother’s bosom? You ask me to dig for stone. Shall I dig under her 
skin for her,bones? You ask me to cut grass and make hay and sell it and be rich 
like white men. But how dare I cut off my mother’s hair?—Smohalla. 


We hear little of Smohalla for several years after the Nez Pereé war 
until the opening of the Northern Pacifie railroad in 1883 onee more 
brought to a focus the land grievances of the Indians in that section. 
Along Yakima valley the railroad “was located through Indian fields 
and orchards, with little respect for individual rights,” while the host 
of prospective settlers who at once swarmed into the country showed 
the usual white man’s consideration for the native proprietors. Some 
ot the Indians, breaking away from their old traditions in order to 
obtain permanent homes before everything should be taken up by the 
whites, had gone out and selected homesteads under the law, and 
the agent was now using the Indian police to compel them to return to 
the reservation, ‘“‘and the singular anomaly was presented of the United 
States Indian agent on the one hand applying for troops to drive the 
Indians from their homestead settlements to the reservation a hundred 
miles away, and on the other the Indians telegraphing to the military 
authorities to send troops to proteet them from the Indian police.” 
(MacMurray MS.) In addition to their land troubles the Yakima and 
their confederated tribes, among whom were many progressive and even 
prosperous Indians, were restive under constant interference with their 
religious (Smohalia) ceremonies, to which a large proportion adhered. 

In order to learn the nature of the dissatisfaction of the Indians, and 
if possible to remove the cause, General Miles, then commanding the 
military department of the Columbia, sent Major J. W. MaeMurray to 
the scene of the disturbance in June, 1884. He spent about a year in 
the work, visiting the various villages of the upper Columbia, especially 
P ni at Priest rapids, where he met Smohalla, the high priest of the 
Dreamer theology, and his report on the subject is invaluable. 

Smohalla is the chief of the Wa/naptim, a small tribe in Washington, 
numbering probably less than 200 souls, commonly known rather indefi- 
nitely as ‘Columbia River Indians,” and roaming along both banks of 
the Columbia from the neighborhood of Priest rapids down to the 
entrance of Snake river. They are of Shahaptian stock and closely 
akin to the Yakima and Nez Perecés, and have never made a treaty with 

716 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


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Ro UAXINGLR. ot — = 


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SILETZ 1, 


DISTRIBUTION OF TRIBES OF THE UPPER COLUMB)! 


INCLUDING ALL 'THOSE OF THE SMOE‘ALI 
BY 


JAMES MO 
1804 


SALISHAN WAKASHAN SHAHAPTIAN ATHAPASCAN CHINOOKAN 


ee ial Fay 


FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT, PL.LXXXVIII. 


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[ON IN WASHINGTON, OREGON AND IDAHO 
SHAKER RELIGIONS 


KALAPOOTAN WAILLATPUAN SHOSHONEAN KITUNAHAN 


, * 
BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 
FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT, PL.LXXXVII. 


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DISTRIBUTION OF TRIBES OF THE UPPER COLUMBIA REGION IN WASHINGTON, OREGON AND IDAHO 
INCLUDING ALL THOSE OF THE SMOHALLA AND SHAKER RELIGIONS 


B 
JAMES MOONEY 
1894 
SHAHAP'TIAN ATHAPASCAN CHINOOKAN YAKONAN KALAPOOIAN WALLLATPUAN SHOSHONEAN RETUNALs as 


SALISHAN WAKASHAN 
: } 


bia nce. Le | Seal Ee Ean Lioaiaeed La 


—e 


MOONEY] DESCRIPTION OF SMOHALLA (ake! 


the government. Among his own people and his disciples in the neigh- 
boring tribes he is known as Shmoqtila, “The Preacher.”' He is also 
frequently called Yu/yunipi/tqana, ‘The Shouting Mountain,” from a 
belief among his followers that a part of his revelation came to him 
from a mountain which became instinct with life and spoke into his 
soul while he lay dreaming upon it. Still another name by which he is 
sometimes known is Waip-shwa, or ‘“‘ Rock Carrier,” the reason for which 
does not appear. The name which belonged to him in youth, before 
assuming his priestly function, is now forgotten. For more than forty 
years he has resided at the Wanapim village of P’nii on the west bank 
of the Columbia, at the foot of Priest rapids, in what is now Yakima 
county, Washington. The name P nii signifies “a fish weir,” this point 
being a great rendezvous for the neighboring tribes during the salmon- 
fishing season. These frequent gatherings afford abundant opportunity 
for the teaching and dissemination of his peculiar doctrines, as is sufti- 
ciently evident from the fact that, while his own tribe numbers hardly 
two score families, his disciples along the river are counted by thousands. 

Smohalla was born about 1815 or 1820, and is consequently now 
an old man, although still well preserved, and with his few scattering 
locks unchanged in color. At the time of the Nez Percé war he was in 
the full vigor of manhood. His appearance in 1854 is thus described by 
Major MacMurray: “In person Smohalla is peculiar. Short, thick-set, 
bald-headed and almost hunch-backed, he is not prepossessing at first 
sight, but he has an almost Websterian head, with a deep brow over 
bright, intelligent eyes. Heisa finished orator. His manner is mostly 
of the bland, insinuating, persuasive style, but when aroused he is 
full of fire and seems to handle invectives effectively. His audience 
seemed spellbound under his magic manner, and it never lost interest 
to me, though he spoke in a language comprehended by few white men 
and translated to me at second or third hand.” By another writer who 
met him a year later he is described as rather undersized and inclining 
toward obesity, with ‘a reserved and cunning but not ill natured coun- 
tenance, and a large, well-shaped head. His manners were more suave 
and insinuating than is usual with Indians.” He had a comfortable 
appearance, his moccasins and leggins were new, and he rode a good 
pinto pony. (Huggins, 7.) 

In his youth he had frequented the Catholic mission of Atahnam 
among the Yakima, where he became familiar with the forms of that 
service and also acquired a slight knowledge of French. Whether or 
not he was a regular member of the mission school is a disputed point, 
as it is asserted by some that he has never worn the white man’s dress 


' Bureau of Ethnology alphabet. Like most Indian names, it appears in a variety of forms. Other 
spellings are: Imoholla (misprint), Smawhola, Smohaller, Smohallow, Smohanlee, Smohollie, Smoke- 
holer, Smokeller, Smuxale, Snohollie, Snooholler, Somahallie. As the correct pronunciation is difficult 
to English speakers, I have chosen the popular form. In one official report he is mentioned as ‘* Smo- 
hal-ler, or Big-talk, or Four Mountains;" in another, probably by misprint, as ‘‘ Big talk on four 
mountains.” 


718 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION {ETH ANN. 14 


or had his hair cut. The influence of the Catholic ceremonial is plainly 
visible in his own ritual performance. In his early manhood he distin- 
guished himself as a warrior, and had already come to be regarded as 
a prominent man when he first began to preach his peculiar theology 
about the year 1850. There can be no question that the rapid spread of 
his doctrines among the tribes of the Columbia materially facilitated 
their confederation in the Yakima war of 1855-56. It is said that he 
aspired to be the leader in this war, and that, to attain this end, he 
invited all the neighboring bands to attend a council at his village of 
P na, but failed to accomplish his object. 

Shortly after the close of the war, probably about 1860, the incident 
occurred which wrought an entire change in his life, stamping him as 
an oracle and prophet beyond peradventure, and giving to his reli- 
gious system the force of authority which it has ever since retained. 
He had already established a reputation as a medicine-man, and was 
believed to be ‘making medicine” against the life of Moses, the noted 
chief of a tribe farther up the river, who was greatly in dread of his 
occult powers, and forced a quarrel in order to rid himseif forever of 
his vival. <A fight resulted, and Smohalla was nearly killed. It is said 
that he was left on the ground as dead, but revived sufficiently to crawl 
away and get into a boat on the bank of the Columbia near by. Bleed- 
ing and disabled, he was carried down at the mercy of the current until 
he was finally rescued from his perilous position by some white men, 
far below. His recovery was slow. When it was completed, unwilling 
to return in disgrace to his own country and probably still dreading 
the anger of Moses, he determined to become a wanderer. 

Then began one of the most remarkable series of journeyings ever 
undertaken by an uncivilized Indian. Going down the Columbia to 
Portland and the coast, he turned south, and, stopping on the way at 
various points in Oregon and California, continued beyend San Diego 
into Mexico. Then, turning again, he came back through Arizona, 
Utah, and Nevada to his former home on the Columbia, where he an- 
nounced that he had been dead and in the spirit world and had now 
returned by divine command to guide his people. As he was thought 
to have been killed in the encounter with Moses, and as he had disap- 
peared so completely until now, his awe-stricken hearers readily believed 
that they were actually in the presence of one who had been taken 
bodily into the spirit world, whence he was now sent back as a teacher. 

On the occasion of MacMurray’s visit, says that authority, ‘‘Smo- 
halla asked me many geographie questions, and [ spread out a railroad 
map, marking the situation of Priest rapids, Portland, and Vancouver 
barracks, and he traced with a straw down the coast line to below San 
Diego. He asked where San Bernardino was, and paused long over this. 
He recognized the ocean or ‘salt chuek,’ with many other geographie 
features and localities, but he would neither admit nor deny having 
been at Salt Lake City, although he admitted having been in Utah, 


MOONEY] THE DECLARATION OF SMOHALLA 719 


knew the lake and adjacent mountain chains, and said that he had 
seen Mormon priests getting commands direct from heaven. He dwelt 
long over Arizona, and remarked, ‘ bad-a Inchun.’” 

Smohalla now declared to his people that the Sa’ghalee Tyee, the 
Great Chief Above, was angry at their apostasy, and commanded them 
through him to return to their primitive manners, as their present mis- 
erable condition in the presence of the intrusive race was due to their 
having abandoned their own religion and violated the laws of nature 
and the precepts of their ancestors. He then explained in detail the 
system to which they must adhere in future if they would conform to 
the expressed will of the higher power. It was a system based on the 
primitive aboriginal mythology and usage, with an elaborate ritual 
which combined with the genuine Indian features much of what he 
had seen and remembered of Catholic ceremonial and military parade, 
with perhaps also some additions from Mormon forms. 

His words made a deep impression on his hearers. They had indeed 
abandoned their primitive simplicity to a great extent, and were now 
suffering the penalty in all the misery that had come to them with the 
advent of the white-skin race that threatened to blot them out from 
the earth. The voice of the prophet was accepted as a voice from the 
other world, for they knew that he had been dead and was now alive. 
What he said must be true and wise, for he had been everywhere and 
knew tribes and countries they had never heard of. Even the white 
men confirmed his words in this regard. He could even control the sun 
and the moon, for he had said when they would be dark, and they were 
dark. 

If genius be a form of insanity, as has been claimed, intense religious 
enthusiasm would seem to have a close connection with physical as well 
as mental disease. Like Mohammed and Joan of Arc, and like the 
Shaker prophet of Puget sound, Smohalla is subject to cataleptic 
trances, and it is while in this unconscious condition that he is believed 
to receive his revelations. Says MacMurray: 


He falls into trances and lies rigid for considerable periods. Unbelievers have 
experimented by sticking needles through his flesh, cutting him with knives, and 
otherwise testing his sensibility to pain, without provoking any responsive action. 
It was asserted that he was surely dead, because blood did not flow from the wounds. 
These trances always excite great interest and often alarm, as he threatens to aban- 
don his earthly body altogether because of the disobedience of his people, and on 
each occasion they are in a state of suspense as to whether the Saghalee Tyee will 
send his soul back to earth to reoceupy his body, or will, on the contrary, abandon 
and leave them without his guidance. It is this going into long trances, out of 
which he comes as from heavy sleep and almost immediately relates his experiences 
in the spirit land, that gave rise to the title of ‘‘ Dreamers,” or believers in dreams, 
commonly given to his followers by the neighboring whites. His actions are similar 
to those of a trance medium, and if self-hypnotization be practicable that would 
seem toexplain it. I questioned him as to his trances and hoped to have him explain 
them to me, but he avoided the subject and was angered when I pressed him. He 
manifestly believes all he says of what occurs to him in this trance state, A8 we 


14 ETH—PT 2 6 


720 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


have hundreds of thousands of educated white people who believe in similar falla- 
cies, this is not more unlikely in an Indian subjected to such influence, 

In studying Smohalla we have to deal with the same curious mixture 
of honest conviction and cunning deception that runs through the 
history of priesteraft in all the ages. Like some other prophets before 
him, he seeks to convey the idea that he is in control of the elements 
and the heavenly bodies, and he has added greatly to his reputation 
by predicting several eclipses. This he was enabled to do by the help 
of an almanac and some little explanation from a party of surveyors. 
In this matter, however, he was soon made to realize that a little 
knowledge is a dangerous thing. He could not get another almanae, 
and his astronomic prophecies came to an abrupt termination at the 
end of the first year. Concerning this, Major MacMurray says: 

He showed me an almanac of a preceding year and asked me to readjust it for 
eclipses, as it did not work as it had formerly done, I explained that Washington 
(the Naval Observatory) made new ones every year, and that old ones could not be 
fixed up to date. He had probably obtained this one from the station agent at the 
railroad, now superseded by a new one, who had cut off Smohalla’s supply of astro- 
nomical data. My inability to repair the 1882 almanac for use in prognosticating 
in 1884 cost me much of his respect as a wise man from the east. (MacMurray MS.) 


Smohalla had also a blank book containing mysterious characters, 
some of which resembled letters of the alphabet, and which he said 
were records of events and prophecies. MacMurray was unable to 
decide whether they were mnemonic or were simply unmeaning marks 
intended to foster among his followers the impression of his superior 
wisdom. It is probable that they were genuine mnemonic symbols 
invented by himself for his own purposes, as such systems, devised 
and used by single individuals or families, and unintelligible to others, 
are by no means rare among those who may be called the literary men 
of our aboriginal tribes. 

As their principal troubles arose out of the disputed title to their 
lands, Major MacMurray was asked by the Indians to explain the 
Indian homestead law and how white men divided land. This was 
carefully done with the aid of a checkerboard, and they were shown 
how the land was mapped out into equal squares arranged on straight 
lines so that every man could find his own. They were then urged by 
the officer to apply for homesteads and settle upon them so as to avoid 
further trouble with the new settlers who were pouring into the country. 
Smohalla replied that he knew all this, but he did not like the new law, 
as it was against nature. He then went on to expound in detail the 
Indian cosmogony. Said he: 


I will tell you about it. Once the world was all water and God lived alone. He 
was lonesome, he had no place to put his foot, so he scratched the sand up from the 
bottom and made the land, and he made the rocks, and he made trees, and he made 
aman; and the man had wings and could go anywhere. The man was lonesome, and 
God madea woman. They ate fish from the water, and God made the deer and other 
animals, and he sent the man to hunt and told the woman to cook the meat and to 


SiS3lud SIH GNV V1IVHOWS 


XDOOT "Id = LYOd3Y IWANNY HLN33LYNOF ADOIONHLS JO NVSuNG 


MOONEY] SMOHALLA ON THE COSMOS (ON 


dress the skins. Many more men and women grew up, and they lived on the banks 
of the great river whose waters were full of salmon. The mountains contained much 
game and there were buffalo on the plains. There were so many people that the 
stronger ones sometimes oppressed the weak and drove them from the best fisheries, 
which they claimed as their own. They fought and nearly all were killed, and their 
hones are to be seen in the hills yet. God was very angry at this and he took away 
their wings and commanded that the lands and fisheries should be common to all 
who lived upon them; that they were never to be marked off or divided, but that 
the people should enjoy the fruits that God planted in the land, and the animals that 
lived upon it, and the fishes in the water. God said he was the father and the earth 
was the mother of mankind; that nature was the law; that the animals, and fish, 
and plants obeyed nature, and that man only was sinful. This is the old law. 

IT know all kinds of men. First there were my people (the Indians) ; God made 
them first. Then he made a Frenchman [referring to the Canadian voyagers of the 
Hudson Bay company], and then he made a priest [priests accompanied these expe- 
ditions of the Hudson Bay company]. A long time after that came Boston men 
{Americans are thus called in the Chinook jargon, because the first of our nation 
came into the Columbia river in 1796 in a ship from Boston], and then King George 
men [the English]. Later came black men, and last God made a Chinaman with a 
tail. He is of no account and has to work all the time like a woman. AlI these are 
new people. Only the Indians are of the old stock. After awhile, when God is 
ready, he will drive away all the people except those who have obeyed his laws. 

Those who cut up the lands or sign papers for lands will be defrauded of their 
rights and will be punished by God’s anger. Moses was bad. God did not love him. 
He sold his people’s houses and the graves of their dead. It is a bad word that 
comes from Washington. It is not a good law that would take my people away from 
me to make them sin against the laws of God. 

You ask me to plow the ground! Shall I take a knife and tear my mother’s bosom? 
Then when I die she will not take me to her bosom to rest. 

You ask me to dig for stone! Shall I dig under her skin for her bones? Then 
when I die I can not enter her body to be born again. 

You ask me to cut grass and make hay and sell it, and be rich like white men! 
But how dare I eut off my mother’s hair? 

It is a bad law, and my people can not obey it. I want my people to stay with me 
here. All the dead men will come to life again. Their spirits will come to their 
bodies again. We must wait here in the homes of our fathers and be ready to meet 
them in the bosom of our mother. (MacMurray MS.) 


The idea that the earth is the mother of all created things lies at the 
base, not only of the Smohalla religion, but of the theology of the 
Indian tribes generally and of primitive races all over the world. This 
explains Tecumtha’s reply to Harrison: “The sun is my father and the 
earth is my mother. On her bosom I will rest.” In the Indian mind 
the corn, fruits, and edible roots are the gifts which the earth-mother 
gives freely to her children, Lakes and ponds are her eyes, hills are 
her breasts, and streams are the milk flowing from her breasts. Earth- 
quakes and underground noises are signs of her displeasure at the 
wrongdoing of her children. Especially are the malarial fevers, which 
often follow extensive disturbance of the surface by excavation or 
otherwise, held to be direct punishments for the crime of lacerating 
her bosom. 

Smohalla’s chief supporter and assistant at the ceremonies was 
Kotai/aqan, or Coteea/kun, as MacMurray spells it, of the Yakima tribe. 


C22 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


The name refers to a brood of young ducks scattering in alarm. He 
was the son of Kamai/iikan, the great war chief of the Yakima. He 
also gave MacMurray the story of the cosmos, which agrees with that 
obtained from Smohalla, but is more in detail: 


The world was all water, and Saghalee Tyee was above it. He threw up out of 
the water at shallow places large quantitiesof mud, and that made the land. Some 
was piled so high that it froze hard, and the rains that fell were made into snow 
and ice. Some of the earth was made hard into rocks, and anyone could see that 
it had not changed —it was only harder. We have no records of the past; but we 
have it from our fathers from far back that Saghalee Tyee threw down many of the 
mountains he had made. It is all as our fathers told us, and we can see that it is 
true when we are hunting for game or berries in the mountains. I did not see it 
done. He made trees to grow, and he made a man out of a ball of mud and 
instructed him in what he should do. When the man grew lonesome, he made a 
woman as his companion, and taught her to dress skins, and to gather berries, and 
to make baskets of the bark of roots, which he taught her how to find. 

She was asleep and dreaming of her ignorance of how to please man, and she 
prayed to Saghalee Tyee to help her. He breathed on her and gave her something 
that she could not see, or hear, or smell, or touch, and it was preserved in a little 
basket, and by it all the arts of design and skilled handiwork were imparted to her 
descendants. 

Notwithstanding all the benefits they enjoyed, there was quarreling among the 
people, and the earth-mother was angry. The mountains that overhung the river at 
the Cascades were thrown down, and dammed the stream and destroyed the forests 
and whole tribes, and buried them under the rocks. (MacMurray MS.) 

In connection with the wonderful little basket, MacMurray states 
that Kotai/aqan presented him with a very ancient drum-shape basket, 
about 24 inchesin diameter, to give to his wife, in order that she might 
likewise be inspired. Concerning the catastrophe indicated in the last 
paragraph, he goes on to say: 

The Cascade range, where it crosses the Columbia river, exhibits enormous cross 
sections of lava, and at its base are petrified trunks of trees, which have been cov- 
ered and hidden from view except where the wash of the mighty stream has exposed 
them. Indians have told me, of their knowledge, that, buried deep under these 
outpours of basalt, or voleanic tufa, are bones of animals of siah, or the long ago. 
Traditions of the great landslide at the Cascades are many, but vary little in form. 
According to one account, the mountain tops fell together and formed a kind of 
arch, under which the water flowed, until the overhanging rocks finally fell into the 
stream and made adam or gorge. As the rock is columnar basalt, very friable and 
easily disintegrated, that was not impossible, and the landscape suggests some such 
giant avalanche, The submerged trees are plainly visible near this locality. Ani- 
mal remains I have not seen, but these salmon-eating Indians have lived on the 
river's border through countless ages, and know every feature in their surroundings 
by constant association for generations, and naturally ally these facts with their 
religious theories. (MacMurray MS.) 


In an article on “The submerged trees of the Columbia river,” in 
Science of February 18, 1887, the geologist, Major Clarence E. Dutton, 
also notices the peculiar formation at the Cascades and mentions the 
Indian tradition of a natural bridge over the river at this point. 

MaeMurray continues: 


Coteeakun went on to say that some day Saghalee Tyee would again overturn the 
mountains and so expose these bones, which, having been preserved through so long 


NOILVAY3S3Y YWINXVA NO HOYNHO YIIVHOWS 


9070N 40 nvaHns 
OX Td 1LYOd3Y¥ IWANNY HLNSSLeNOd ASOIONHLS 4C 


Moonzy] MACMURRAY ON KOTAI’ AQAN ae 


a time, would be reoccupied by the spirits which now dwell in the moyntain tops, 
watching their descendants on earth and waiting for the resurrection to come. The 
voices of these spirits of the dead can be heard at all times in the mountains, and 
often they answer back when spoken to. Mourners who wail for their dead hear 
spirit voices replying, and know they will always remain near them. Noman knows 
when it will come, and only those who have observed nature’s laws and adhered to 
the faith of their ancestors will have their bones so preserved and be certain of an 
earthly tenement for their spirits. He wanted me to confirm this. 

Coteeakun was pacific and gentle. He said all men were as brothers to him and 
he hoped all would dwell together. He had been told that white and black and all 
other kinds of men originally dwelt in tents, as the red men always have done, and 
that God in former times came to commune with white men. He thought there could 
be only one Saghalee Tyee, in which case white and red men would live on a common 
plane. We came from one source of life and in time would “grow from one stem 
again. It would be like a stick that the whites held by one end and the Indians by 
the other until it was broken, and it would be made again into one stick.” 

Some of the wilder Indians to the north have more truculent ideas as to the final 
cataclysm which is to reoverturn the mountains and bring back the haleyon days of 
the long past. As the whites and the others came only within the lifetime of the 
fathers of these Indians, they are not to be included in the benefits of the resur- 
rection, but are to be turned over with all that the white man’s civilization has put 
upon the present surface of the land. 

Coteeakun was for progress—limited progress, it is true—to the extent of fixed 
homes and agriculture, but he did not want his people to go from their villages or 
to abandon their religious faith. They were nearly all disposed to work for wages 
among the farmers, and had orchards and some domestic animals upon whose produce 
they lived, besides the fish from the rivers. Smohalla opposed anything that per- 
tained to civilization, and had neither cattle, sheep, goats, pigs, nor chickens, and 
not a.tree or vegetable was grown anywhere in his vicinage. IKowse (Peucedanum 
cous), kamas (Camassia esculenta), berries, fish, and the game of the mountains alone 
furnished food to his people, whom he advised to resist every advance of civilization 
as improper for a true Indian and in violation of the faith of their ancestors. I 
found, however, that he was willing to advise his people to take up lands and adopt 
the white man’s road, if the government would pension him as it had pensioned 
Chief Moses, so that while I thought he believed in his religion as much as other 
sectarians do in theirs, he was tainted by the mercenary desire to live upon his fol- 
lowers unless otherwise provided for by the government. 


From Captain E. L. Huggins, Second cavalry, who visited Smohalla 
about the same time, we obtain further information concerning the 
prophet’s personality and doctrines. When Smohalla was urged to 
follow the example of other Indians who had taken up the white man’s 
road, he replied, ‘* No one has any respect for these book Indians. Even 
the white men like me better and treat me better than they do the book 
Indians. My young men shall never work. Men who work can not 
dream, and wisdom comes to us in dreams.” 

When it was argued that the whites worked and yet knew more than 
the Indians, he replied that the white man’s wisdom was poor and weak 
and of no value to Indians, who must learn the highest wisdom from 
dreams and from participating in the Dreamer ceremonies. Being 
pressed to explain the nature of this higher knowledge, he replied, 
“Fach one must learn for himself the highest wisdom. It can not be 
taught. You have the wisdom of your race. Be content.” 


724 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


When the officer contended that even the Indians had to work hard 
during the fishing season to get food for winter, the prophet answered: 

“This work lasts only fora few weeks. Besides it is natural work and 
does them no harm. But the work of the white man hardens soul and 
body. Nor is it right to tear up and mutilate the earth as white men 
do.” 

To the officer’s assertion that the Indians also dug roots and were 
even then digging kamas in the mountains, he replied: 

“We simply take the gifts that are freely offered. We no more harm 
the earth than would an infant’s fingers harm its mother’s breast. But 
the white man tears up large tracts of land, runs deep ditches, cuts 
down forests, and changes the whole face of the earth. You know very 
well this is not right. Every honest man,” said he, looking at me 
searchingly, ‘“ knows in his heart that this is all wrong. But the white 
men are so greedy they do not consider these things.” 

He asserted that the Indians were now so helpless before the white 
men that they must cease to exist unless they had assistance from a 
higher power, but that if they heeded the sacred message they would 
receive strong and sudden help as surely as the spring comes after 
winter. When some doubt was expressed as to his own faith in these 
things, he asked pointedly: 

“Do the white teachers believe what they teach?” 

“Tt is said, Smohalla, that you hate all white men.” 

“Tt is not true. But the whites have caused us great suffering. 
Dr Whitman many years ago made a long journey to the east to get 
a bottle of poison for us. He was gone about a year, and after he came 
back strong and terrible diseases broke out among us. The Indians 
killed Dr Whitman, but it was too late. He had uncorked his bottle 
and all the air was poisoned. Before that there was little sickness 
among us, but since then many of us have died. I have had children 
and grandchildren, but they are all dead. My last grandchild, a young 
woman of 16, died last month. If only her infant could have lived”— 
his voice faltered slightly, but with scarcely a pause he continued in 
his former tone, ‘I labored hard to save them, but my medicine would 
not work as it used to.” 

He repelled the idea that the Indians had profited by the coming of 
the whites, and especially denied that they had obtained ponies from 
this source. His statement on this point may be of interest to those 
who hold that the horse is indigenous to America: 

“What! The white man gaveus ponies? Oh,no; we had ponies long 
before we ever saw white people. The Great Spirit gave them to us. 
Our horses were swifter and more enduring, too, in those days, before 
they were mixed with the white man’s horses.” 

He went on to tell how the Indians had befriended the first explorers 
who came among them and how ungrateful had been their later recom- 
pense, and said: ‘* We are now so few and weak that we can offer no 
resistance, and their preachers have persuaded them to let a few of us 


MOONEY] THE SMOHALLA RITUAL 125 


live, so as to claim credit with the Great Spirit for being generous and 
humane. But they begrudge us what little grass our ponies eat.” At 
parting he repeated earnestly, “If they tell you Smohalla hates all 
white people, do not believe it.” (Huggins, 2.) 


Our knowledge of the Smohalla ritual is derived from the account 
given by Major MacMurray and from the statements of Yakima and 
Piilus informants. The officer’s account is that of an intelligent ob- 
server, who noted ceremonies closely, but without fully comprehending 
their meaning. The Indian account is that of initiates and true 
believers, one of them being the regular interpreter of the Smohalla 
services on Yakima reservation. 

The officer had already seen the ceremonial performances at the Indian 
villages at Celilo and Umatilla in Oregon, at Tumwater and Yakima 
gap in Washington, but found its greatest development at the fountain 
head, the home of Smohalla at Priest rapids. His account is so full 
of interest that we give it almost in its entirety. 

While still several miles away, his party discovered the village, 
the houses extending along the bank of the river, with several flags 
attached to long poles fluttering inthe wind. The trail from the moun- 
tains was winding and difficult, but at last 


We reached the plain and were met by a procession, headed by Smohalla in 
person, all attired in gorgeous array and mounted on their best chargers. We 
wended our way through sagebrush and sand dunes to the village street, not a soul 
being visible, but from the mat-roofed salmon houses there came forth the most 
indescribable chorus of bell ringing, drum beating, and screeching. I noticed that 
the street was neatly swept and well sprinkled—an unusual thing in any Indian 
village. This, Smohalla said, was in my honor and to show that his people had 
cleanly tastes. Our procession passed on beyond the village to a new canvas tent, 
which had a brush shade to keep off the sun and was lined and carpeted with new 
and very pretty matting. Smohalla said this had been prepared especially for me, 
and was to be my house as long as I should stay with him. To cap the climax, he 
had constructed a bench for me, having sent more than 90 miles forthenails. Fresh 
salmon, caught in a peculiar trap among the rocks and broiled on a plank, were 
regularly furnished my party, and with hard tack and coffee of our own supplying 
we got enough to eat anddrink. Our own blankets furnished sleeping conveniences. 
The river was within two yards of our tent door and was an ample lavatory. 

When I awoke the next morning, the sound of drums was again heard, and for 
days it continued. I do not remember that there was any intermission except for a 
few minutes at atime. Seven bass drums were used for the purpose. I was invited 
to be present, and took great interest in the ceremonies, which I shall endeavor to 
describe. 

There was a small open space to the north of the larger house, which was Smo- 
halla’s residence and the village assembly room as well. This space was inclosed 
by a whitewashed fence made of boards which had drifted down the river. In the 
middle was a flagstaff with a rectangular flag, suggesting a target. In the center 
of the flag wasa round red patch. The field was yellow, representing grass, which is 
there of a yellow hue in summer. A green border indicated the boundary of the 
world, the hills being moist and green near their tops. At the top of the flag was 
asmall extension of blue color, with a white star in the center. Smohalla explained: 
“This is my flag, and it represents the world. God told ine to look after my peo- 
ple—all are my people. There are four ways in the world—north and south and 


726 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [Prn. ANN. 14 


east and west. I have been all those ways. This is the center. I live here. The 
red spot is my heart—everybody can see it. The yellow grass grows everywhere 
around this place. The green mountains are far away all around the world. There 
is only water beyond, salt water. The blue [referring to the blue cloth strip] is the 
sky, and the star is the north star. Thatstar never changes; itis always in the same 
place. I keep my heart on that star. I never change.” 

There are frequent services, a sort of processional around the outside of the fence, 
the prophet and a small boy with a bell entering the inclosure, where, after hoisting 
the flag, he delivers a sort of sermon. Captains or class leaders give instructions 
to the people, who are arranged according to stature, the men and women in differ- 
ent classes marching in single file to the sound of drums. There seems to be a 
regular system of signals, at command of the prophet, by the boy with the bell, 
upon which the people chant loud or low, quick or slow, or remain silent. These 
outdoor services occurred several times each day. 

Smohalla invited me to participate in what he considered a grand ceremonial serv- 
ice within the larger house. This house was built with a framework of stout logs 
placed upright in the ground and roofed over with brush, or with canvas in rainy 
weather. The sides consisted of 
bark and rush matting. It was 
about 75 feet long by 25 feet wide. 
Singing and drumming had been 
going on for some time when I ar- 
rived. The air resounded with the 
voices of hundreds of Indians, male 
HH and female, and the banging of 
4 H drums. Within, the room was dimly 
lighted. Smoke curled from a fire 
on the floor at the farther end and 
pervaded the atmosphere. The ceil- 
ing was hung with hundreds of sal- 
mon, split and drying in the smoke, 

The scene was a strange one. On 
either side of the room was a row of 
+ twelve women standing erect with 
arms crossed and hands extended, 
with finger tips at the shoulders, 
They kept time to the drums and 
their voices by balancing on the 
balls of their feet and tapping with 

Fic. 64—Smohalla’s flag (heraldic). their heels on the tloor, while they 

chanted with varying pitch and 

time. The excitement and persistent repetition wore them out, and I heard that 

others than Smohalla had seen visions in their trances, but I saw none who would 

adinit it or explain anything of it. I fancied they feared their own action, and that 
real death might come to them in this simulated death. 

Those on the right hand were dressed in garments of a red color with an attempt 
at uniformity. Those on the left wore costumes of white buckskin, said to be very 
ancient ceremonial costumes, with red and blue trimmings. All wore large round 
silver plates or such other glittering ornaments as they possessed. A canvas covered 
the floor and on it knelt the men and boys in lines of seven. Each seven, as a rule, 
had shirts of the same color. The tallest were in front, the size diminishing regu- 
larly to the rear. Children and ancient hags filled in any spare space. In front on 
a mattress knelt Smohalla, his left hand covering his heart. On his right was the 
boy bell ringer in similar posture. Smohalla wore a white garment which he was 
pleased to call a priest’s gown, but it was simply a white cloth shirt with a colored 
stripe down the back, 


es * 


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HOYNHO VIIVWHOWS 34O YOIXSILNI 


1X Td LHOd34 IWANNW HIN33LYNOS 


MOONEY] SMOHALLA RITUAL 727 


IT and my two assistants were seated on a mattress about 10 feet in front of the 
prophet, which fortunately placed us near the door and incidentally near fresh air. 
There were two other witnesses, Indians from distant villages, who sat at one side 
with Smohalla’s son looking on. 

Smohalla’s son was said to be in training as his successor, He was a young man, 
apparently about 23 years old, tall, slender, and active in movement, and commonly 
kept himself apart from the body of the people. He was much darker than his 
father. His dress was brilliant in style and color. He ordinarily wore a short gown 
or surplice, sometimes yellow and at other times sky blue, with ornate decorations 
of stars or moons appliqué, cut from bright-colored cloths. The sleeves were extray- 
agantly trimmed with beads and silver ornaments. He knelt at the right of the 
group as the place of honor. On his left was Coteeakun, the head man of the Indian 
village at Union gap, on the Yakima reservation. The third man was Coteeakun’s 
brother, a most intelligent and progressive Indian. (MacMurray MS.) 

From Charles Ike, an intelligent half-blood interpreter on Yakima 
reservation, who is also the regular interpreter of the Smohalla ritual 
services at the Yakina village of Pa’kiut, we obtain additional interest- 
ing details concerning the ceremony as there performed, with the under- 
lying religious teachings. 

As at present taught, the religion finds adherents among probably all 
the tribes along the Columbia from near the British border down to the 
Wushqiun tribe at The Dalles, with the exception, perhaps, of the Kli- 
katat, who are nearly all Catholics. The two chief centers are at P’nii 
or Priest rapids, where Smohalla in person regularly preaches to about 
120 hearers, and at Pa’kiut, at Union gap on Yakima reservation, 
where, until his death a short time ago, Tianii/ni as regularly conducted 
the services for about 500 of his tribe. At each place is a chureh or 
meeting-house built as already described. 

The former high priest of the doctrine among the Yakima, and the 
right-hand man of Smohalla himself, was Kotai/aqan, already mentioned, 
the son of the great war chief Kamai‘iikan. It is even asserted that he 
was the originator of the system. However this may be, it is certain 
that he had much to do with formulating both the dogmas and the 
ritual. In temper he was more gentle than Smohalla, and more dis- 
posed to meet civilization half-way. On his death, about 1890, he was 
succeeded by his stepson, Tianii/ni, or ‘Many Wounds,” who filled the 
office until about October, 1892, when he was murdered near his home 
by two drunken Indians. He was succeeded in the chieftainship by a 
younger son of Kotai/aqan named Sha/‘awé (or Shaw-wawa Kootiacan), 
and in his priestly functions by a man known to the whites as Billy 
John. 

The regular services take place on Sunday, in the morning, afternoon, 
and evening. Sunday has been held sacred among the Nez Pereés and 
neighboring tribes for more than sixty years, as the result of the teach- 
ings of the Hudson Bay officers. The prairie tribes also, having learned 
that Sunday is the great ‘medicine day” of the whites, now select it 
by preference for their own religious ceremonies of the Ghost dance and 
the mescal. There are also services during the week, besides special 


128 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [erH. ANN. 14 


periodic observances, such as the “lament” for the dead, particularly 
the dead chiefs, in early spring; the salmon dance, when the salmon 
begin to run in April, and the berry dance, when the wild berries 
ripen in autumn. The description of the ceremonial of the salmon 


Fic. 65—Charles Ike, Smohalla interpreter. 


dance will answer for the others, as it differs chiefly only by the addi- 
tion of the feast. 

As already stated, the house has the door at the eastern end, as is 
the common rule in all Indian structures. On the roof, at the eastern 


MOONEY] SMOHALLA FORM OF WORSHIP 29 


end of the building at Pa’kiut, are the flags, the center one blue, repre- 
senting the sky; another one white, representing the earthly light, and 
the third yellow, representing the heavenly light of the spirit world. 
Blue, white, and yellow are the sacred colors of this system, as also of 
that of the Shakers, to be described later. On entering, the worshipers 
range themselves in two lines along the sides of the building, the men 
and boys standing along the northern wall, the women and girls along 
the southern wall, and all facing toward the center. The first man 
entering takes his place on the north nearest the door; the next one 
stands just beyond him, and so on; while the women and girls, when 
their turn comes, make the whole circuit along the northern side, and 
then, turning at the farther end, take their places in reverse order 
along the southern wall. In the open space between the rows is a floor- 
walker, whose business it is to see that everyone is in the right place. 
All are dressed as nearly as possible in the finest style of the old 
Indian costume, buckskin and shell ornaments, their faces painted yel- 
low, white, or red with Indian paints, and carrying eagle feathers in 
their right hands (plates xc, xcr; figure 66). 


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Fic, 66—Diagram showing arrangement of worshipers at Smohalla service, 


At the farther end, facing the door, sits the high priest, while just 
behind him stands his “interpreter,” and on his left are seated on the 
ground the three drummers with their large drums in front of them. 
The high priest carries a large bell in his left hand and a smaller one 
in his right. 

Dishes of fresh-cooked salmon and jars of water, together with a 
plentiful supply of other food, are ranged in front of the devotees. 
After a preliminary ceremony in the nature of a litany, in which the 
principal articles of their theology are recited in the form of question 
and answer by the whole body of worshipers, the high priest gives 
the command, “Take water,” when everyone raises a cup of water to 
his lips. Next comes the command, ‘Now drink,” and each one takes 
asip. At the words, ‘*Now the salmon,” each takes up a portion of 
fish, which he puts into his mouth at the next command, ‘ Now eat.” 
Last comes the command, ‘Now help yourselves,” which is the signal 
for a general attack on the provisions. 


730 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


When everyone has satisfied his hunger, the remains of the feast are 
cleared away and the “dance” begins. Ata signal given by a single 
stroke of the bell in the left hand of the high priest all stand up in 
line on either side of the building. At another stroke of the bell all 
put their right hands on their breasts. Another tap of the bell and 
the right hand is brought out in front of the body. Another, and they 
begin to move their right hands backward and forward like fans in 
front of the breast, and thus continue throughout the dance, keeping 
time also to the singing by balancing alternately upon their toes and 
heels, as already described, without moving from their places. Ritual 
songs are sung throughout the remainder of the service, in time with 
the movements of the dancers and the sounds of the drums, and regu- 
lated by the strokes of the bell. 

Between songs anyone who wishes to speak steps out into the open 
space. With a single tap of the bell the high priest then summons 
his “interpreter,” standing behind him, who comes forward and stands 
beside the speaker, a few feet in front and at the right of the high 
priest. The speaker then in a low tone tells his story—usually a 
trance vision of the spirit world—to the interpreter, who repeats it in 
a loud voice to the company. At the end of the recital the high priest 
gives the signal] with the bell, when all raise their right hands with a 
loud “Ai!” (Yes!). The high priest himself sometimes discourses also 
to the people through the interpreter; at other times directly. 

Each song is repeated until the high priest gives the signal with the 
bell to stop. Most of the songs consist—in the native language—of 
seven lines. At the end of the first line the high priest taps once with 
the bell; at the end of the second line he taps twice, and so on to the 
end of the song, when he rings the bell hard and continuously, and all 
raise their hands with a loud “Ai!” Then the song leader, who stands 
with a feather fan between the high priest and the drummers, starts 
the next song. 

The first song is given by all standing motionless, with the right hand 
on the breast and with eyes cast downward. It may be rendered: 


Verily, verily, Our Brother made the body. 
He gave it a spirit and the body moved. 
Then he counted out the words for us to speak. 
Another begins: 
Verily, Our Brother put salmon in the water to be our food, 
Another begins: 
O, brothers! O, sisters! 
When first the light struck this world, it lighted the world forever. 
Our Brother (Némi Pidp) is the term used in referring to the creating 
spirit, instead of “our father,” as we might expect them to say. 
On leaving, at the close of the ceremony, the man nearest the high 
priest passes around in front of him and down along in front of the 


MOONEY] CLOSE OF SMOHALLA SERVICE (ol 


line of women, and as he reaches the door he turns around and bows 
to the high priest. Each man in turn thus files around and passes out, 
after which the women —first the one nearest the high priest and then 
the others in regular order—pass out in the same manner. While the 
worshipers are thus going out, the high priest, standing up, rings con- 
tinuously the small bell in his right hand, while with the larger bell in 
his left he gives a single stroke as each one passes through the door. 


Tribes of the Columbia region 


The following synopsis will give a good general idea of the location 
and numbers of the tribes of the Columbia region from the British line 
down to the Cascades, including all those under the influence of the 
Smohalla religion. Except when derived from such well-known author- 
ities as Lewis and Clark, Stevens, Gibbs, etc, the information given is 
the result of personal investigation and work with Yakima and Piilus 
Indians. The general boundaries of the tribes west of the Cascade 
range, including the adherents of the Shaker religion, are also indicated 
on the accompanying map (plate Lxxxvrir), but our information in 
regard to this region is too meager to be definite. 

KUTENAT (Kitunahan stock).— Synonyms: Ares Plats, Cotonné, Cot- 
tonoi, Coutanie, Flatbow, Kitunaha, Kootenai, Koutaine, Kutneha, 
Skalzi, Tushepaw (Lewis and Clark, 1805), White-tailed Deer People 
(Clark, Indian Sign Language). The Kutenai, properly Kituna’qa, form 
a distinct linguistic stock, and live chiefly on the Canadian side, around 
Kutenai river and lake, but extend across the line into northern Idaho 
and northwestern Montana. Their extension southward dates from 
their treaty of peace with the Flatheads about ninety years ago. In 
company with the Flatheads they were accustomed formerly to come 
down from the mountains in the fall to hunt the buffalo on the headwaters 
of the Missouri. They are mentioned by Lewis and Clark in 1805 
under the name of Tushepaw, with bands distinguished as Ootlashoot, 
Micksucksealton (?),and Hohilpo living in the mountains and on Clark’s 
fork within United States territory. According to Gatschet, Tu’shipa 
is a collective term applied by the Shoshoni to the tribes living north 
of them, including the Nez Percés and others, as well as the Kutenai. 
A part of the Kutenai joined with the Flatheads and Upper Pend 
@Oreilles in a treaty with the government in 1855 and are now on Flat- 
head (Jocko) reservation in Montana. They are probably all Catholies. 
Others, living in northern Idaho, have never entered into treaty rela- 
tions, and may be followers of Smohalla. The best estimates for the 
last fifty years give those within the United States a population of 
from 400 to 450. 

PEND D’OREILLE (Salishan stock).—Synonyms: Calispel, Coospellar 
(Lewis and Clark), Kahlispelm, Kalispelines, Kalispelusses, Kellespem, 
Kullas-Palus, Ku/shpélu (a Yakima or Pilus form), Papshpin-léma or 
“people of the great fir trees” (Yakima name), Pend d’Oreilles or 


(Bs, THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


“ear-rings” (French name), Ponderas. The Pend d’Oreilles held the 
country along the river and lake of the same name, in Idaho and Wash- 
ington, immediately southwest of the Kutenai. They are commonly 
distinguished as Upper, on the lake, and Lower, on both banks of the 
river. They are the Coospellar mentioned by Lewis and Clark in 1805. 
They formerly crossed the mountains annually to hunt buffalo on the 
Missouri. Since 1844 they and most of the other Salishan tribes of 
this region have been under the influence of Catholic missionaries. 
The Upper Pend d’Oreilles joined with the Flatheads and Kutenai in 
a treaty with the government in 1855, and are now on Flathead reser- 
vation in Montana. Someof the Lower band joined them there in 1887. 
Others are on the Cour d’Aléne reservation in Idaho, a few are with 
Moses on the Columbia in Washington, and the rest are still in their 
original country, never having entered into treaty stipulations. The 
whole tribe numbers about 1,000 souls. 

COLVILLE (Salishan stock).—Synonyms: Chaudicre (French name), 
Chualpay, Kettle Falls, Quiarlpi or “basket people” (Hale), Schrooyelpi, 
Schwogelpi, Schwoyelpi, Swielpee, Wheelpoo (Lewis and Clark). They 
originally occupied the country on Colville and Kettle rivers and on 
both sides of the Columbia from Kettle falls down to Spokane river, 
in Washington, and extending north into British territory to about the 
lower Arrow lake. They are inentioned by Lewis and Clark under the 
name of Wheelpoo. Kettle falls on the Columbia, within their terri- 
tory, was the great salmon fishing resort for all the tribes of this region, 
and here, in 1846, was established the Catholic mission of Saint Paul. 
As a result of this missionary work, all of these Salishan tribes, except- 
ing the Sanpoil, Nespelim, Mitaui, and a part of the Spokan are now 
Catholics. In 1854, according to Stevens, the original Shwoyelpi were 
nearly extinet and their places had been filled by Indians from neigh- 
boring tribes. Without ever having entered into any treaty with the 
government, they were assigned in 1872 to Colville reservation, Wash- 
ington, which had been set apart for the tribes of that section. They 
were reported to number 616 in 1870, and only 301 in 1892. 

LAKE or SENIJEXTEE (Salishan stock).—These owned the country 
on both sides of the Columbia, in Washington, from about Kettle falls 
northward into British Columbia to the vicinity of Arrow lake. They 
are now on Colville reservation in Washington and number about 350, 
with perhaps a few others across the boundary. They may be identical 
with the Lahannas of Lewis and Clark. 

SPOKAN (Salishan stock).—Synonyms: Lartielo (Lewis and Clark), 
Sarlilso (Gibbs), Sinhumanish, Sinkoman (Kutenai name), Spokihnish, 
Spokomish, Zingomenes. They are commonly distinguished as Upper 
Spokan or Sineeguomenah, Middle or Sintootoo, and Lower or Chekis- 
schee (Winans, Comr., 1870). Spokan is the name given them by the 
Coeur d’Alénes; Sinkoman is their Kutenai name, while the Lartielo or 
Sarlilso of Lewis and Clark is simply a bad misprint for Sintootoo, the 


MOONEY] TRIBES OF THR COLUMBIA 733 


name of the middle band, They are closely connected, linguistically 
and politically, with the Sanpoil and Nespelim. The lower Spokan 
are now Protestants, the rest are Catholics. They formerly owned the 
whole basin of Spokane river in Washington and extending into Idaho. 
They are now on Spokane reservation in Washington and the Cceur 
@Aléne reservation in Idaho, and number in all about 900 or 1,000, 

CmuR D'ALENE (Salishan stock).—Synonyms: Pointed Hearts, 
Q ma/‘shpal or “kamas people” (so called by the Yakima), Skeechaway, 
Skeetsomish (Lewis and Clark), Skitsamtgq (Pilus name), Skitswish, 
Stietshoi. They occupied the lake and river bearing their name in 
Idaho and the adjacent headwaters of the Spokane. A part of this 
territory they held jointly with the Spokan, whose language they speak. 
In 1892 they numbered 427, on Cour d’Aléne reservation in Idaho. 

SANpPoIL (Salishan stock).—Synonyms ; Hai-ai‘nima (Yakima name), 
Hihighenimmo (Lewis and Clark), Ipoilq (another Yakima name), 
N’pochle (Stevens), Sans Puelles, Sinapoils, Sinipouals, Sinpaivelish, 
Sinpohellechach, Sinpoilschne, Siur Poils. The name by which this 
tribe is commonly known is sometimes written as a French form Sans 
Poils, meaning ‘‘without bristles,” or “hairless,” but it is more prob- 
ably an Indian word. They occupy the country on Sanpoil river in 
Washington, now included within Colville reservation, and are closely 
allied with the Nespelim. These two tribes are the most aboriginal in 
eastern Washington, and adhere strictly to their primitive customs and 
religion. The two tribes are thus described by Winans, the govern- 
ment farmer, in 1870: 

They have never received any presents from the government, although they have 
been frequently asked to do so. They seem suspicious of the whites, are the least 
civilized and most independent of any of the tribes of the territory. They are rich 
in horses and cattle, possessing all the comforts they know how to enjoy, and it 
appears their only fear is that they will be interfered with by the government. 
They are perfectly contented with their condition, and would not accept anything 
from the government if offered, except a religious instructor and doctor. 

Some years later they were brought under the reservation system 
and a change came o’er the spirit of their dream. In 1892 we are told 
officially that “the Sanpuell Indians are the worst people that I have 
anything to do with. . . . They are surly, ignorant, and filthy,” 
notwithstanding which they still “have the same religious prejudice 
as the Nespelims about receiving aid from the government.” Of the 
Nespelim the same intelligent witness tells us that ‘‘they are a peculiar 
class of Indians, having a religion of their own.” The religion of the 
two tribes is aboriginal, and is similar to the Smohalla doctrine in prin- 
ciple, although not in ceremonial. In 1892 the Sanpoil were estimated 
at 300, 


NESPELIM (Salishan stock).—Synonyms: Inspellum, Sinspeelish. On 
the north bank of the Columbia, in Washington, along Nespelim river 
and down to the junction of the Okinagan, and on the opposite side of 


734 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 


the Columbia down to about Grande Coulée. They speak the same 
language as the Sanpoils, and in aboriginal habit, religion, and organi- 
zation are closely ideutified with them. They are within tie limits of 
Colville reservation and were reported to number only 62 in 1892. 

OKANAGAN (Salishan stock).—Synonyms: Oakinacken, Okinakane, 
Okiwahkine. They occupy the whole basin of Okanagan river in Wash- 
ington, extending north into British Columbia, and including Similka- 
meen river. The Okanagan were an important tribe or confederacy 
divided into a number of bands, some of which have also at times been 
considered as belonging to the Spokan, while others are commonly recog- 
nized as distinct tribes. Ross gives them ‘twelve tribes,” as follows: 
Skamoynumach, Kewaughtchenunaugh, Pisscow (Piskwaus), Income- 
cane’took, Tsillane (Chelan), Intie’/took (Hntiatook), Battlelemuleemauch 
or Meatwho (Mitaui), Inspellum (Nespelim), Sinpohellechach (Sanpoil), 
Sinwhoyelppetook (Colville), Samilkanuigh (Similkameen), and Oaki- 
nacken (Okanagan). They are now included within the Colville agency, 
and are Catholics. They were estimated at 340 in 1870 and reported 
as numbering 405 in 1892. 

Mrraur(Salishan stock).—Synonyms: Battlelemuleemauch, Meatwho, 
Meshons, Meteowwee (Lewis and Clark), Methows, Mithouies. They 
formerly lived on the west side of the Columbia, including the basins 
of the Methow, Lake Chelan, and Entiatook river. Lewis and Clark 
met some of them in 1805 below the mouth of the Wallawalla. They 
are closely connected with the Piskwaus and Isle de Pierres. They now 
reside in Nespelim valley on Colville reservation, confederated with the 
Isle de Pierres under Chief Moses. The two tribes were reported at 
390 in 1892, A few others live in the neighborhood of Kittitas near 
the Yakima tribe. See Piskwaus. 

ISLE DE PIHRRE (Salishan stock).—Synonyms: Columbias, Linkinse, 
Sinkiuse. They originally occupied the country in Washington from 
the Columbia eastward to the Grande Coulée, extending from about the 
mouth of the Grande Coulée down nearly to Crab creek. Isle de 
Pierre is the French name of Rock island in the Columbia at the mouth 
of the Wenatchee. For a long time, under their noted chief Moses, 
they refused to recognize the authority of the government or to go on 
a reservation. Now, however, they are settled in Nespelim valley, on 
Colville reservation. They were reported to number 390 in 1892 and are 
described as “true, genuine Indians in every sense of the word.” 
Their chief, Moses, the enemy and rival of Smohalla, was thus described 
in 1870: “Moses, the head chief, has been a great warrior. He was 
foremost in the fights of 1858 with Colonels Steptoe and Wright, and 
was severely wounded a number of times, but not dying, the Indians 
believe he has a charmed life. He is medium sized, about 45 years old, 
noble looking, straight as an arrow, and never breaks his word. He 
has more influence than any other chief east of the Cascade mountains 
in the territory. He comes nearer being such a chief as we read of 


MOONEY] TRIBES OF THE COLUMBIA 735 


than any I have ever met. He is kindly disposed toward the whites 
and invites them to come and settle in his country.” (Winans.)  Lin- 
guistically they are probably nearest related to the Piskwaus. 

WaA‘/NAPUM (Shahaptian stock ).— Synonyms: Columbia River Indians, 
Sokulks. This is the tribe of which Smohalla is the chief and high 
priest. They are a small band, numbering probably less than 200 souls, 
and closely connected linguistically and politically with the Yakima, 
Piilus, and Nez Pereés. Wanapiim is the name by which they are 
known to these cognate tribes, and signifies “river people;” from wanw 
or wala, “river” (particularly Columbia river), and pwn or pam, “people 
or tribal country.” Together with the other non-treaty tribes of this 
region they are known to the whites under the indefinite name of 
“Columbia River Indians.” They are identical with the Sokulk met 
by Lewis and Clark at the mouth of Snake river and described as 
living farther up on the Columbia. The name Sokulk seems to be 
entirely unknown among the Yakima and Pius of today. The Wa’- 
napam range along both banks of the Columbia, in Washington, from 
above Grab creek down to the mouth of Snake river. Their village, 
where Smohalla resides, is on the west bank of the Columbia, at the 
foot of Priest rapids, in the Yakima country. It is called P'nii, signi- 
fying “a fish weir,” and is a great rendezvous for the neighboring 
tribes during the salmon fishing season. Having never made a treaty 
or gone on a reservation, they are not officially recognized by the gov- 
ernment. 

PA/LUS (Shahaptian stock).—Synonyms : Palouse, Pelloatpallah Cho- 
punnish (Lewis and Clark), Peloose, Polonches, Sewatpalla. The 
Piilus owned the whole basin of Palouse river in Washington and 
Idaho, and extended also along the north bank of Snake river to its 
junction with the Columbia. They were, and are, closely connected 
with the Wanaptim and the Nez Pereés. Piilus, the name by which 
the tribe is commonly known, is properly the name of Standing Rock, 
at the junction of Palouse and Snake rivers. They can not explain 
the meaning. They have four villages: Almotu, on the north bank of 
Snake river in Washington, about 30 miles above the mouth of Palouse 
river; Piilus, on the north bank of Snake river just below the 
junction of the Palouse; Ta/sawiks, on the north bank of Snake river 
about 15 miles above its mouth; and Kasi/spii or Cosispa (meaning 
“at the point,” from kasi/s, a point, and pd, the locative), at Ainsworth 
in the junction of the Snake and Columbia. This last village has a 
slight difference in dialect and is sometimes regarded as belonging to 
the Wanaptim. Although the Pii/lus are mentioned as parties to the 
Yakima treaty of 1855, they have never as a tribe recognized any 
treaty limitations or come upon a reservation. They are aboriginal in 
their ideas and among the most devoted adherents of the Smohalia 
doctrine. They were estimated at 500 in 1854, but, not being officially 
recognized, it is impossible to give their present number, 

14 pTH—pTt 2——7 


736 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


PiskWAUS or WINA/TSHIPUM (Salishan stock).— Synonyms: Piscaous, 
Piscous, Pisquose. The name by which this tribe is commonly known 
is properly the name of a fishing place on Wenatchee river, and is 
probably Salishan, but may be from the Yakima pishko, signifying “a 
bend in the river.” The Yakima call the river Winiitshi, signifying a 
“river issuing from a canon,” and the tribe Winitshipim. The Pisk- 
waus proper, on Wenatchee river, with their connected bands or tribes 
living in the same neighborhood, west of the Columbia in Kittitas 
and Okanogan counties, Washington, are a southern extension of the 
Mitani and speak the same language. Under the name of Piskwaus, 
Stevens includes ‘the Indians on the Columbia between the Priests’ and 
Ross rapids, on the Pisquose or Winatshapam river; the Enteatkeon, 
Chelaun lake, and the Mithaw on Barrier river. The name of Pisquouse, 
however, properly refers to a single locality on the river known to the 
Yakamas as Winatshapam. The Pisquouse themselves, as has before 
been remarked, are so much intermarried with the Yakamas that they 
have almost lost their nationality. These bands were formerly all 
united under one principal chief, Stalkoosum, who is said to have been 
aman of great note among them. He was killed a few years since in 
a fight with the Blackfeet, since which there has been no head of the 
tribe.” (Stevens, Comr. Rept., 1854.) The Piskwaus and smaller con- 
nected tribes took part in the Yakima treaty of 1855, but do not live 
on the reservation. Most of them live on the Wenatchee and the north 
branch of Yakima river in Kittitas county. They are all Catholics. 
There is no official statement of their number. Smaller tribes or bands 
connected with the Piskwaus proper and speaking the same language 
are: 

1, K‘TATAS, K tatiis-le’ma, Ketetas (Stevens), Pshwa/naptim (Ya- 
kima name), Shanwappoms (Lewis and Clark). K ‘tatiis signifies “a 
shoal,” ‘lé’ma being a tribal suffix, and Pshwani-pim in the Yakima 
language signifies “shoal people,” the name referring to a shoal in 
Yakima river at EKNensburg. 

2. SKA/UTAL, or Skaddal (of Lewis and Clark). About Boston creek 
and Kahchass lake, at the head of Yakima river. 

3. WsHA/NATU, or Shallattoos (of Lewis and Clark). The word 
means “huckleberry” in Yakima, and is applied to a site on Yakima 
river just above Ellensburg. 

4, SKWA/NANA, or Squannaroos (of Lewis and Clark). A Yakima 
word meaning “whirlpool,” and applied to a point on Yakima river 
about opposite the entrance of Selah creek, the village being on the 
west bank of the river. This band may possibly speak the language 
of the Atanfim, a Shahaptian tribe, whose territory adjoins them. 

5. QAMIL“LEMA or Kahmiltpah. The name is Yakima, and signifies 
“people of Qami/Ih.”  Qami‘/lh, or ** Watching for Fish,” was a chief who 
formerly lived with his band about Saddle mountain, on the east side 
of the Columbia, above Priest rapids. They are called Kahmiltpah in 


MOONEY] TRIBES OF THE COLUMBIA 73 


the Yakima treaty of 1855, They now live with the other tribes last 
named in Kittitas county. 

6. SVAPKAYT or Seapeat. They reside now in Kittitas county, but 
probably lived originally at a place of the same name on the east bank 
of the Columbia, about Bishop rock and Milk creek, below Wenatchee 
river. They are called Seapcat in the Yakima treaty of 1855. The 
word is of the Piskwaus language. 

YA/KimMA (Shahaptian stock).— Synonyms: Cutsahnim (Lewis and 
Clark), Eyackimah, Pa/kiut-lé/ma, Stobshaddat (by Puget sound 
tribes, Tolmie), Waptai/limim, Yackamans, Yookoomans. The Yakima 
are the most important tribe of the Shahaptian stock, excluding the 
Nez Pereés. They occupied the country of Natchess and middle 
Yakima rivers, in the present Yakima county, Washington, and are now 
on a reservation within the same county. Stevens says the name 
signifies “black bear” in the Wallawalla language, but Yakima inform- 
ants state that it is a nickname signifying “coward” or “runaway,” 
and say that the proper name of the tribe is Waptai/Imim, people of 
the ‘narrow river,” or Pa/ kiut-léma, ‘people of the gap,” both names 
referring to the narrows in Yakima river at Union gap, near Yakima 
bridge. Their old village was on the west side of the river, just below 
the gap. They are the Cutsahnim of Lewis and Clark. This name 
may possibly come from the same root as Kii/tsano’t, ** Lying Alongside,” 
the name of an old Yakima chief who died about 1880. In 1854, aecord- 
ing to Stevens, they were ‘divided into two principal bands, each made 
up of a number of villages and very closely connected, the one own- 
ing the country on the Natchess and lower Yakima, the other on the 
Wenass and its main branch above the forks.” These latter, however, 
were chiefly of the Piskwaus connection. They had then several chiefs, 
of whom Kamaiakan was the most important. Like all the other 
Columbia tribes east of the Cascade range, they formerly crossed the 
Rocky mountains annually to hunt the buffalo on the waters of the 
Missouri. In 1855 the goverument made a treaty with the Yakima, 
Piskwaus, Piilus, and other tribes by which they were to cede a ter- 
ritory on both sides of the Columbia, extending generally from the 
Cascade range eastward to Palouse and Snake rivers, and southward 
from above Chelan lake to the Columbia, excepting a small portion 
between the Columbia and the lower Yakima. At the same tiie the 
Yakima reservation was established and an arrangement was made by 
which all the tribes and bands concerned were to be confederated under 
the title of the “Yakama Nation,” with Kamaiakan as head chief. 
Shortly afterward the Yakima war broke out, and the treaty remained 
unratified until 1859. As already stated, the Piilus and several other 
tribes have never recognized it or come on the reservation, and their 
objection to such removal has become a religious principle of the Smo- 
halla doctrine. In the original treaty of 1855 fourteen tribes are named 
as participating, as follows: Yakama (Yiikima), Palouse (Piilus), Pis- 


738 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


quouse (Pi/skwaus), Wenatshapam (another name for Piskwaus), Ii- 
katat (Klnkatit), Klinquit (not identified), Kowwassayee (K/kasawi), 
Liaywas (not identified), Skinpah (Skinpii), Wish-ham (Wushqtm), 
Shyiks (not identified), Ochechotes (Uchi/chol), Kahmiltpah (Qamil 1é- 
ma), and Seapeat (Si/apkat). Among these were represented at least 
six languages and three linguistic stocks. The majority of these In- 
dians west of the Columbia, including the Yakima proper and others on 
the reservation, are Catholics, with also a number of adherents of the 
Shaker and Smohalla doctrines. Those on the reservation numbered 
1,200 in 1892, with an estimated 1,500 outside the boundaries. Beside 
the principal band of Yakima, the Waptailmim already mentioned, 
there are also the Sé/tas-lema, or ‘people of the rye prairie,” on 
Setass creek, a western tributary of the Yakima in the eastern part of 
the reservation, and the Pisko, or people of the “river bend,” in a vil- 
lage also on the south side of the Yakima, between Topinish and Setass 
creeks. (See Pishquitpah.) Their dialects are said to differ slightly 
from that of the Waptailmim. 

A/?TANCM-LEMA (Shahaptian stock) or “people (léma) of Atantiim 
creek.”—A small tribe on Atahnam creek, in Yakima county, Washing: 
ton, on the northern boundary of the reservation. They are said to 
speak a language distinet from Yakima or Klikatiit, but cognate, 
They have no official recognition now or in the treaty of 1855. The 
name A‘tantim is Yakima, and refers to a stream “ascended” (by salmon). 

KLU/KATAT (Shahaptian stock).— Synonyms: Clickahut, Clickitat, 
Klikatat, QwivIh-hwai-pim, Weyehhoo, Whulwhypum. The name by 
which this tribe is commonly known is from the Wasko language and 
signifies ** beyond (the mountain)” —that is, east of the Cascade range— 
with reference to the Chinookan tribes on the lower Columbia. The 
same name was also at times extended to the Yakima. They call 
themselves Qwilh-hwai-ptun, ‘prairie people;” from qiwulh-hai, ‘ prai- 
rie,” and pum, “ people,” referring particularly to their oeceupaney of 
Camass prairie. They formerly occupied the southern slopes of Mount 
Adams and Mount Helens, with the country of Klikatat and Lewis 
rivers, in the present Klickitat and Skamania counties, Washington. 
Hast of them were the Yakima and west were the Salishan and Chi- 
nookan tribes. At one time they lived farther east, but were driven 
west by the Cayuse. (Stevene.) About sixty years ago they crossed 
the Columbia and overran the Willamet country, and even penetrated 
as far south as the Umpqua, but afterward withdrew again to their 
proper country. Although but a small tribe, they were aggressive and 
enterprising and were the trade medium between the tribes west of the 
mountains and those east. They joined in the Yakima treaty of 1855 
and are now chiefly on Yakima reservation, but a few are still on White 
Salmon river, in Klickitat county. Their number is unknown. The 
Taitinapam and Topinish speak the same language and may be con- 
sidered as branches of this tribe. 


MOONEY] TRIBES OF THE COLUMBIA 139 


QaA/PNISH-LEMA or TOPINISH (Shahaptian stock).—A small tribe 
on Topinish river in Yakima county, Washington, within the present 
limits of the reservation. They speak the Klikatiit language. The 
name signifies “people ( /éma) of the trail coming from the foot of the 
hill.” 

TAITINAPAM (Shahaptian stock).—Synonym: Tai-kie-a-pain (mis- 
print). A small tribe speaking the Klikatit language, formerly liv- 
ing on the western slopes of the Cascade mountains, between the heads 
ot Lewis and Cowlitz rivers, in Skamania county, Washington, being 
the westernmost tribe of Shahaptian stock. If any are left, they are 
probably incorporated with the Klikatiit on Yakima reservation. 
They never had official recognition. 

CHAMNA/PUM (Shahaptian stock).— Synonyms: Chimnahpum, Chim- 
napoos, Cuimnapum. <A tribe which occupied the bend of the Columbia 
below Yakima river, together with the country on the lower Yakima, 
chiefly in the present Yakima county, Washington. They are the 
Chimnahpum of Lewis and Clark, and speak a dialect of the language 
of the Pius and Wanaptim, with which tribes the few survivors are 
incorporated. A few are also still living on the west side of the 
Columbia, opposite Pasco. The name is of their own language and 
means “people (pum) of Chiimnii’,” their old village about opposite 
Wallula. 

PISHQUITPAH (Shahaptian stock).—This name occurs only in the 
narrative of Lewis and Clark as that of a tribe in 1805, “residing at 
the Muscleshell rapid and on the north side of the Columbia to the com- 
mencement of the high country, wintering on the borders of the Tap- 
teal.” The Tapteal (properly Waptail or Waptailmim) is Yakima river. 
This would locate them in eastern Klickitat and Yakima counties, 
Washington. They are probably identical with the Pisko band of the 
Yakima. In the name Pishquitpah the final pak is the Yakima or 
Piilus locative pd, “at.” 

K KA/SAWI or KoWWASSAYEE (Shahaptian stock).— A small tribe 
speaking the Tenino language and formerly occupying a village of the 
same name, K ka/sawi, on the north bank of the Columbia, in Klickitat 
county, Washington, about opposite the mouth of the Umatilla. The full 
name is K‘ka/sawi- lé/ma, “people (léma) of the arrow-making place,” 
the local form being from kka/so, “arrow.” They took part in the 
Yakima treaty of 1855 under the name of Kowwassayee, and are now 
on Yakima reservation. 

HAnHAU’/PCM or WAHOWPUM (Shahaptian stock).—A small tribe 
speaking the Tenino language and occupying a village, Haha/u, on 
the north bank of the Columbia, about the mouth of Olive creek, 
in Klickitat county, Washington. The word means ‘willow people,” 
from hiha‘u, a species of willow, and pim, “people.” They are the 
Wahowpum of Lewis and Clark. They have never had official 
recognition. 


740 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 


UcHI/CHOL or OCHECHOTES (Shahaptian stoeck).—A small tribe 
speaking the Tenino language, living now, or formerly, on the north 
bank of the Columbia in Klickitat county, Washington. They are men- 
tioned as Ochechotes in the Yakima treaty of 1855, and may now be 
incorporated with other tribes on Yakima reservation. The name, from 
the Tenino language, signifies the ‘hind dorsal fin” (of a salinon), and 
is the name of a rock on the north side of the Columbia, opposite the 
upper end of the island, at the mouth of the Des Chutes. See 
Tapdnish. 

SKI/NPA (Shahaptian stock).— Synonyms: Sawpaw (2), Skien, Skin, 
Skinpah. A small tribe speaking the Tenino language and formerly 
having a village on the north bank of the Columbia in Klickitat county, 
Washington, at the falls opposite Celilo. They took part in the Yakima 
treaty of 1855 under the name of Skinpah, and are now incorporated 
with the other tribes on Yakima reservation. The name is Tenino, and 
means “cradle place,” or ‘at the cradle,” from skin, “cradle,” and pds 
the locative, and refers to a prominent rock at the site of their former 
village having some resemblance to an Indian cradle. See Tapédndsh. 

TAPANA/SH or ENEESHUR (Shahaptian stock).— A small tribe speak- 
ing the Tenino language, having a village on the north bank of the 
Columbia in Klickitat county, Washington, about opposite the mouth 
of Des Chutes river and a little above Celilo. The name is identical 
with the Eneeshur of Lewis and Clark, these explorers in 1805 having 
also included under this name the various bands speaking the Tenino 
language on both sides of the Columbia about the mouth of the Des 
Chutes. The Tapiinish have no official recognition. See Tenino. 

TLAQLUIT or WUSHQtM (Chinookan stoeck).— Synonyms: Echebool, 
Eeheloot, Eloot, Helwit, Niceuluita, Ouichram, Tehilouit, Tilhulhwit, 
Wisham, Wishham, Wishram, Wisswham. The Tlaqluit, with the 
Wasko, are the easternmost tribes of Chinookan stock on the Colum- 
bia, having immediately above them the Shahaptian tribes, speaking 
the Tenino language. The Tlaqluit territory lies along the north bank 
of the Columbia in Khekitat county, Washington, from Tenino, about 6 
miles above The Dalles. down to the neighborhood of White Salmon 
river. They call themselves Tlaqluit (Echeloot of Lewis and Clark), 
and are called Wushqtima-ptim, or  Wishqtim people,” by the tribes 
speaking the Tenino language, Wishqttm being the name of their 
chief village near South Side at The Dalles, the great fishing and trad- 
ing resort for the tribes of this section. The name appears also as 
Wishram. Both Tlaqluit and Wishqtim refer to a species of louse or 
flea abounding in that neighborhood. They took part in the Yakima 
treaty of 1855 under the name of Wishham, but most of them have 
probably never gone on the reservation. See Wasko. 

There is a tradition in the tribe that long before the coming of the 
whites to the Columbia a band of Tlaqluit left their people on account 
of a petty quarrel as to whether a goose made a certain noise with its 


MOONEY] TRIBES OF THE COLUMBIA 741 


bill or with its wings, and went up the Columbia and the Spokane, and 
are supposed to be now about the headwaters of the latter stream and 
still retaining their language, although under a different tribal name. 


CHILt/KTKWA or CHILLUCKITI EQUAWS (Chinookan stock ).—A tribe 
formerly extending along the north bank of the Columbia in Klickitat 
and Skamania counties, Washington, from about White Salmon river 
down to some distance below the Cascades. They are called Chilluck- 
ittequaws in 1805 by Lewis and Clark, who speak also of a separate 
band of the same tribe under the name of Smackshop, a name which 
san not now be identified. The tribe now numbers less than 100, 
Until recently the remnant lived about the mouth of White Salmon 
river, but removed about thirteen years ago to the Cascades. Their 
language is nearly the same as that of the Wasko. They have never 
had official recognition. 


Kwikwt/Lir or DoG RIvER (Chinookan stock)— Synonyms: Cas- 
cade Indians, Kigaltwalla, Upper Chinook, Wahclellah, Watlala. A 
small tribe formerly living at the Cascades and about Dog river, 
a small stream coming into the Columbia about half-way between the 
Cascades and The Dalles, in Wasco county, Oregon, They are iden- 
tical, in part at least, with the Wahclellahs of Lewis and Clark (men- 
tioned as a part of the ““Shahala nation”), and are the ‘‘ Ki-gal-twal-la 
band of the Wascoes” and the “Dog River band of the Wascoes” of 
the Wasco treaty of 1855. The ‘Dog River or Cascade Indians” were 
reported to number 80 souls in 1854. In the next year they, with other 
tribes, entered into the Wasco treaty, by which they agreed to remove 
to Warmspring reservation, where some of them now are, while the 
others are still about the Cascades. Their language is nearly the same 
as that of the Wasko. 


WaAsko (Chinookan stock).—Synonyms: Dalles Indians, Wascopum. 
A tribe formerly claiming the country about The Dalles, on the south 
bank of the Columbia, in Wasco county, Oregon. They, with the 
Tlaqluit on the opposite bank, are the easternmost extension of the 
Chinookan stock, and speak the same language. The name is said to 
be a Tenino word, meaning ‘‘grass,” or ‘grass people.” It has some- 


Db 


times been made to include several cognate bands about The Dalles 
and Cascades, on both sides of the Columbia. Under the name of 
“The Dalles band of the Wascoes,” they entered into the Wasco treaty 
of 1855, and are now on Warmspring reservation in Oregon. They 
numbered 260 in 1892. 


WAIAM (Shahaptian stock).—Synonryms: (Lower) Des Chutes, Wai- 
iim-léma, Wayyampa, Wyam. A tribe speaking the Tenino language 
and formerly living about the mouth of Des Chutes river, in the pres- 
ent Wasco and Sherman counties, Oregon. Their chief village was on 
the Columbia where Celilo now is, and was called Waiiim, whence 
their name of Waiiim-léma or “people of Waiiim.” They joined in 


742 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


the Wasco treaty of 1855 under the name of “*Wyam or Lower De 
Chutes band of Walla-Wallas,” and are now on Warmspring reserva- 
tion in Oregon. Their number is not separately reported. 

TAV-AQ (Shahaptian stock).— Synonyms: Taigh, Ta-ih, Tairtla, 
Tyich. A tribe speaking the Tenino language and formerly oceupying 
the country about Tygh and White rivers, in Wasco county, Oregon. 
The name Tai’-aq refers to the stream and denotes ‘“‘*muddy, white 
water.” They took part in the Wasco treaty of 1855 under the name of 
“Ta-ih or Upper De Chutes band of Walla-Wallas,” and are now on 
Warmspring reservation, Oregon. Their number is not reported. 

TYLQUNI (Shahaptian stock).—A tribe formerly claiming the country 
between Tygh valley and Warmspring river, west of Des Chutes river, 
in the present Wasco county, Oregon. They are now on Warmspring 
reservation, in the same neighborhood. They have never been officially 
mentioned under their Indian name, and may be considered the Warm- 
spring proper, although this name is local rather than tribal. They 
speak the Tenino language. See Tenino. 

TENINO or Mibui/- LMA (Shahaptian stock).—The most important 
Shahaptian tribe of western Oregon. They formerly occupied middle 
Des Chutes river, and conquered the present Warmspring reservation 
from the Paiute or Snake tribes, but never occupied it until put there 
by the Wasco treaty of 1855. Since then they have been known indis- 
criminately as Tenino or Warmspring Indians, although this latter 
designation is commonly used to include other cognate tribes on the 
same reservation, For this reason it is impossible to give their number 
detinitely. The Tenino language, in various dialects, is spoken, except- 
ing by the Lohim, by all the tribes formerly living on both banks of the 
Columbia and on its tributaries from the country of the Wasko about 
The Dalles up to about the mouth of the Umatilla. 

Most of this region, on the south or Oregon side of the Columbia, 

ras formerly held by Shoshonean tribes of Paiute connection, which 
have been dispossessed by the Shahaptian tribes and driven farther 
back to the south. The ouly Shoshonean tribe which maintained its 
place on the Columbia was the Lohim, on Willow creek. The Tenino 
themselves conquered the present Warmspring reservation from the 
Snakes. The expulsion was in full progress when Lewis and Clark 
went down the Columbia in 1805, but had been practically completed 
when the first treaties were made with these tribes fifty years later. 
Lewis and Clark state that ‘‘on that (the south) side of the river none 
of the tribes have any permanent habitations, and on inquiry we were 
confirmed in our belief that it was from the fear of being attacked by the 
Snake Indians, with whom they are constantly at war. This nation 
they represent as being very numerous and residing in a great number 
of villages on the Towahnahiook (Wanwaui or Des Chutes), where they 
live principally on salmon, . . . the first villages of the Snake 
Indians being twelve days’ journey on a course about southeast of this 


MOONEY] TRIBES OF THE COLUMBIA 743 


place.” In the appendix, after mentioning various bands of Snakes on 
Snake and Willamette rivers, they speak of the main body as ‘resid- 
ing in the fall and winter on the Multnomah (Willamet) river, south- 
ward of the Southwest mountains, and in spring and summer near the 
heads of the Towahnahiook (Des Chutes), Lepage (John Day), Yau- 
malolam (Umatilla), and Wollawollah rivers, and especially at the falls 
of the Towahnahiook, for the purpose of fishing.” In the Wasco 
treaty of 1855 the Shahaptian tribes were recognized as owners of the 
whole country southward to the forty-fourth parallel, from the Cascade 
range east to the Blue mountains. See Tapdndsh. 

TOKspPt’sH or JoHN Day INDIANS (Shahaptian stock).— Synonyms : 
Dock-spus, John Day Rivers, Tfikspish-leéma. <A tribe speaking the 
Tenino language and formerly living along the lower part of John Day 
river, Oregon, having their principal village at the falls about 4 miles 
above the mouth. They are now on Warmspring reservation, and num- 
bered 59 in 1892, with perhaps others off the reservation. Ttiksptsh is 
the name of John Day river in the Tenino language. 

Louim or WILLOW CREEK INDIANS (Shoshouean stock).—A_ tribe 
living on Willow creek, in Gilliam and Morrow counties, Oregon. They 
are of Shoshonean connection, being the only Indians of this stock who 
have been able to maintain their position on the Columbia against the 
inroads of the Shahaptian tribes. They have never made a treaty with 
the government, and are generally spoken of as renegades belonging to 
the Umatilla reservation. In 1870 they were reported to number 114, 
but are not mentioned in the recent official reports. 

CAYUSE or WAILE’rPu (Waiilatpuan stock).— Synonyms: Cailloux, 
Kayuse, Shiwanish, Skyuse, Wailetma, Yeletpo Chopunnish (of Lewis 
and Clark). The Cayuse are a warlike tribe of distinct stock for- 
merly occupying the mountain country on the heads of Wallawalla, 
Umatilla, and Grande Ronde rivers in Oregon and Washington, includ- 
ing the present Umatilla reservation. Further investigation may yet 
establish a linguistic connection with the Shahaptian tribes. The 
Molala, formerly on Molalla creek, west of the Cascades, are a sepa- 
rated band, of whose western migration the Cayuse and their neighbors 
still have a tradition. The Cayuse formerly bore a high reputation for 
intelligence and bravery, but on account of their fighting propensities, 
which led them to make constant war on the Snakes and other tribes to 
the west, they were never very numerous. In 1838 a Presbyterian mis- 
sion, called Waiilatpu, had been established among the Cayuse, by Dr 
Whitman, where now is the town of Whitman, in Wallawalla county, 
Washington. In 1847 the smallpox, before unknown among them, car- 
ried off a large part of the tribe. The Cayuse, believing that the mis- 
sionaries were the cause of it, attacked the mission on November 29, 
1847, killed Dr Whitman and thirteen others, and destroyed the mission. 
As a matter of fact, there seems little question that the infection was 
brought into the country in supplies intended for the use of the mission 


(44 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [erH. ANN. 14 


or of emigrants temporarily stopping there. In 1854, according to Ste- 
vens, ‘‘the tribe, though still dreaded by their neighbors on account of 
their courage and warlike spirit, is but a small one, numbering, accord- 
ing to the census of 1851, only 126. Of these, individuals of the pure 
blood are few, the majority being intermixed with the Nez Pereés and 
the Wallah-Wallahs, particularly with the former, to such a degree that 
their own language has fallen into disuse.” A few years ago only a few 
individuals, then living on Umatilla reservation, retained their old lan- 
guage. In 1855 they joined in the treaty by which Umatiila reservation 
in Oregon was set apart, and most of those remaining are now there, 
while a few others are with the Nez Percés at Lapwai. Joseph, the 
noted Nez Percé chief, is himself the son of a Cayuse father. In 1892 
the Cayuse on Umatilla reservation were reported te number 391, but it 
is evident that most of these are mixed-bloods of other tribes, partieu- 
larly the Umatilla. The name Cayuse is from the Nez Percé language. 
They call themselves Wailétpu. They are known to the Yakima as 
Wi/alét-piim or Wai/létma, and to the Tenino as Shiwanish, or “strangers 
from up the river,” a name extended also to the Nez Percés. 

UMATILLA (Shahaptian stock).— Synonym: Utilla. A tribe for- 
merly occupying the lower portion of the river of the same name, with 
the adjacent bank of the Columbia, in Oregon. They speak a distinct 
language of the Shahaptian stock. By the treaty of 1855 they agreed 
to go on Umatilla reservation in Oregon, where in 1892 they were 
reported to number 216, A large proportion of those now called Cay- 
use on the same reservation are Umatilla mixed-bloods. 

WALLAWALLA (Shahaptian stock).—Synonyms: Oualla-Oualla, Wal- 
awaltz, Wollawollah, Wollaw-Wollah. A tribe formerly occupying the 
country about the lower portion of the river of the same name and 
along the east bank of the Columbia from Snake river down nearly to 
the Umatilla, in Washington and Oregon, They take their name from 
the river, the word being said to refer to “rushing water.” Their lan- 
guage is said to resemble closely that of the Nez Pereés. By the treaty 
of 1855 they agreed to go on Umatilla reservation, Oregon, where, in 
1892, they were reported to number 474. 

A small band of the same tribe, known to the Yakima as Walu/la-piim, 
formerly lived on the west bank of the Columbia opposite the present 
Wallula. Their dialect is said to have been more akin to the Pius 
language. 

SAHAPTIN or NEZ PERCES (Shahaptian stock).—Synonyms: Chohop- 
tins, Chopunnish (Lewis and Clark), Copunnish, Laaptin (misprint), 
A‘dal-k‘ato/igo, “people with hair cut across the forehead” (Kiowa 
name), Shi/wanish (Tenino name, applied also to the Cayuse), Wa/pa- 
métant (Yakima name for the language). The Nez Percés are said to 
‘all themselves Sahaptin, and were named Nez Percés, or “pierced 
noses,” by the French from their former custom of wearing nose pend- 
ants. They are the most important tribe of the Shahaptian stock, and 


MOONEY] TRIBES OF THE COLUMBIA 745 


formerly occupied a large territory in eastern Washington and Oregon 
and central Idaho, bounded on the east by the main divide of the 
Bitterroot mountains, and including lower Grande Ronde and Salmon 
rivers, with a large part of the Snake and all of the Clearwater. The 
Wallowa valley, the disputed title to which led to the Nez Pereé war, 
lies on a branch of the Grande Ronde, in Oregon. They had the 
Salishan tribes to the northeast, the Shoshonean tribes to the south, 
and the Cayuse, Wallawalla, and Piilus, with all of whom they are 
much intermarried, on the west and northwest. Almost all authorities 
give them a high character for bravery, intelligence, and honorable 
conduct traits which were strikingly displayed in the Nez Pereé war, 

Lewis and Clark traversed their country in 1805, and speak of them 
and some connected tribes under the name of Chopunnish, distinguished 
as follows: Chopunnish nation (about the present Lapwai reser vation), 
Pelloatpallah band (the Piilus), Kimooenim band (on Snake river, 
between the Salmon and the Clearwater), Yeletpo band (the Cayuse), 
Willewah band (in Wallowa valley, afterward Joseph’s band), Soyen- 
nom band (on the north side of the upper Clearwater, in Idaho; these 
were really a part of the Piilus—the proper form is Tiitqu/nma, whence 
Thatuna hills, referring to “a fawn” in the Piilus language, and was 
the name applied to their kamas ground about Camass creek), Chopun- 
nish of Lewis river (on Snake river, below the Clearwater), In response 
to a request from the Nez Percés, who sent a delegation all the way to 
Saint Louis for that purpose in 1832, the first Protestant mission was 
established among them at Lapwai, Idaho, in 1837. Soon afterward 
they entered into relations with the government, and made their first 
treaty with the United States in 1855, By this treaty they ceded the 
greater portion of their territory, and were confirmed in the possession 
of a reservation including Wallowa valley. On the discovery of gold in 
the country, however, the miners rushed in, and in consequence a new 
treaty was made in 1863, by which they gave up all but the present 
Lapwai reservation in Idaho, Joseph, who occupied Wallowa valley 
with his band, refused to recognize this treaty or remove to Lapwai. 
This refusal finally led to the Nez Perceé war in 1877, as already related. 
The main body of the tribe took no part in the war. After the surren- 
der of Joseph his band was removed to Indian Territory, where the 
mortality among them was so great that in 188 they were returned to 
the northwest. For several reasons, however, it was deemed unadvis- 
able to settle them in the neighborhood of their old home, and a place 
was finally found for them in 1887 on Colville reservation in northern 
Washington. In 1892 there were 1,828 on Lapwai reservation and 138 
on Colville reservation, a total population of 1,966. 


CHAPTER VIIT 
THE SHAKERS OF PUGET SOUND 


My breath was ont and I died. All at once I saw a great shining light. Angels 
told me to look back. Idid, and saw my own body lying dead. It hadno soul. My 
soul left my body and went up to the judgment place of God. . . . My soul was 
told that I must come back.and live on earth. When I came back, I told my friends, 
“There is a God. My good friends be Christians. If you all try hard and help me, 
we shall be better men on earth.”— John Slocum. 


In 1881 there originated among the tribes of Puget sound in Wash- 
ington a new religion, which, although apparently not founded on any 
doctrinal prophecy, yet deserves special attention for the prominent 
part which hypnotism holds in its ceremonial. Indeed, there is good 
reason to believe that the Paiute messiah himself, and through him 


Fic. 67—John Slocum and Louis Yowaluch. 


all the apostles of the Ghost dance, have obtained their knowledge of 
hypnotic secrets from the “Shakers” of Puget sound. 

The founder of the religion is Squ-sacht-un, known to the whites as 
John Slocum. He is now (1896) about 58 years of age. His chief high 
priest is Louis Yowaluch, or Ai-yiil as he is called by the Yakima. Both 
are of the Squaxin tribe. In 1881 (Eells makes it 1882) he died” or fell 
into a trance one morning about daylight and remained in that condi- 


746 


MOONEY] EELLS ON SHAKER RELIGION 747 


tion until the middle of the afternoon, when he awoke and announced 
that he had been to heaven, but had been met at the entrance by 
angels, who forbade him to enter on acconnt of his wickedness, and gave 
him his choice either to go to hell or return to earth and teach his 
people what they must do to get to heaven. Accordingly, he came back 
to earth and began his divinely appointed mission, introducing into the 
new doctrine and ritual a great deal of what he had learned from the 
white missionaries. From the nervous twitchings which so peculiarly 
distinguished them, his followers soon became known as ‘‘ Shakers.” 
Although strongly opposed by the agent, who arrested and imprisoned 
the leaders and visited various minor penalties on their followers, the 
Shaker religion grew and flourished until it now has a regular organi- 
zation with several houses of worship, and has received the official 
indorsement of the Presbyterian church. 

The following account of the system, in response to a letter of inquiry, 
was obtained from the missionary, Reverend Myron Eells, brother of 
the agent: 


o -urious phase of religion sprang up in the fall of 1882 among some of the Indians 
on the southern part of Puget sound. It has prevailed mainly among the Squaxon, 
Nisqually, Skokomish, and Chehalis Indians, and has been called by its opponents 
the “Shake religion,” and its followers have been called “Shakers” on account of 
a large amount of nervous shaking which is a part of the form of its observance. It 
is evidently based upon about the same principles of the mind as the jerks and shout- 
ing at camp meetings among the whites of the southern and western states fifty 
years ago, when they were more ignorant and less acquainted with real religion than 
they are now. Whensuperstition, ignorance, dreams, imagination, and religion are 
all mingled together, either among whites, Indians, or people of any other race, they 
produce a strange compound. It has proven so in this case. 

In the fall of 1882 an Indian named John Slocum, who was Jiving on Skookum bay, 
in Mason county, apparently died. Some years previous he had lived on the Skoko- 
mish reservation, where he had attended a Protestant.church, and had learned some- 
thing of the white man’s religion, God, Jesus Christ, and the morals inculeated. He 
had also learned something in his early life of the Catholic religion and its forms 
and ceremonies. Many Indians were present when he was sick and apparently 
died. They said his neck was broken, and that he remained dead for about six hours, 
when he returned to life, jumped up, and ran off a short distance, and soon began 
to converse with the people. Whether or not it was a case of suspended anima- 
tion is a question. A white man, a near neighbor of his, who saw him before his 
apparent death, while he thus lay, and after his resuscitation, said he believed the 
Indian was ‘‘ playing possum.” But the Indians believed that he really died and 
rosé again. 

The Indian stated that he died and attempted to go to heaven, but could not enter 
it because he was so wicked. Hewas there told, however, the way of life, and that 
he must return to this earth and teach his people the way, and induce them to become 
Christians. He gained asmail band of followers, a church was built for him, and 
he steadily preached to the people. 

Affairs went on this way until the next August. Then, after consultation with 
other Indians who favored him, especially on the Skokomish reservation, if was 
decided to hold a big meeting. The Indians of the surrounding region were called 
to go. They were told that they would be lost if they did not; that four women 
would be turned into angels; that persons would die and be raised to life again, and 
that other wonderful things would be done. 


748 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Many went, about half of those on the Skokomish reservation being among the 
number, and they did hold a big meeting. Women did go around trying to fly 
like angels; four persons are said to have died, and, with the power which was 
said to have been given them from above, others were said to have brought them 
back to life again. ‘This was a mixture of trying to perform miracles, as in Bible 
times, to prove the divinity of their religion, and some of the ceremonies of their old 
black tomahnous. This was a secret society of their savage days, in which persons 
went into a hypnotic condition, in which they became very rigid, and out of which 
they came in the course of time. The followers of this new religion dreamed dreams, 
saw visions, went through some disgusting ceremonies a la mode the black tomahnous, 
and were taken with a kindof shaking. With their arms at full length, their hands 
and arms would shake so fast that a common person not under the excitement could 
hardly shake half as fast. Gazing into the heavens, their heads would also shake 
very fast, sometimes for a few minutes and sometimes for hours, or half the night. 
They would also brush each other with their hands, as they said, to brush off their 
sins, for they said they were much worse than white people, the latter being bad 
only in their hearts, while the Indians were so bad that the badness came to the 
surface of their bodies and the ends of their finger nails, so that it could be picked 
off. They sometimes brushed each other lightly, and sometimes so roughly that the 
person brushed was made black for a week, or even sick. 

In connection with this they held church services, prayed to God, believed in Christ 
as a savior, said much about his death, and used the cross, their services being a 
combination of Protestant and Catholic services, though at first they almost totally 
rejected the Bible, for they said they had direct revelations from Christ, and were 
more fortunate than the whites, who had an old, antiquated book. 

After having kept up this meeting for about a week, they disbanded and went to 
their homes, but did not stop their shaking or services. They sometimes held meet- 
ings from 6 oclock in the evening until about midnight, lighting candles and putting 
them on their heads for a long time. They became very peculiar about making the 
sign of the cross many times a day, when they began to eat as they asked a blessing, 
and when they finished their meal and returned thanks; when they shook hands 
with anyone—and they shook hands very often—when they went to church and 
prayer meeting on Thursday evening, and at many other times, far more often than 
the Catholics do. 

On the Skokomish reservation their indiscretions caused the death of a mother and 
her child, and an additional loss of time and property to the amount of $600 or $800 
in a few weeks. It also became a serious question whether the constant shaking of 
their heads would not make some of them erazy, and from symptoms and indications 
it was the opinion of the agency physician, J. T. Martin, that it would do so. 
Accordingly, on the reservation the authority of the agent was brought to bear, and 
to a great extent the shaking was stopped, though they were encouraged to keep on 
in the practice of some good habits which they had begun, of ceasing gambling, 
intemperance, their old style incantations over the sick, and the like. Some at 
first said they could not stop shaking, but that at their prayer meetings and church 
services on the Sabbath their hands and heads would continue to shake in spite of 
themselves; but after a short time, when the excitement had died away, they found 
that they could stop. 

But about Skookum bay, Mud bay, and Squaxon the shaking continued, and it 
spread to the Nisqually and Chehalis Indians. It seemed to be as catching, to use the 
expression of the Indians, as the measles. Many who at first ridiculed it and fought 
against it, and invoked the aid of the agent to stop it, were drawn into it after a 
little, and then they became its strong upholders. This was especially true of the 
medicine-men, or Indian doctors, and those who had the strongest faith in them. 
The Shakers declared that all the old Indian religion, and especially the cure of the 
sick by the medicine-men, was from the devil, and they would have nothing to do 
with it, those who at first originated and propagated it having been among the 


MOONEY] FELLS ON SHAKER RELIGION 749 


more intelligent and progressive of the uneducated Indians, Very few of those 
who bad learned to read and had been in Sabbath school for a considerable length 
of time were drawn into it. It was the class between the most educated and the 
most superstitious who at first upheld it. ‘They seemed to know too much to con- 
tinue in the old-style religious ceremonies, but not to know enough and to be too 
superstitious to fully believe the Bible. Consequently, the medicine-men were at 
first bitterly opposed to it. About this time, however, an order came from the 
Indian department to stop all medicine-men from practicing their incantations over 
the sick. As a respectable number of the Indians had declared against the old style 
of curing the sick, it seemed to be a good time to enforce this order, as there was 
sufficient popular opinion in connection with the authority of the agent to enforce 
it. This was done, and then the medicine-men almost entirely joined the Shakers, 
as their style was more nearly in accordance with the old style than with the religion 
of the Bible. 

As it spread, one Indian went so far as to declare himself to be Christ again come to 
earth, and rode through the streets of Olympia at the head of several scores of his 
followers with his hands outstretched as Christ was when he was crucified. But he 
was so ridiculed by other Indians and by the whites that he gave up this idea and 
simply declared himself to be a prophet who had received revelations from heaven, 

For several years there has been very little of the shaking or this mode of worship 
among the Indians on the reservation, excepting secretly when persons were sick. 
Still, their native superstition and their intercourse with those off the reservation, 
who sometimes hold a special gathering and meeting when their followers grow 
cold and careless, has kept the belief in it as a religion firm in their hearts, so that 
lately, since they have become citizens, and are hence more free from the authority 
of the agent, the practice of it has become more common, especially when persons 
are sick. 

In fact, while it is a religion for use at all times, yet it is practiced especially over 
the sick, and in this way takes the place of the medicine-men and their methods. 
Unlike the system of the medicine-men, it has no,single performer. Though often 
they select for leader one who can pray the best, yet in his absence another may 
take the lead. Like the old system, it has much noise. Especially do they use bells, 
which are rung over the person where the sickness is supposed to be. ‘The others 
present use their influence to help in curing the sick one, and so imitate the attend- 
ants on an Indian doctor, getting down upon their knees on the floor and holding 
up their hands, with a candle in cach hand, sometimes for an hour. They believe 
that by so holding up their hands the man who is ringing the bell will get the sick- 
ness out more easily than he otherwise would. They use candles both when they 
attempt to cure the sick and in their general service, eschewing lamps for fear of 
being easily tempted, as they believe coal-oil lights to be from Satan. 

In another point also this resembles very closely their old religion. For a long 
time before a person is taken sick they foretell that his spirit is gone to heaven and 
profess to be able to bring it back and restore it to him, so that he will not die as 
soon as he otherwise would. This was also a part of the old tomahnous belief. 

They have also prophesied very much. Several times when a person has died they 
have told me that someone had foretold this event, but they have never told me this 
until after the event happened, except in one case. They have prophesied much in 
regard to the end of the world and the day of judgment. Generally, the time set 
has been on a Fourth of July, and many have been frightened as the time drew 
near, but, alas, in every instance the prophecy failed. Like Christians, they believe 
in a Supreme Being, in prayer, the sabbath, in heaven and hell, in man as a sinner, 
and Christ as a savior, and the system led its followers to stop drinking, gambling, 
betting, horse racing, the use of tobacco, and the old-style incantations over the 
sick, Of late years, however, some of them have fallen from grace. 

It has been a somewhat strange freak of human nature, a combination of morals 
and immorals, of Protestantism, Catholicism, and old Indian practices, of dreams 


750 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


and visions—a study in mental philosophy, showing what the mind may do under 
certain circumstances. Yet it is all easily accounted for. These Indians have 
mingled with the whites for a long time, nearly ever since most of them were 
small. All classes of whites have made sport of their religion—the infidel, the 
profane man, the immoral one, the moral one, and the Christian—and they have 
been told that God and the Bible were against it, consequently they lost faith in it. 
But the Indian must have some religion. He can not do without one. They were 
not ready to accept the Bible in all its purity. They wanted more excitement. 
Like the Dakota Indians more recently, they saw that Christ was the great center 
of the most powerful religion of the most powerful, intelligent, successful, and 
wisest nations with whom they came in contact. Consequently they formulated a 
system for themselves that would fill all their required conditions, and when a few 
leaders had originated it, a large share of the rest were ripe to accept it, but having 
had more Christian teaching than the wild Dakotas, it took a somewhat different 
form, with no thought of war and with more of real Christianity. 


James Wickersham, esquire, of Tacoma, Washington, the well-known 
historian of that region, is the regular attorney for these people as a 
religious organization, and is consequently in a position to speak with 
authority concerning them. In reply to a letter of inquiry, he states 
that the Shakers believe in an actual localized heaven and hell, and 
reverence the Bible, but regard John Slocum’s revelations as of more 
authority. ‘They practice the strictest morality, sobriety, and honesty. 
Their 500 or 600 members are models, and it is beyond question that they 
do not drink whisky, gamble, or race, and are more free from vice than 
any other church. They practice a mixture of Catholic, Presbyterian, 
and old Indian ceremonies, and allow only Indians in thechurch. They 
have five churches, built by themselves, and the sect is growing quite 
rapidly.” From all this it would appear that the Shaker religion is a 
distinet advance as compared with the old Indian system. 

Under date of December 5, 1892, Mr Wickersham wrote again on 
this subject, as follows: 


I read your letter to my Indian friends, and they beg me to write you and explain 
that they are not Ghost dancers, and have no sympathy with that ceremony or any 
other founded on the Dreamer religion. That they believe in heaven as do the 
orthodox Christians; also in Christ, and God, the Father of all; that they believe 
in future rewards and punishments, but not in the Bible particularly. They do 
believe in it as a history, but they do not value it as a book of revelation. They 
do not need it, for John Slocum personally came back from a conference with the 
angels at the gates of heaven, and has imparted to them the actual facts and the 
angelie words of the means of salvation. 

This testimony is even better than the words of Christ contained in the Bible, for 
John Slocum comes 1800 years nearer; he is an Indian, and personally appears to 
them and in Indian language reports the facts. These people believe Slocum as 
firmly as the martyr at the stake believed in that for which he offered up his life; 
but it is the Christian religion which they believe, and not the Ghost dance or 
Dreamer religion. 

In short, they havea mixture of Catholic, Protestant, and Indian ceremonies, with 
a thorough belief in John Slocum’s personal visit to heaven, and his return with a 
mission to save the Indiansandso guide them that they, too, shall reach the realms 
of bliss. Personally, I think they are honest, but mistaken; but the belief cer- 
tainly has beneficial effect, and has reduced drinking and crime to a minimum 
among the members of the ‘‘ Shaker” or ‘‘ Tschaddam” church. 


MOONEY] TSCHADDAM OR SHAKER RELIGION 751 


In conclusion, permit me to say that the general assembly of the Presbyterian 
church in this state has several times examined into the religion and character of 
the Shaker or Slocum church, and has highly indorsed its people and their character 
and actions. Yowaluch is their head now, and the strongest man mentally among 
them. 

Some months later Mr Wickersham forwarded a circumstantial and 
earefwly written statement of the history and present condition of the 
movement. In accordance with his request, we publish it as written, 
omitting only some paragraphs which do not bear directly on the gen- 
eral subject. It may be considered as an official statement of the 
Shaker case by their legally constituted representative. As might 
have been expected, he takes direct issue with those who have opposed 
the new religion. The reader will note the recurrence of the Indian 
sacred number, four, in Slocum’s speech, as also the fact that his first 
trance was the culmination of a serious illness. 


Tschaddam or Shaker religion 


“On Christmas day, 1854, a treaty was signed at the mouth of She- 
nahnam or Medicine creek, on the south side of Puget sound, Washing- 
ton, between Isaac I. Stevens, governor and ex officio superintendent of 
Indian affairs for the United States, and the chief and headmen of the 
Nisqually, Puyallup, and other small tribes of Indians residing around 
the south shores of Puget sound. 

“One of these small tribes was the Squaxin, situated on the south- 
western branch or arm of Puget sound, now known as Little Skookum 
bay, in Mason county, Washington, near Olympia. The remaining 
members of this tribe yet live on the old home places, having purchased 
small tracts of their old hunting grounds from the first settlers; and 
they now make a living by fishing and gathering oysters as in days of old. 
Of the fishy tribe of Squaxin was born John Slocum, as he is known to 
the ‘Boston man,’ but to his native friends he is known as Squ-sacht-un. 

“John Slocum, Squ-sacht-un, is now (1893) about 51 years of age, about 
5 feet 8 inches high, and weighs about 160 pounds; rather stoop shoul- 
dered, with a scattering beard, a shock of long black hair, a flat head 
(fashionably flat, and produced by pressure while a baby), bright eyes, 
but in all rather a common expression of countenance. He is modest 
and rather retiring, but has unquestioned confidence in himself and 
his mission. He is married, and up to the time of his translation was 
looked on as a common Indian, with a slight inclination to fire-water 
and pony racing, as well as a known fondness for Indian gambling. 

“In the month of October, 1881, Slocum was unaccountably drawn to 
think of his evil courses. While in the woods he knelt and prayed 
to God, and began seriously to think of the error of his ways and of 
the evil days that had fallen on his few remaining native friends. 
Whisky, gambling, idleness, and general vice had almost exterminated 
his people. His eyes were opened to the folly of these facts, and he 


14 ETH—PT 2——S8 


(HDI24 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. L4 


prayed. He, however, became sick; and as his sickness increased, 
these ideas became brighter in his mind and his duty more clear. He 
grew worse, and one day he died. He was pronounced dead by all 
present, and was laid out for burial. His brother went to Olympia 
for a coffin, and a graye was prepared. He died at 4 oclock in the 
morning, and late in the afternoon he again resumed life and recovered 
consciousness. 

‘His recovery was rapid, and immediately he told those present that 
during his term of death his soul had been to heaven, where it had 
been met by the angels, who, after a proper inquiry as to his name, etc., 
told him that he had been bad on earth, and reminded him very forcibly 
of his shortcomings while there, and finally wound up by informing 
him that he could not enter heaven, but that he could either go to hell 
or could go back to the earth and preach to the Indians and tell them 
the way to heaven. He accepted this latter proposition, and the result 
was that his soul again returned to earth, reentered its old body, and 
has from that day to this animated Slocum with the spirit of a crusader 
against gambling, whisky drinking, and other ‘Boston’ vices. 

“About a year ago I was employed by these people as their attorney, 
and at their request attended the meetings in Mason county, and had a 
long conference with them. As a practical person would, Slocum 
andertook to demonstrate to me his honesty and the divine character 
of their religion, and at a large meeting composed only of Indians, 
members of his church, he made to me a long public statement of facts, 
and explained, through an intepreter, the character of their religion 
and of their belief. I wrote down at the time a synopsis of what was 
said to me, and now quote it at some length as being the exact words 
of Slocum, and as the best explanation of their religion. 

“Standing before all his people, in the most solemn and impressive 
manner, in their church, he said in substance: 

“The witnesses have spoken the truth. I was sick about two weeks, and had five 
Indian doctors. I grew very weak and poor. Dr Jim was there. He could not 
cure me. They wanted to save me, but my soul would die two or three hours at a 
time. At night my breath was out,and I died. All at once I saw a shining light — 
great light —trying my soul. I looked and saw my body had no soul—looked at my 
own body —it was dead. 

“JT came through the first time and told my friends, ‘When I die, don’t ery,’ and 
then I died again. Before this I shook hands and told my friends I was going to 
die. Angels told me to look back and see my body. I did, and saw it lying down. 
When I saw it, it was pretty poor. My soul left body and went up to judgment 
place of God. Ido not know about body after 4 oclock. 

“T have seen a great light in my soul from that good land; I have understand all 
Christ wants us to do. Before I came alive I saw I was sinner. Angel in heaven 
said to me, ‘You must go back and turn alive again on earth.’ I learned that I 
must be good Christian man on earth, or will be punished. My soul was told that 
I must come back and live four days on earth. When I came back, I told my friends, 
‘There 1s a God — there is a Christian people. My good friends, be Christian.’ 

““When I came alive, I tell my friends, ‘Good thing in heaven. God is kind to 
us. If you all try hard and help me we will be better men on earth.’ And now we 
all feel that it is so. 


MOONEY] SPEECH OF YOWALUCH (533 


‘A good Christian man prayed with me four days. After four days, a voice said 
to me, ‘You shall live on earth four weeks.’ My soul was told that they must 
build a church for me in four weeks. Thad lumber fora house, and my friends built 
ehureh. Had it all done in four weeks but 6 feet of roof, and spread a mat over 
that. Soon as the church was finished the people came and filled the house and 
began to worship God, I felt strong—bigger than today — all these men know 
this. My friends worked hard, and Iam here because they finished the house in 
four weeks. My soul was told to remain on earth four weeks more. All my friends 
came, and every Saturday we worshiped God. In four weeks more my soul was 
told that I should live on earth four years if I did right and preached for God. All 
felt thankful, and people joined the church — about fifty people. I was promised 
more time if we worshiped God. 

“A bad man can’t reach heaven. I believe in God. I saw how bad I used to be. 
God sends us light to see. They know in heaven what we think. When people are 
sick, we pray to God to cure us. We pray that he take the evil away and leave the 
good. If man don’t be Christian, he will suffer and see what is bad. When we 
remember Jesus Christ’s name, we always felt happy in our hearts. This is good 
road for us to travel if we hoid on. If we do, God’s angels are near to our souls. 
Power from this to help us. When we pray, it helps us lots in our hearts. We don’t 
do good sometimes, because our hearts are not right. When our body and heart feel 
warm, we do good and sing good songs. As Christ said, he sends power to every 
believing soul on earth. 

“While one man can try to start religion here on earth, it don’t do much good; 
they won’t believe him much. That’s why we join to worship. Now we are pre- 
paring ourselves for judgment. For it is said, it don’t make any difference if he 
prays good and does good, God gives him help and words to speak. Makes no dif- 
ference if ‘ Boston’ or Indian, if God helps we know it. These things are what we 
learned. We learn good while we pray—voice says, Do good. 

“Tt is ten years, now, since we began, and we have good things. We all love these 
things and will follow them all time. We learn to help ourselves when sick. When 
our friend is sick, we kneel and ask for help to cure him. We learn something once 
in a while to cure him. Then we do as we know to help him and cure him. If we 
don’t learn to help him, we generally lose him. 


“This is a pretty accurate synopsis of the speech delivered to me by 
Slocum, and translated by another Indian, who spoke pretty good Eng- 
lish. But that a more thorough knowledge may be given of their reli- 
gious belief, I give also a brief synopsis of another speech made at the 
same meeting by Louis Yowaluch, a full-blood Indian, who is the legal 
head of this church. It is about as follows: 


“Well, my friend, we was about the poorest tribe on earth. We was only tribe 
now full blood and nothing else. We would not believe anything. Minister came 
here, but we laugh at him. We loved bad habits—stealing—and John Slocum died. 
He was not a religious man—knew nothing of God—all of us same. We heard there 
was a God from Slocum—we could see it. Same time we heard God, we believe it. I 
was worst of lot. Iwas drunkard—was half starving—spent every cent for whisky. 
I gambled, raced horses, bet shirt, money, blankets—did not know any better. 

“John Slocum brought good to us; his words civilized us. We could see. We 
all felt blind those times. We lost by drowning—our friends drink whisky and 
the canoes turn over—we died out in the bay. Today who stopped us from these 
things? 

“John Slocum came alive, and I remember God and felt frightened. We never 
heard such a thing as a man dying and bring word that there was a God. I became 
sick for three weeks, four weeks. I hear a voice saying to soul, ‘Tomorrow they 
will be coming to fix you up.’ Had just heard about John Slocum, and knew it was 
punishment for my bad habits. My heart was black—it was a bad thing. 


(54 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


‘Now I have quit swearing—my heart is upside down—it is changed. After I 
heard the voice I heard another say: ‘There it is now—some one to fix you up. 
Have you prepared your heart? If you don’t believe in Christ, you will go into a 
big fire and burn forever.’ I saw a man’s hand coming to my heart. That day I 
got up—was well—talked to my friends, advising them. I will remain a follower 
of Christ as long as I live. 

“Long ago we knew nothing at all. When Slocum came back from God, we 
found out there was a God. From that time we have prayed for anything we want. 
We follow God’s way. God teaches us if we do bad we will go to hell. That’s why 
we pray and avoid bad habits. If we don’t ask grace, bad things come when we 
eating. When we drink water, we think about God before drinking. If we don’t 
think of him, may be we get sick from water. If traveling, may be we die if we 
don’t think of God. We are afraid to do wrong against God. Long time ago we 
worked on Sundays, but no more now. Our brother Christ has given us six days to 
work. On Sunday pray to God. God put people here to grow—puts our soul in 
our body. That’s why we pray so much. If we quit, like a man quit his job, he 
gets no pay. We would go to fire in hell. We have no power to put out hell fire. 


“Louis Yowaluch is the strong man of thé Shaker church. He is 6 
feet tall, rawboned, muscular, and rather slow. While he may once 
have been, as he says, a drunkard, he is now a Christian man. His 
conservativeness makes him a fine leader for the organization, while all 
the Indians respect him for his humanity and charity, for his honesty 
and uprightness, for his fearlessness and love of right. He fully and 
freely places John Slocum at the head of the church, as the man who 
ascended to heaven aud brought back a personal knowledge of the 
road, but at the same time he takes the lead in laying out work, build- 
ing churches, and sending out preachers to new tribes. 

“A new feature of this religion is found in Sam Yowaluch, the 
brother of Louis. He is younger than Louis, and has more of the 
native superstition in his character. He has by common consent been 
placed at the head of the faith-cure branch of the church. The follow- 
ing synopsis of his ‘talk’ will be an explanation of his position: 


“Among the Shakers, John Slocum is first. Louis is next. I take power and 
cure people when they are sick. Long time ago I knew nothing—just like an ani- 
mal. No doctoring, no medicine—no good. I was a drunkard, was a thief, and a 
robber. When I joined this religion, I was told to be good. When John Slocum was 
preaching, I heard that if I prayed I would have power and be a medicine-man, and 
could cure the sick. From time John Slocum preached I tried to be a good Chris- 
tian man. I prayed and was sick—my soul was sick. I prayed to God and he pays 
me for that. There is lots of difference between this power and old Indian doctor- 
ing. This is not old power. I can cure people now. I have cured some white men 
and women, but they are ashamed to tell it. I cure without money. One big, rich 
man, Henry Walker, was sick—had great pains in his ear and leg. Doctor at Olym- 
pia failed to cure him, and he came to John Slocum and me. We worked for him, 
prayed, and he lay down and slept and was cured. He offered us twenty dollars— 
but no, we refused it. God will pay us when we die, This is our religion. When 
we die, we get our pay from God. 

“No, we do not believe the Bible. We believe in God, and in Jesus Christ as the 
Son of God, and we believe in a hell. In these matters we believe the same as the 
Presbyterians. We think fully of God today. A good Christian man is a good 
medicine-man. A good Christian man in the dark sees a light toward God. God 
makes a fog—good Christian man goes straight through it to the end, like good 


MOONEY] SHAKER FORM OF CEREMONY 755 


medicine. I believe this religion. It helps poor people. Bad man can’t see good — 
bad man can’t get to heaven—can’t find his way. We were sent to jail for this 
religion, but we will never giveup. Weall believe that John Slocum died and went 
to heaven, and was sent back to preach to the people. We all talk about that and 
believe it. 

“The Shakers use candles, bells, crucifixes, Catholic pictures, ete, in 
their church and other ceremonies. As Mr Ellis says, they use para- 
phernalia of the Catholic, Presbyterian, and even some of the Indian 
religion. They cross themselves as the Catholics do; they say grace 
before and after meals; they stand and pray and chant in unison; they 
set candles around the dead as the Catholics do, and believe in the cure 
of the sick by faith and prayer. In times of excitement many of them 
twitch and shake, but in no instance do they conduct themselves in so 
nervous a manner as I have seen orthodox Christians do at old Sandy 
Branch camp-meeting in Illinois. They believe that by praying with 
a man or woman and rubbing the person they could induce them to 
join their church, and could rub away their sins; but they have no rite, 
no ceremony, no belief, no policy, no form of religion that is not in use 
by some one or other of our orthodox people. 

“Their religion, in brief, is a belief in God as the father and ruler of 
all, and in Jesus Christ as the Son of God and the Savior of mankind. 
They know there is a heaven, for John Slocum was there, and believe 
in a hell of fire for the punishment of sinners, because the angels in 
heaven told John Slocum about it. They do not care for the Bible. It 
is of no use to them, for they have a distinct revelation direct from 
heaven. This is the only practical difference between them and the 
orthodox believers, and this they do not care for.” 

Two of their songs, as recorded by Mr Wickersham, are as follows: 


Stalib gwuch Kweé Shuck, or Song of Heaven 


Alkwe kla sutlh akwe scheleh huchum akwe shuck; 
When we get warning from heaven; 

Gwalch clah tlowch kwe lehass; 
Then the angels wil come; 
Gwalch clah gwii tii iddo kwe kii-kii tedted ; 
Then the wonderful bells will ring; 
Gwaleh elah ass kwa-buch kweé kii-kii tsille; 
Then our souls will be ready ; 

Gwaleh clah o6whuh tu shuck; 
Then they will go up to heaven; 

Gwalch clah talib tobuch ah sho-sho-quille ; 
Then we will sing with Jesus; 

Gwalech elah joil tobuch ab sho-sho-quille. 
Then we will be happy with Jesus. 


Qua-dad-tsits Stalib, or Preacher's Song 


Chelch li ta 1a beuch; 
Then we shall sing; 

Chelch li ta 1a beuch; 
Then we shall sing ; 

Chelch li ta 14 beuch; 
Then we shall sing; 

Al kwe shuek iillil. 


Up in heaven's house. 


-~l 
mn 
=r) 


THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Chelch la joilla; 
Then we'll be happy; 
Chelch la joilla; 
Then we'll be happy; 
Chelch 1a joilla, 
Then we'll be happy, 
Al kwe shuck iillil. 
Up in heaven's honse. 
Cheleh 1a joilla; 
Then we'll be happy; 
Chelch 1a joilla; 
Then we'll be happy; 
Chelch Ja joilla, 
Then we'll be happy, 
Yuchque sho-sho-quille. 
Up with Jesus. 


Mr Wickersham then gives an account of the persecutions to which 
the rising sect was for a long time subjected, chiefly at the hands of agent 
Edwin Kells and his brother, Reverend Myron Eells, already quoted at 
length, who was at that time the missionary on the Skokomish reser- 
vation. As Mr Wickersham’s statements in this regard are mainly in the 
form of extended quotations from Ten Years’ Missionary Work at Sko- 
komish, written by the Reverend Mr Eells himself, they may be regarded 
as conclusive. It is apparent that a part at least of this persecution, 
which took the shape of banishment, chains, and imprisonment, and 
even the forcible seizure of a dead body from the bereaved relatives, 
was due to the fact that the Shakers, who considered themselves a 
genuine branch of the Christian church, were disposed to lean toward 
Catholicity rather than toward the denominational form upheld by the 
agent and his brother. 

However, religious persecution failed as utterly in its purpose in this 
case as it has and must in all others. Quoting from Mr Eeils, “The 
chiefs did not care if they were deposed, were about to resign, and did 
not wish to have anything more to do with the ‘ Boston’ religion or the 
agent. Billy Clams was ready, if need be, to suffer as Christ did. He 
was willing to be a martyr.” 

Mr Wickersham continues: 

“While Billy Clams and some of his people publicly abandoned the 
forms of Shaker religion rather than be banished, yet John Slocum and 
his people refused to so surrender, and the agent sent out his police 
and arrested John Slocum, Louis Yowaluch, and two or three more of 
these people—good, true men—and, loading their limbs with chains, 
confined them for several weeks in the dirty little single room of a jail 
at the Puyallup agency, near Tacoma. Their only offense was worship 
of a different form from that adopted by the agent and his brother. 
They had broken no law, created no disorder, and yet they suffered 
ignominious incarceration in a vile dungeon, loaded with chains, at the 
pleasure of the agent. The Shakers believed in God, in Jesus Christ, 
in heaven and hell, in temperance, sobriety, and a virtuous life. They 


MOONEY] EFFECT OF LAND-SEVERALTY LAW (57 


abandoned the old Indian religion and all its vices and forms, includ- 
ing the power of the doctors or medicine-men, These medicine-men 
had a great hold on the Indian mind, and they joined the minister and 
the agent in their fight on the Shakers, because the Shakers fought 
them; so that there was seen the unique spectacle of the savage sham- 
anism of the American Indian and the supposed orthodox religion of 
civilization hand in hand fighting the followers of Jesus Christ. 

‘Imprisonment, banishment, threats, chains, and the general ill will 
of the agent and all his employees were visited on these Shakers who 
continued to practice their forms of worship, and yet they did continue 
it. In spite of the fact that they occupied a place only half-way 
between slaves and freemen, and were under the orders of the agent 
and subject to be harassed and annoyed all the time by him, yet they 
continued nobly and fearlessly to practice their religion and to worship 
God and Jesus Christ as they saw fit. To do it, however, they were 
forced to stay away from the reservations, where the greater number of 
employees were located, and their churches were built on Mud bay and 
Oyster bay, far away from the reservations. 

“But a brighter day came for these people, a day when they could 
stand up and defy every form or foree of persecution. In 1886 Con- 
gress passed the Indian land severalty bill, an act providing for divid- 
ing lands in severalty to Indians, and providing that those who took 
lands and adopted the habits of civilized life should be American citi- 
zens, With all the rights, privileges, and immunities of any other citizen. 
In 1892 1 was appointed by Judge Hanford to defend a prisoner in 
the United States district court at Tacoma. The prisoner was accused 
of selling liquor to a Puyallup Indian, but it appeared on cross-exami- 
nation that this Indian owned land in severalty, voted, paid taxes, and 
exercised other rights of citizenship. The question was then raised by 
me ou motion to dismiss, that these land-holding, tax-paying Indians 
were citizens of the United States, free and independent, The United 
States prosecuting attorney appeared to contest the claim, but after 
an extended argument Judge Hanford held with me, and the prisoner 
was discharged. 

‘The effect of this decision was far-reaching. It meant that all 
land-holding Indians were no longer wards of the government, but free 
citizens and not under the control of the Indian agent. The Shaker 
people, hearing this, sent a deputation to see me, and I held a long con- 
sultation with them, assuring them that they were as free as the agent, 
and could establish their own church, own and build houses of worship, 
and do both in religious and worldly matters as other citizens of the 
United States could. This was glorious news to them. It meant free- 
dom, it meant the cessation of persecution and annoyance by the 
agency employees, and they were jubilant. 

“Accordingly they met on June 6, 1892, at Mud bay, at Louis Yowa- 
luch’s house, and organized their church on a regular business basis. 


758 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


The following officers were elected: Headman, Louis Yowaluch; elders, 
John Slocum, Louis Yowaluch, John Smith, James Walker, Charles 
Walker, John W. Simmons, and William James. At this meeting the 
following persons were also appointed ministers of this church, and 
licenses were issued to them, to wit: Louis Yowaluch, John Slocum, 
James Tobin, John Powers, and Richard Jackson. Provision was made 
to establish a church at the Puyallup reservation, where the power of 
the agent had hitherto kept them out, and William James, a Puyallup 
landowner, gave land for a church. After much talk about sending out 
ministers, ete, the meeting adjourned, after a two days’ session, and 


Fig. 68—Shaker church at Mud bay. 


tne Shaker church, after eleven years’ fighting against persecutions, 
was an established fact, free and independent, with its own officers, 
ministers, and chureh property. 

“The spectacle of an Indian church with Indian officers, preachers, 
and members, and of houses built by the Indians for church purposes, 
was too much for the average citizen of Puget sound, and the Shakers 
were continually disturbed, not only by the whites, but by the Indians 
who could not and did not appreciate the change to citizenship, so that 
Iwas constantly applied to for protection by the ministers and members 
of the Shaker church. A ‘paper’ has a great effect on the average 
Indian, and [ issued on application several papers addressed in general 
terms to those who might be disposed to interfere with them, which had 
a quieting effect and caused evil-disposed persons to respect the Indians 


MOONEY] GROWTH OF THE SHAKER CHURCH 159 


and their religion, or at least to let them alone. They now feel quite 
confident of their position, and are acting quite like the average citizen, 
Even the persons who persecuted them for eleven years now felt obliged 
to retire from the conflict, and a day of peace is reached at last. 

“The Shaker church now reaches over nearly the whole of western 
Washington. The story of Slocum’s death and visit to heaven, and 
his return to preach to the Indians, is accepted by them as a direct 
revelation of the will of God. They say that they do not need to read 
the Bible, for do they not have better and more recent testimony of the 
existence of heaven and of the way to that celestial home than is con- 
tained in the Bible? Here is John Slocum, alive, and has he not been 
to heaven? Then, why read the Bible to learn the road, when John 
can so easily tell them all about it? The Bible says there are many 
roads; the Catholics have oue, the Presbyterians another, and the Con- 
gregationalists a third; but John Slocum gives them a short, straight 
road—and they choose that. 

“The Shaker church now has a building for church purposes at Mud 
bay, at Oyster bay, at Cowlitz, Chehalis, and Puyallup. They have 
about a dozen ministers regularly licensed, and about 500 members. 
Most of the Indians at Skokomish belong, while the Squaxins, Chehalis, 
Nisqually, Cowlitz, and Columbia River Indians, and in fact the 
majority of the Indians of western Washington, either belong or are 
in sympathy with its teachings, so that it is now the strongest church 
among them. They are sending out runners to the Yakimas east of the 
Cascade mountains, and expect before long to make an effort to convert 
that tribe. 

“The Indian is inclined to be weak, and to adopt the vices of the 
white man, but not his virtues. However, this is not true of the 
Shakers. They do not drink intoxicants of any kind, and make a 
special effort at all times to banish liquor. This is the strong element 
in their faith, and the one for which they fight hardest. They feel 
upon their honor in the matter, and contrast the members of their 
church at every place with those belonging to the other denominations — 
and it is too true that an Indian does not seem at all to be restrained 
from drink by belonging to the other churches as he does in the Shaker 
church. In the others he feels no personal interest. The honor of 
neither himself nor his people is involved, and if he disgraces himself 
it reflects, in his opinion, rather on the white man’s church. Not so 
with the Shakers. No white man belongs to their church, and it is 
their boast that no white preacher can keep his Indian members from 
drink as they can—and it is true. After their opposition to liquor, 
next comes gambling. From these two vices flow nearly all troubles 
to the Indian, and the Shakers are certainly successful in extinguishing 
their spread among the Indians. They make special war on drunken- 
ness, gambling, and horse racing, and preach honesty, sobriety. tem- 
perance, and right living. 


760 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


“The Presbyterian church occupies a queer position with regard to 
these people. The Reverend M. G. Mann has been the missionary to 
the Indians of Puget sound for many years, and has succeeded in mak- 
ing a very favorable impression upon them. He has been specially 
attentive to the Shakers, and, to his credit be it said, has never tried to 
coerce them, and has only dealt with them kindly. So far has this 
gone that Louis Yowaluch was long ago taken into the Presbyterian 
church, and is now an accredited elder therein. Louis does not know, 
seemingly, how to escape from his dual position, or rather does not seem 
to think that he needs to escape. It all seems to be for the best inter- 
est of his people, so he continues to occupy the position of elder in the 
Presbyterian church and headman of the Shaker chureh, 

“At arecent meeting of the Presbyterian ministers the position of 
these Shaker people was fully discussed, and the strongest language 
was used in saying only good about them, and every effort seems to be 
made by the Presbyterians to claim the Shakers in a body as members 
of the Presbyterian church. If this account were not already too long, 
the reports of the church on the subject would be quoted, but the fact 
speaks volumes for the character of the Shakers and their teaching. 

“Tn conclusion: I have known the Shaker people now intimately, as 
their attorney, for more than a year, and out of the many drunken 
Indians I have seen in that time not one was a Shaker. Not one of 
their people has been arrested for crime in that time. They are good 
citizens, and are far more temperate and peaceable than those Indians 
belonging to the other churches. I feel that their church is a grand 
success in that it prevents idleness and vice, drunkenness and disorder, 
and tends to produce quiet, peaceable citizens, and good Christian 
people. I think the Presbyterians make a mistake in trying to bring 
the Shakers into their fold—they ought rather to protect them and give 
them every assistance in their autonomy. It adds the greatest incen- 
tive to their labors, and makes them feel as if they were of some 
account. It lets them labor for themselves, instead of feeling, as always 
heretofore, that some one else—they hardly knew who—was responsible. 
Their forms of Christianity are not very unorthodox—their Christianity 
is quite orthodox, not exactly because they take Slocum’s revelation 
instead of the Bible, but the result is the same—a Christian. 


“JAMES WICKERSHAM. 
““TacoMaA, WASHINGTON, June 25, 1893.” 


From competent Indian informants of eastern Washington—Charles 
Ike, half-blood Yakima interpreter, and Chief Wolf Necklace of the 
Pi/lus, we gather additional particulars, from which it would appear 
that there are more things in the Shaker system than are dreamed of 
in the philosophy of the Presbyterian general assembly. 

According to their statements, Yowaluch, or Ai-yiil, as he is known 
east of the Cascades, was noted as a gambler before he received his 
revelation. His followers are called Shépupu-‘léema, or “blowers,” by 


MOONEY] SHAKER CEREMONIAL SYMBOLISM 761 


the Yakima, from the fact that on meeting a stranger, instead of at 
once shaking hands with himin the usual manner, they first wave the 
hand gently in front of his face like a fan, and blow on him, in order 
to “blow away the badness” from him. They first appeared among the 
Yakima and other eastern tribes about six years ago, and are gradu- 
ally gaining adherents, although as yet they have no regular time 
or place of assembly. They are much addicted to making the sign of 
the cross—the cross, it is hardly necessary to state, being as much 
an Indian as a Christian symbol—and are held in great repute as 
doctors, their treatment consisting chiefly of hypnotic performances 
over the patient, resulting in the spasmodic shaking already described. 
In doctoring a patient the “blowers” usually gather around him in 
a cirele to the number of about twelve, dressed in a very attractive 
ceremonial costume, and each wearing on his head a sort of crown of 
woven cedar bark, in which are fixed two lighted candles, while in his 
right hand he carries a small cloth, and in the left another lighted 
candle. By fastening screens of colored cloth over the candles the light 
is made to appear yellow, white, or blue. The candle upon the fore- 
head is yellow, symbolic of the celestial glory; that at the back of the 
head is white, typical of the terrestrial light, while the third is blue, 
the color of the sky. 

Frequently also they carry in their hands or wear on their heads gar- 
lands of roses and other flowers of various colors, yellow, white, and 
blue being the favorite, which they say represent the colors of objects 
in the celestial world. While the leader is going through his hypnotic 
performance over the patient the others are waving the cloths and 
Swinging in circles the candles held in their hands. In all this it is 
easy to see the influence of the Catholic ritual, with its censers, tapers, 
and flowers, with which these tribes have been more or less familiar 
for the last fifty years. 

A single instance will suffice to show the methods of the blower doc- 
tors. The story is told from the Indian point of view, as related by the 
half-blood interpreter, who believed it all. About six years ago two 
of these doctors from the north, while visiting near Woodland on the 
Columbia, were called to the assistance of a woman who was seriously 
ill, and had received no benefit from the treatment of the native doctors. 
They came and almost immediately on seeing the patient announced to 
the relatives that the sickness had been put into her by the evil magic 
of a neighboring medicine-man, whom they then summoned into their 
presence. When the messenger arrived for him, the medicine-man 
refused to go, saying that the doctors were liars and that he had not 
made the woman ill. By their clairaudient power—or possibly by a 
Shrewd anticipation of probabilities—the doctors in the other house 
knew of his refusal and sent another messenger to tell him that conceal- 
ment or denial would not avail him, and that if he refused to come they 
would proceed to blow the sickness into his own body. Without further 


762 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


argument he accompanied the messengers to the sick woman’s house. 
As he entered, the chief doctor stepped up to him and looking intently 
into his face, said, ‘I can see your heart within your body, and it is 
black with evil things. You are not fit to live. You are making this 
woman sick, but we shall take out the badness from her body.” With 
the cloths and lighted candles the two doctors then approached the sick 
woman and commanded her to arise, which she did, although she had 
been supposed to be too weak to stand. Waving the cloths in front of 
her with a gentle fanning motion, and blowing upon her at the same 
time, they proceeded to drive the disease out of her body, beginning 
at the feet and working upward until, as they approached the head the 
principal doctor changed the movement to a rapid fanning and corre- 
sponding blowing, while the assistant stood ready with his cloth to 
seize the disease when it should be driven out. All this time the medi- 
cine-man standing a few feet away was shaking and quivering like one 
in a fit, and the trembling became more violent and spasmodic as the 
doctors increased the speed of their motions. Finally the leader brought 
his hands together over the woman’s head, where, just as the disease 
attempted to escape, it was seized and imprisoned in the cloth held by 
his assistant. Then, going up to the medicine-man, with a few rapid 
passes they fanned the disease into his body and he fell down dead. 
The woman recovered, and with her sister has recently come up to the 
Yakima country as an apostle of the new religion, preaching the doc- 
trines and performing the wonders which she has been taught by the 
Nisqually doctors. 

This is the Indian story as told by the half-blood, who did not claim 
to have been an eye-witness, but spoke of it as a matter of common 
knowledge and beyond question. It is doubtless substantially correct. 
The hypnotic action described is the same which the author has 
repeatedly seen employed in the Ghost dance, resulting successively 
in involuntary trembling, violent spasmodic action, rigidity, and final 
deathlike unconsciousness. The Ghost dancers regard the process not 
only as a means of bringing them into trance communication with their 
departed friends, but also as a preventive and cure of disease, just as 
we have our faith healers and magnetic doctors. With the Indian’s 
implicit faith in the supernatural ability of the doctor, it is easy to sup- 
pose that the mental effect on the woman, who was told and believed 
that she was to be cured, would aid recovery if recovery was possible. 
Itis unlikely that death resulted to the medicine-man. It is more prob- 
able that under the hypnotie spell of the doctors he fell unconscious 
and apparently lifeless and remained so perhaps for a considerable time, 
as frequently happens with sensitive subjects in the Ghost dance. The 
fact that the same process should produce exactly opposite effects in 
the two subjects is easily explainable. The object of the hypnotie per- 
formance was simply to bring the mind of the subject under the control 
of the operator. This accomplished, the mental, and ultimately the 


MOONEY] SHAKER CONTACT WITH WOVOKA 763 


physical, effect on either subject was whatever the operator wished 
it to be. After bringing both under mental control in the manner 
described, he suggested recovery to the woman and sickness or death 
to the medicine-man, and the result followed. 

Until the advent of these women from beyond the mountains such 
hypnotic performances seem to have been unknown among the Yakima 
and other eastern tribes of the Columbia region, the trance condition 
in the Smohalla devotees being apparently due entirely to the effect of 
the rhythmic dances and songs acting on excited imaginations, without 
the aid of blowing or manual passes. 

Hypnotism and so-called magnetism, however, appear to have been 
employed by the medicine-men of the Chinook tribes of the lower 
Columbia from ancient times. Especially wonderful in this connection 
are the stories told of one of these men residing at Wushqtm or 
Wisham, near The Dalles. 

About the time the two blower doctors appeared at Woodland, other 
apostles of the same doctrine, or it may have been the same two men, 
went up Willamet river into central Oregon, teaching the same system 
and performing the same wonders among the tribes of that region. 
And here comes in a remarkable coincidence, if it be no more. It is 
said among the northern Indians that on this journey these apostles 
met, somewhere in the south, a young man to whom they taught their 
mysteries, in which he became such an apt pupil that he soon out- 
stripped his teachers, and is now working even greater wonders among 
his own people. This young man can be no other than Woyoka, the 
messiah of the Ghost dance, living among the Paiute in western Ne- 
yada. The only question is whether the story told among the Colum- 
bia tribes is a myth based on vague rumors of the southern messiah 
and his hypnotic performances, so similar to that of the blower doe- 
tors, or whether Wovoka actually derived his knowledge of such things 
from these northern apostles. The latter supposition is entirely within 
the bounds of possibility. The time corresponds with the date of his 
original revelations, as stated by himself to the writer. He is a young 
man, and, although he has never been far from home, the tribe to 
which he belongs roams in scattered bands over the whole country to 
the Willamet and the watershed of the Columbia, so that communica- 
tion with the north is by no means difficult. He himself stated that 
Indiaus from Warmspring reservation, in northern Oregon, have 
attended his dances near Walker lake. 


CHAPTER IX 
WOVOKA THE MESSIAH 


When the sun died, I.went up to heaven and saw God and all the people who had 
died a long time ago. God told me to come back and tell my people they must be 
good and love one another, and not fight, or steal, or lie. He gave me this dance to 
give to my people.—/Vovoka. 

When Tiivibo, the prophet of Mason valley, died, about 1870, he left 
a son named Wovoka, “The Cutter,” about 14 years of age. The 
prophetic claims and teachings of the father, the reverence with which 


Fia. 69—W ovoka. 


he was regarded by the people, and the mysterious ceremonies which 
were doubtless of frequent performance in the little tulé wikiup at 
home must have made early and deep impression on the mind of the 
boy, who seems to have been by nature of a solitary and contemplative 
disposition, one of those born to see visions and hear still voices. 

The physical environment was favorable to the development of such 
a character. His native valley, from which he has never wandered, 


764 


MOONEY] SKETCH OF WOVOKA 765 


is a narrow strip of level sage prairie some 50 miles in length, walled 
in by the giant sierras, their sides torn and gashed by volcanic con- 
vulsions and dark with gloomy forests of pine, their towering summits 
white with everlasting snows, and roofed over by a cloudless sky whose 
blue infinitude the mind instinctively seeks to penetrate to far-off 
worlds beyond. Away to the south the view is closed in by the sacred 
mountain of the Paiute, where their Father gave them the first fire 
and taught them their few simple arts before leaving for his home in 
the upper regions of the Sun-land. Like the valley of Rasselas, it 
seems set apart from the great world to be the home of a dreamer. 
The greater portion of Nevada is an arid desert of rugged mountains 
and alkali plains, the little available land being confined to narrow 
mountain valleys and the borders of a few large lakes. These tracts 
are occupied by seattered ranchmen engaged in stock raising, and as 
the white population is sparse, Indian labor is largely utilized, the 
Paiute being very good workers. The causes which in other parts of 
the country have conspired to sweep the Indian from the path of the 
white man seem inoperative here, where the aboriginal proprietors are 
regarded rather as peons under the protection of the dominant race, 
and are allowed to set up their small camps of tulé lodges in convenient 
out-of-the-way places, where they spend the autumn and winter in hunt- 
ing, fishing, and gathering seeds and pinon nuts, working at fair wages 
on ranches through spring and summer, In this way young Wovoka 
became attached to the family of a ranchman in Mason valley, named 
David Wilson, who took an interest in him and bestowed on him the 
name of Jack Wilson, by which he is commonly known among the 
whites. From his association with this family he gained some knowl- 
edge of English, together with a confused idea of the white man’s 
theology. On growing up he married, and still continued to work for 
Mr Wilson, earning a reputation for industry and reliability, but attract- 
ing no special notice until nearly 30 years of age, when he announced 
the revelation that has made him famous among the tribes of the west. 
Following are the various forms of his name which I have noticed: 
Wo’voka, or Wii/voka, which I have provisionally 1endered ‘ Cutter,” 
derived from a verb signifying “to eut;’ Wevokar, Wopokahte, 
Kwohitsauq, Cowejo, Koit-tsow, Kvit-Tsow, Quoitze Ow, Jack Wilson, 
Jackson Wilson, Jack Winson, John Johnson. He has also been con- 
founded with Bannock Jim, a Mormon Bannock of Fort Hall reserva- 
tion, Idaho, and with Johnson Sides, a Paiute living near Reno, Nevada, 
and bitterly opposed to Wovoka. His father’s name, Tiivibo, has been 
given also as Waughzeewaughber. It is not quite certain that the 
Paiute prophet of 1870 was the father of Wovoka. This is stated to 
have been the case by one of Captain Lee’s informants (A. G. 0., 7) 
and by Lieutenant Phister (Phister, 2). Wovoka himself says that his 
father did not preach, but was a “dreamer” with supernatural powers. 
Certain it is that a similar doctrine was taught by an Indian living in 


766 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (PTH. ANN. Lf 


the same valley in Wovoka’s boyhood. Possibly the discrepancy might 
be explained by an unwillingness on the part of the messiah to share 
his spiritual honors. 

In proportion as Woyoka and his doctrines have become subjects of 
widespread curiosity, so have they become subjects of ignorant misrep- 
resentation and deliberate falsification. Different writers have made 
him a Paiute, a half-blood, and a Mormon white man. Numberless 
stories have been told of the origin and character of his mission and 
the day predicted for its final accomplishment. The most mischievous 
and persistent of these stories has been that which represents him as 
preaching a bloody campaign against the whites, whereas his doctrine 
is one of peace, and he himself is a mild-tempered member of a weak 
and unwarlike tribe. His own good name has been filehed from him 
and he has been made to appear under a dozen different cognomens, 
including that of his bitterest enemy, Johnson Sides. He has been 
denounced as an impostor, ridiculed as a lunatic, and laughed at as a 
pretended Christ, while by the Indians he is revered as a direct 
messenger from the Other World, and among many of the remote tribes 
he is believed to be omniscient, to speak all languages, and to be invis- 
ible to a white man. We shali give his own story as told by himself, 
with such additional information as seems to come from authentic 
sources, 

Notwithstanding all that had been said and written by newspaper 
correspondents about the messiah, not one of them had undertaken to 
find the man himself and to learn from his own lips what he really 
taught. It is almost equally certain that none of them had even seen 
a Ghost dance at close quarters—certainly none of them understood 
its meaning. The messiah was regarded almost as a myth, something 
intangible, to be talked about but not to be seen. The first reliable 
information as to his personality was communicated by the scout, 
Arthur Chapman, who, under instructions from the War Department, 
visited the Paiute country in December, 1890, and spent four days at 
Walker lake and Mason valley, and in the course of an interview with 
Wovoka obtained from him a detailed statement similar in all essen- 
tials to that which I obtained later on. (Sec. War, 3.) 

After having spent seven months in the field, investigating the new 
religion among the prairie tribes, particularly the Arapaho, and after 
having examined all the documents bearing on the subject in the files 
of the Indian Office and War Department, the author left Washington 
in November, 1891, to find and talk with the messiah and to gather 
additional material concerning the Ghost dance. Before starting, I 
had written to the agent in charge of the reservation to which he was 
attached for information in regard to the messiah (Jack Wilson) and 
the dance, and learned in reply, with some surprise, that the agent had 
never seen him. The surprise grew into wonder when I was further 
informed that there were ‘neither Ghost songs, dances, nor ceremo- 


MOONEY] OFFICIAL KNOWLEDGE OF WOVOKA 767 


nials” among the Paiute.! This was discouraging, but not entirely 
convineing, and I set out once more for the west. After a few days 
with the Omaha and Winnebago in Nebraska, and a longer stay with 
the Sioux at Pine Ridge, where traces of the recent conflict were still 
fresh on every hand, I crossed over the mountains and finally arrived 
at Walker Lake reservation in Nevada. 

On inquiry [I learned that the messiah lived, not on the reservation, 
but in Mason valley, about 40 miles to the northwest. His uncle, 
Charley Sheep, lived near the agency, however, so I sought him out 
and made his acquaintance. He spoke tolerable—or rather intolera- 
ble—English, so that we were able to get along together without an 
interpreter, a fact which brought us into closer sympathy, as an inter- 
preter is generally at best only a necessary evil. As usual, he was very 
suspicious at first, and inquired minutely as tomy purpose. [explained 
to him that I was sent out by the government to the various tribes to 
study their customs and learn their stories and songs; that I had 
obtained a good deal from other tribes and now wanted to learn some 
songs and stories of the Paiute, in order to write them down so that the 


1 The letteris given as a sample of the information possessed by some agents in regard to the Indians 
in their charge: 
‘* UNITED STATES INDIAN SERVICE, 


“Pyramid Lake, Nevada Agency, October 12, 1891. 
“JAMES Mooney, Esq., 


“ Bureau of Ethnology. 

“My Dear Sir: Your letter of September 24 in regard to Jack Wilson, the * Messiah,’ at hand and 
duly noted. In reply will say that his Indian name is Ko-wee-jow (‘Big belly’). Ido not know as 
it will be possible to get a photo of him. I never saw him or a photo of him. He works among the 
whites about 40 miles from my Walker Lake reserve, and never comes near the agency when I visit it. 
My headquarters are at Pyramid lake, about 70 miles north of Walker. I am pursuing the course 
with him of nonattention or a silent ignoring. He seems to think, so I hear, that I will arrest him 
should he come within my reach. I would give him no such notoriety. He, like all other prophets, 
has but little honor in his own country. He has been visited by delegations from various and many 
Indian tribes, which I think should be discouraged all that is possible. Don't know what the ‘Smo- 
holier’ religion, you speak of, is. He speaks English well, but is not educated. He got his doctrine 
in part from contact, living in and with a religious family. There are neither ghost songs, dances, nor 
ceremonials among them about my agencies. Would not be allowed. I think they died out with 
‘Sitting Bull.’ This is the extent of the information I can give you. 


‘Very respectfully, yours, 
C. C. WARNER, United States Indian Agent.” 

Here is an agent who has under his special charge and within a few miles of his agency the man 
who has created the greatest religious ferment known to the Indians of this generation, a movement 
which had been engrossing the attention of the newspaper and magazine press for a year, yet he has 
never seen him; and while the Indian Office, from which he gets his commission, in a praiseworthy 
effort to get at an understanding of the matter, is sending circular letters broadcast to the western 
agencies, calling for all procurable information in regard to the messiah and his doctrines, he ‘ pur- 
sues the course of nonattention.’’ He has never heard of the Smohalla religion of the adjacent north- 
ern tribes, although the subject is repeatedly mentioned in the volumes of the Indian Commissioner's 
report from 1870 to 1879, which were, or Should have been, ona shelf in the office in which the letter 
was written. He asserts that there are no ghost songs, dances, or ceremonies among his Indians, 
although these things were going on constantly and had been for at least three years, and onlya short 
time vefore a large delegation from beyond the mountains had attended a Ghost dance near Walker lake 
which lasted four days and nights. Chapman in 1890, and the author in 1891, saw the cleared grounds 
with the willow frames where these dances were being held regularly at short intervals. I found the 
ghost songs familiar to all the Indians with whom I talked, and had no special trouble to find the 
messiah and obtain his picture. The peaceful character of the movement is sufficiently shown by 
the fact that while the eastern papers are teeming with rumors of uprising and massacre, and troops 
are being hurried to the front, the agent at the central point of the disturbance seems to be unaware 
that there is anything special going on around him and ean ‘‘silently ignore’ the whole matter. 


14 ETH—PT 2. 9) 


768 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH, ANN. 14 


white people could read them. In a casual way I then offered to show 
him the pictures of some of my Indian friends across the mountains, 
and brought out the photos of several Arapaho and Cheyenne who I 
knew had recently come as delegates to the messiah. This convinced 
him that I was all right, and he became communicative. The result 

ras that we spent about a week together in the wikiups (lodges of tulé 
rushes), surrounded always by a crowd of interested Paiute, discussing 
theold stories and games, singing Paiute songs, and sampling the seed 
mush and roasted pinon nuts. On one of these occasions, at night, a 
medicine-nan was performing his incantations over a sick child on one 
side of the fire while we were talking on the other. When the ice was 
well thawed, I cautiously approached the subject of the ghost songs 
and dance, and, as confidence was now established, I found no diffi- 
culty in obtaining a number of the songs, with a description of the 
ceremonial. I then told Charley that, as I had taken part in the dance, 
Iwas anxious to see the messiah and get from him some medicine-paint 
to bring back to his friends among the eastern tribes. He readily 
agreed to go with me and use his efforts with his nephew to obtain 
what was wanted. 

It is 20 miles northward by railroad from Walker River agency to 
Wabuska, and 12 miles more in a southwesterly direction from there 
to the Mason valley settlement. There we met a young white man 
named Dyer, who was well acquainted with Jack Wilson, and who also 
spoke the Paiute language, and learned from him that the messiah was 
about 12 miles farther up the valley, near a place called Pine Grove. 
HEnlisting his services, with a team and driver, making four in all, we 
started up toward the mountain. It was New Year’s day of 1892, and 
there was deep snow on the ground, a very unusual thing in this part 
of the country, and due in this instance, as Charley assured us, to the 
direct agency of Jack Wilson. It is hard to imagine anything more 
monotonously unattractive than a sage prairie under ordinary circum- 
stances unless it be the same prairie when covered by a heavy fall of 
snow, under which the smaller clumps of sagebrush look like prairie-dog 
mounds, while the larger ones can hardly be distinguished at a short 
distance from wikiups. However, the mountains were bright in front of 
us, the sky was blue overhead, and the road was good under foot. 

Soon after leaving the settlement we passed the dance ground with 
the brush shelters still standing. We met but few Indians on the 
way. After several miles we noticed a man at some distance from the 
road with a gun across his shoulder. Dyer looked a moment and then 
exclaimed, “I believe that’s Jack now!” The Indian thought so, too, 
and pulling up our horses he shouted some words in the Paiute 
language. The man replied, and sure enough it was the messiah, 
hunting jack rabbits. At his uncle’s call he soon came over. 

As he approached I saw that he was a young man, a dark full-blood, 
compactly built, and taller than the Paiute generally, being nearly 6 


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MOONEY] VISIT TO THE MESSIAH 769 


feet in height. He was well dressed in white man’s clothes, with the 
broad-brimmed white felt hat common in the west, secured on his head 
by means of a beaded ribbon under the chin, This, with a blanket ora 
robe of rabbit skins, is now the ordinary Paiute dress. He wore a go¢ rd 
pair of boots. His hair was cut off square on a line below the base of 
the ears, after the manner of his tribe. His countenance was open and 
expressive of firmness and decision, but with no marked intellectuality. 
The features were broad and heavy, very different from the thin, clear- 
cut features of the prairie tribes. 

As he came up he took my hand with a strong, hearty grasp, and 
inquired what was wanted. His uncle explained matters, adding that 
I was well acquainted with some of his Indian friends who had visited 
him ashort time before, and was going back to the same people. After 
some deliberation he said that the whites had lied about him and he 
did not like to talk to them; some of the Indians had disobeyed his 
instructions and trouble had come of it, but as I was sent by Washing- 
ton and was a friend of his friends, he would talk with me. He was 
hunting now, but if we would come to his camp that night he would 
tell us about his mission. 

With another hand-shake he left us, and we drove on to the nearest 
ranch, arriving about dark. After supper we got ready and started 
across country through the sagebrush for the Paiute camp, some miles 
away, guided by our Indian. It was already night, with nothing to be 
seen but the clumps of snow-covered sagebrush stretching away in 
every direction, and after traveling an hour or more without reach- 
ing the camp, our guide had to confess that he had lost the trail. 
It was two years since he had been there, his sight was failing, and, 
with the snow and the darkness. he was utterly at a loss to know his 
whereabouts. 

To be lost on a sage plain on a freezing night in January is nota 
pleasant experience. There was no road, and no house but the one we 
had left some miles behind, and it would be almost impossible to find 
our way back to that through the darkness. Excepting for a lantern 
there was no light but what came from the glare of the snow and a few 
stars in the frosty sky overhead. To add to our difficulty, the snow was 
cut in every direction by cattle trails, which seemed to be Indian trails, 
and kept us doubling and circling to no purpose, while in the uncertain 
gloom every large clump of sagebrush took on the appearance of a 
wikiup, only to disappoint us on a nearer approach. With it all, the 
night was bitterly cold and we were half frozen. After vainly following 
a dozen false trails and shouting repeatedly in hope of hearing an 
answering cry, we hit on the expedient of leaving the Indian with 
the wagon, he being the oldest man of the party, while the rest of us 
each took a different direction from the central point, following the 
cattle tracks in the snow and calling to each other at short intervals, 
in order that we might not become lost from one another. After going 


770 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


far enough to know that none of us had yet struck the right trail, the 
wagon was moved up a short distance and the same performance was 
repeated. At last a shout from our driver brought us all together. 
He declared that he had heard sounds in front, and after listening a 
few minutes in painful suspense we saw a shower of sparks go up into 
the darkness and knew that we had struck the camp. Going back to 
the wagon, we got in and drove straight across to the spot, where we 
found three or four little wikiups, in one of which we were told the 
messiah was awaiting our arrival. 

On entering through the low doorway we found ourselves in a circular 
lodge made of bundles of tulé rushes laid over a framework of poles, 
after the fashion of the thatched roofs of Europe, and very similar to 
the grass lodges of the Wichita. The lodge was only about 10 feet in 
diameter and about 8 feet in height, with sloping sides, and was almost 
entirely open above, like a cone with the top cut off, as in this part of 
the country rain or snow is of rare occurrence. As already remarked, 
the deep snow at the time was something unusual. In the center, built 
directly on the ground, was a blazing fire of sagebrush, upon which 
fresh stalks were thrown from time to time, sending up a shower of 
sparks into the open air, It was by this means that we had been guided 
tothe camp. Sitting or lying around the fire were half a dozen Paiute, 
including the messiah and his family, consisting of his young wife, < 
boy about 4 years of age, of whom he seemed very fond, and an infant. 
It was plain that he was a kind husband and father, which was in 
keeping with his reputation among the whites for industry and relia- 
bility. The only articles in the nature of furniture were a few grass 
woven bowls and baskets of various sizes and patterns. There were 
no Indian beds or seats of the kind found in every prairie tipi, no raw- 
hide boxes, no toilet pouches, not even a hole dug in the ground for 
the fire. Although all wore white men’s dress, there were no pots, pans, 
or other articles of civilized manufacture, now used by even the most 
primitive prairie tribes, for, strangely enough, although these Paiute 
are practically farm laborers and tenants of the whites all around them, 
and earn good wages, they seem to covet nothing of the white man’s, 
but spend their money for dress, small trinkets, and ammunition for 
hunting, and continue to subsist on seeds, pinon nuts, and small game, 
lying down at night on the dusty ground in their cramped wikiups, 
destitute of even the most ordinary conveniences in use among other 
tribes. It is a curious instance of a people accepting the inevitable 
while yet resisting innovation. 

Woyoka received us cordially and then inquired more particularly 
as to my purpose in seeking an interview. His uncle entered into a 
detailed explanation, which stretched out to a preposterous length, 
owing to a peculiar conversational method of the Paiute. Mach state- 
ment by the older man was repeated at its close, word for word and 
sentence by sentence, by the other, with the same monotonous intlee- 


MOONEY] WOVOKA’S REVELATION al 


tion. This done, the first speaker signified by a grunt of approval 
that it had been correctly repeated, and then proceeded with the next 
statement, which was duly repeated in like manner, The first time 
I had heard two old men conversing together in this fashion on the 
reservation I had supposed they were reciting some sort of Indian 
litany, and it required several such experiences and some degree of 
patience to become used to it. 

At last he signified that he understood and was satisfied, and then 
in answer to my questions gave an account of himself and his doc- 
trine, a great part of the interpretation being by Dyer, with whom 
he seemed to be on intimate terms. He said he was about 35 years 
of age, fixing the date from a noted battle! between the Paiute and 
the whites near Pyramid lake, in 1860, at which time he said he was 
about the size of his little boy, who appeared to be of about 4 years. 
His father, Tiaivibo, * White Man,” was not a preacher, but was a cap- 
ita (from the Spanish capitan) or petty chief, and was a dreamer and 
invulnerable. His own proper name from boyhood was Wovoka or 
Wiivoka, ‘The Cutter,” but a few years ago he had assumed the name 
of his paternal grandfather, Kwohitsauq, or ‘* Big Rumbling Belly.” 
After the death of his father he had been taken into the family of a 
white farmer, David Wilson, who had given him the name of Jack 
Wilson, by which he is commonly known among the whites. He thus 
has three distinct names, Wovoka, Kwohitsauq, and Jack Wilson. He 
stated positively that he was a full-blood, a statement borne out by his 
appearance. The impression that he is a half-blood may have arisen 
from the fact that his father’s name was “ White Man” and that he has 
a white man’s name. His followers, both in his own and in all other 
tribes, commonly refer to him as “our father.” He has never been 
away from Mason valley and speaks only his own Paiute language, 
with some little knowledge of English. He is not acquainted with 
the sign language, which is hardly known west of the mountains. 

When about 20 years of age, he married, and continued to work for 
Mr Wilson. He had given the dance to his people about four years 
before, but had received his great revelation about two years previously. 
On this occasion ‘the sun died” (was eclipsed) and he fell asleep in the 
daytime and was taken up to the other world. Here he saw God, with 
all the people who had died long ago engaged in their oldtime sports 
and occupations, all happy and forever young. It was a pleasant land 
and full of game. After showing him all, God told him he must go 


1This battle, probably the most important conflict that ever occurred between the Paiute and the 
whites, was fought in April, 1860, near the present ageney at Pyramid lake and about 8 miles from 
Wadsworth, Nevada. Some miners having seized and forcibly detained a couple of Indian women, 
their husbands raised a party and rescued them, without, however, inflicting any punishment on the 
guilty ones. This was considered an ‘' Indian outrage"’ and a strong body of miners collected and 
marched toward Pyramid lake to wipe out the Indiancamp. The Paiute, armed almost entirely with 
bows and arrows, surprised them in a narrow pass at the spot indicated, with the result that the 
whites were defeated and fled in disorder, leaving nearly fifty dead on the field. The whole affair in 
its causes and results was most discreditable to the whites. 


T72 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [RTH. ANN. 14 


back and tell his people they must be good and love one another, have 
no quarreling, and live in peace with the whites; that they must work, 
and not lie or steal; that they must put away all the old practices 
that savored of war; that if they faithfully obeyed his instructions they 
would at last be reunited with their friends in this other world, where 
there would be no more death or sickness or old age. He was then 
given the dance which he was commanded to bring back to his people. 
By performing this dance at intervals, for five consecutive days each 
time, they would secure this happiness to themselves and hasten the 
event. Finally God gave him control over the elements so that he 
could make it rain or snow or be dry at will, and appointed him his 
deputy to take charge of affairs in the west, while ‘‘ Governor Harrison” 
would attend to matters in the east, and he, God, would look after the 
world above. He then returned to earth and began to preach as he 
was directed, convincing the people by exercising the wonderful powers 
that had been given him. 

In 1890 Josephus, a Paiute informant, thus described to the scout 
Chapman the occasion of Wovoka’s first inspiration: “About three 
years ago Jack Wilson took his family and went into the mountains 
to cut wood for Mr Daye Wilson. One day while at work he heard a 
great noise which appeared to be above him onthe mountain. He laid 
down his ax and started to go in the direction of the noise, when he fell 
down dead, and God came and took him to heaven.” Afterward on 
one or two other occasions God came and took him to heaven again.” 
Wovoka also told Chapman that he had then been preaching to the 
Indians about three years. In our conversation he said nothing about 
a mysterious noise, and stated that it was about two years since he had 
visited heaven and received his great revelation, but that it was about 
four years since he had first taught the dance to his people. The fact 
that he has different revelations from time to time would account for 
the discrepancy of statement. 

He disclaimed all responsibility for the ghost shirt which formed so 
important a part of the dance costume among the Sioux; said that there 
were no trances in the dance as performed among his people —a state- 
ment confirmed by eye-witnesses among the neighboring ranchmen— 
and earnestly repudiated any idea of hostility toward the whites, assert- 
ing that his religion was one of universal peace. When questioned 
directly, he said he believed it was better for the Indians to follow the 
white man’s road and to adopt the habits of civilization. If appear- 
ances are in evidence he is sincere in this, for he was dressed in a good 
suit of white man’s clothing, and works regularly on a ranch, although 
living in a wikiup. While he repudiated almost everything for which 
he had been held responsible in the east, he asserted positively that 
he had been to the spirit world and had been given a revelation 
and message from God himself, with full control over the elements. 
From his uncle I learned that Wovoka has five songs for making it 


MOORE WOVOKA’S VISION (igh) 


rain, the first of which brings on a mist or cloud, the second a snowfall, 
the third a shower, and the fourth a hard rain or storm, while when he 
sings the fifth song the weather again becomes clear. 

T knew that he was holding something in reserve, as no Indian would 
unbosom himself on religious matters to a white man with whom he had 
not had a long and intimate acquaintance. Especially was this true in 
view of the warlike turn affairs had taken across the mountains. Con- 
sequently I accepted his statements with several grains of salt, but on 
the whole he seemed to be honest in his belief and his supernatural 
claims, although, like others of the priestly function, he occasionally 
resorts to cheap trickery to keep up the impression as to his miraculous 
powers. From some of the reports he is evidently an expert sleight-of- 
hand performer. He makes no claim to be Christ, the Son of God, as 
has been so often asserted in print. He does claim to be a prophet who 
has received a divine revelation. I could not help feeling that he was 
sincere in his repudiation of a number of the wonderful things attrib- 
uted to him, for the reason that he insisted so strongly on other things 
fully as trying to the faith of a white man. He made no argument and 
advanced no proofs, but said simply that he had been with God, as 
though the statement no more admitted of controversy than the propo- 
sition that 2 and 2 are4. From Mr J. O. Gregory, formerly employed 
at the agency, and well acquainted with the prophet, I learned that 
Wovoka had once requested him to draw up and forward to the Presi- 
dent a statement of his supernatural claims, with a proposition that if 
he could receive a small regular stipend he would take up his residence 
on the reservation and agree to keep Nevada people informed of all 
the latest news from heaven and to furnish rain whenever wanted. The 
letter was never forwarded. 

From a neighboring ranchman, who knew Wovoka well and some- 
times employed him in the working season, I obtained a statement 
which seems to explain the whole matter. It appears that a short time 
before the prophet began to preach he was stricken down by a severe 
fever, during which illness the ranchman frequently visited and minis- 
tered to him. While he was still sick there occurred an eclipse of the 
sun, a phenomencn which always excites great alarm among prinitive 
peoples. In their system the sun is a living being, of great power and 
beneficence, and the temporary darkness is caused by an attack on 
him by some supernatural monster which endeavors to devour him, and 
will succeed, and thus plunge the world into eternal night unless driven 
off by incantations and loud noises. On this occasion the Paiute were 
frantic with excitement and the air was filled with the noise of shouts 
and wailings and the firing of guns, for the purpose of frightening off 
the monster that threatened the life of their god. It was now, as 
Wovoka stated, “when the sun died,” that he went to sleep in the day- 
time and was taken up to heaven. This means simply that the excite- 
ment and alarm produced by the eclipse, acting on a mind and body 


774 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH ANN. 14 


already enfeebled by sickness, resulted in delirium, in which he imag- 
ined himself to enter the portals of the spirit world. Constant dwelling 
on the subject in thought by day and in dreams by night would effect 
aud perpetuate the exalted mental condition in which visions of the 
imagination would have all the seeming reality of actual occurrences, 
To those acquainted with the spiritual nature of Indians and their 
implicit faith in dreams all this is perfectly intelligible. His frequent 
trances would indicate also that, like so many other religious eestatics, 
he is subject to cataleptic attacks. 

I have not been able to settle satisfactorily the date of this eclipse. 
From inquiry at the Nautical Almanac oftice I learn that solar eclipses 
visible in Nevada and the adjacent territory from 1884 to 1890 occurred 
as follows: 1884, October 18, partial; 1885, March 16, partial; 1886, 
March 5, partial; 1887, none; 1888, none; 1889, January 1, total or par- 
tial; 1890, none. The total eclipse of January 1, 1889, agrees best with 
his statement to me on New Year’s night, 1892, that it was about two 
years since he had gone up to heaven when the sun died. It must be 
noted that Indians generally count years by winters instead of by series 
of twelve calendar months, a difference which sometimes makes an 
apparent discrepancy of nearly a year. 

In subsequent conversations he added a few minor details in regard 
to his vision and his doctrine. He asked many questions in regard to 
the eastern tribes whose delegates had visited him, and was pleased 
to learn that the delegates from several of these tribes were my friends. 
He spoke particularly of the large delegation—about twelve in number— 
from the Cheyenne and Arapaho, who had visited him the preceding 
summer and taken part in the dance with his people. Nearly all the 
members of this party were personally known to me, and the leader, 
Black Coyote, whose pieture I had with me and showed to him, had 
been my principal instructor in the Ghost dance among the Arapaho, 
While this fact put me on a more confidential footing with Wovoka, it 
also proved of great assistance in my further investigation on my return 
to the prairie tribes, as, when they were satisfied from my statements 
and the specimens which I had brought back that I had indeed seen 
aud talked with the messiah, they were convinced that I was earnestly 
desirous of understanding their religion aright, and from that time 
spoke freely and without reserve. 

I had my camera and was anxious to get Wovoka’s picture. When 
the subject was mentioned, he replied that his picture had never been 
made; that a white man had offered him five dollars for permission to 
take his photograph, but that he had refused. However, as I had 
been sent from Washington especially to learn and tell the whites all 
about him and his doctrine, and as he was satisfied from my acquaint- 
ance with his friends in the other tribes that I must be a good man, he 
would allow me to take his picture. As usual in dealing with Indians, 
he wanted to make the most of his bargain, and demanded two dollars 


MOONEY] WOVOKA’S LEGERDEMAIN cork) 


and a half for the privilege of taking his picture and a like sum for 
each one of his family. I was prepared for this, however, and refused 
to pay any such charges, but agreed to give him my regular price per 
day for his services as informant and to send him a copy of the picture 
when finished. After some demur he consented and got ready for the 
operation by knotting a handkerchief about his neck, fastening an eagle 
feather at his right elbow, and taking a wide brim sombrero upon his 
knee. I afterward learned that the feather and sombrero were impor- 
tant parts of his spiritual stock in trade. After taking his picture I 
obtained from him, as souvenirs to bring back and show to my Indian 
friends in Indian Territory, a blanket of rabbit skins, some pinon nuts, 
some tail feathers of the magpie, highly prized by the Paiute for orna- 
mentation, and some of the saered red paint, endowed with most 
miraculous powers, Which plays so important a part in the ritual of 
the Ghost-dance religion. Then, with mutual expressions of good will, 
we parted, his uncle going back to the reservation, while I took the 
train for Indian Territory. 

As soon as the news of my arrival went abroad among the Cheyenne 
and Arapaho on my return, my friends of both tribes came in, eager to 
hear all the details of my visit to the messiah and to get my own im- 
pressions of the man. In comparing notes with some of the recent 
delegates I discovered something of Wovoka’s hypnotic methods, and 
incidentally learned how much of miracle depends on the mental recep- 
tivity of the observer. 

The Cheyenne and Arapaho, although for generations associated in 
the most intimate manner, are of very different characters. In religious 
matters it may be said briefly that the Arapaho are devotees and 
prophets, continually seeing signs and wonders, while the Cheyenne 
are more skeptical. In talking with Tall Bull, one of the Cheyenne 
delegates and then captain of the Indian police, he said that before 
leaving they had asked Woyoka to give them some proof of his super- 
natural powers. Accordingly he had ranged them in front of him, 
seated on the ground, he sitting facing them, with his sombrero between 
and his eagle feathers in his hand. Then with a quick movement he 
had put his hand into the empty hat and drawn out from it ‘something 
black.” Tall Bull would not admit that anything more had happened, 
and did not seem to be very profoundly impressed by the occurrence, 
saying that he thought there were medicine-men of equal capacity 
among the Cheyenne. In talking soon afterward with Black Coyote, 
one of the Arapaho delegates and also a police officer, the same incident 
came up, but with a very different sequel. Black Coyote told how they 
had seated themselves on the ground in front of Wovoka, as described 
by Tall Bull, and went on to tell how the messiah had waved his 
feathers over his hat, and then, when he withdrew his hand, Black 
Coyote looked into the hat and there ‘saw the whole world.” The 
explanation is simple. Tall Bull, who has since been stricken with 


776 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


paralysis, was a jovial, light-hearted fellow, fond of joking and playing 
tricks on his associates, but withal a man of good hard sense and dis- 
posed to be doubtful in regard to all medicine-men outside of his own 
tribe. Black Coyote, on the contrary, is a man of contemplative dispo- 
sition, much given to speculation on the unseen world. His body and 
arms are. covered with the scars of wounds which he has inflicted on 
himself in obedience to commands received in dreams. When the first 
news of the new religion came to the southern tribes, he had made a 
long journey, at his own expense, to his kindred in Wyoming, to learn 
the doctrine and the songs, and since his return had been drilling his 
people day and night in both. Now, on his visit to the fountain head of 
inspiration, he was prepared for great things, and when the messiah 
performed his hypnotic passes with the eagle feather, as I have so often 
witnessed in the Ghost dance, Black Coyote saw the whole spirit world 
where Tall Bull saw only an empty hat. From my knowledge of the 
men, I believe both were honest in their statements. 

As a result of the confidence established between the Indians and 
myself in consequence of my visit to the messiah, one of the Cheyenne 
delegates named Black Sharp Nose, a prominent man in his tribe, soon 
after voluntarily brought down to me the written statement of the doc- 
trine obtained from the messiah himself, and requested me to take it 
back and show it to Washington, to convince the white people that 
there was nothing bad or hostile in the new religion. The paper had 
been written by a young Arapaho of the same delegation who had 
learned some English at the Carlisle Indian school, and it had been 
taken down on the spot from the dictation of the messiah as his mes- 
sage to be carried to the prairie tribes. On the reverse page of the 
paper the daughter of Black Sharp Nose, a young woman who had also 
some school education, had written out the same thing in somewhat 
better English from her father’s dictation on his return. No white man 
had any part, directly or indirectly, in its production, nor was it orig- 
inally intended to be seen by white men. In fact, in one part the mes- 
siah himself expressly warns the delegates to tell no white man. 


CHAPTER X 
THE DOCTRINE OF THE GHOST DANCE 
You must not tight. Do no harm te anyone. Do right always.—JVoroka. 


The great underlying principle of the Ghost dance doctrine is that 
the time will come when the whole Indian race, living and dead, will be 
reunited upon a regenerated earth, to live a life of aboriginal happiness, 
forever free from death, disease, and misery. On this foundation each 
tribe has built a structure from its own mythology, and each apostle 
and believer has filled in the details according to his own mental 
capacity or ideas of happiness, with such additions as come to him 
from the trance. Some changes, also, have undoubtedly resulted from 
the transmission of the doctrine through the imperfect medium of the 
sign language. The differences of interpretation are precisely such as 
we find in Christianity, with its hundreds of sects and innumerable 
shades of individual opinion. The white race, being alien and secondary 
and hardly real, has no part in this scheme of aboriginal regeneration, 
and will be left behind with the other things of earth that have served 
their temporary purpose, or else will cease entirely to exist. 

All this is to be brought about by an overruling spiritual power 
that needs no assistance from human creatures; and though certain 
medicine-men were disposed to anticipate the Indian millennium by 
preaching resistance to the further encroachments of the whites, such 
teachings form no part of the true doctrine, and it was only where 
chronic dissatisfaction was aggravated by recent grievances, as among 
the Sioux, that the movement assumed a hostile expression. On the 
contrary, all believers were exhorted to make themselves worthy of the 
predicted happiness by discarding all things warlike and practicing 
honesty, peace, and good will, not only among themselves, but also 
toward the whites, so long as they were together. Some apostles have 
even thought that all race distinctions are to be obliterated, and that 
the whites are to participate with the Indians in the coming felicity ; 
but it seems unquestionable that this is equally contrary to the doctrine 
as originally preached. 

Different dates have been assigned at various times for the fulfill- 
ment of the prophecy. Whatever the year, it has generally been held, 
for very natural reasons, that the regeneration of the earth and the 
renewal of all life would oceur in the early spring. In some cases July, 
and particularly the 4th of July, was the expected time. This, it may 
be noted, was about the season when the great annual ceremony of the 


Cisied 


vid 


718 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


sun dance formerly took place among the prairie tribes. The messiah 
himself has set several dates from time to time, as one prediction after 
another failed to materialize, and in his message to the Cheyenne and 
Arapaho, in August, 1891, he leaves the whole matter an open question. 
The date universally recognized among all the tribes immediately prior 
to the Sioux outbreak was the spring of 1891. As springtime came 
and passed, and summer grew and waned, and autumn faded again into 
winter without the realization of their hopes and longings, the doctrine 
gradually assumed its present form—that some time in the unknown 
future the Indian will be united with his friends who have gone before, 
to be forever supremely happy, and that this happiness may be antici- 
pated in dreams, if not actually hastened in reality, by earnest and 
frequent attendance on the sacred dance. 

On returning to the Cheyenne and Arapaho in Oklahoma, after my 
visit to Wovoka in January, 1892, | was at once sought by my friends 
of both tribes, anxious to hear the report of my journey and see the 
sacred things that I had brought back from the messiah. The Arapaho 
especially, who are of more spiritual nature than any of the other tribes, 
showed a deep interest and followed intently every detail of the nar- 
rative. As soon as the news of my return was spread abroad, men and 
women, in groups and singly, would come to me, and after grasping my 
hand would repeat a long and earnest prayer, sometimes aloud, some- 
times with the lips silently moving, and frequently with tears rolling 
down the cheeks, and the whole body trembling violently from stress of 
emotion, Often before the prayer was ended the condition of the devo- 
tee bordered on the hysterical, very little less than in the Ghost dance 
itself. The substance of the prayer was usually an appeal to the 
messiah to hasten the coming of the promised happiness, with a peti- 
tion that, as the speaker himself was unable to make the long journey, 
he might, by grasping the hand of one who had seen and talked with 
the messiah face to face, be enabled in his trance visions to cateh a 
glimpse of the coming glory. During all this performance the bystand- 
ers awaiting their turn kept reverent silence. In a short time it 
became very embarrassing, but until the story had been told over and 
over again there was no way of escape without wounding their feelings. 
The same thing afterward happened among the northern Arapaho in 
Wyoming, one chief even holding out his hands toward me with short 
exclamations of hi! hi! hii! as is sometimes done by the devotees 
about a priest in the Ghost danee, in the hope, as he himself explained, 
that he might thus be enabled to go into a trance then and there. The 
hope, however, was not realized. 

After this preliminary ordeal my visitors would ask to see the things 
which I had brought back from the messiah—the rabbit-skin robes, 
the pinon nuts, the gaming sticks, the sacred magpie feathers, and, 
above all, the sacred red paint. This is a bright-red ocher, about the 
color of brick dust, which the Paiute procure from the neighborhood 


MOONEY] WOVOKA’S SACRED PARAPHERNALIA 779 


of their sacred eminence, Mount Grant. It is ground, and by the help 
of water is made into elliptical cakes about 6 inches in length. It is 
the principal paint used by the Paiute in the Ghost dance, and small 
portions of it are given by the messiah to all the delegates and are 
carried back by them to their respective tribes, where it is mixed with 
larger quantities of their own red paint and used in decorating the 
faces of the participants in the dance, the painting being solemnly 
performed for each dancer by the medicine-man himself. It is believed 
to ward off sickness, to contribute to long life, and to assist the mental 
vision in the trance. On the battlefield of Wounded Knee I have seen 
this paint smeared on the posts of the inelosure about the trench in 
which are buried the Indians killed in the fight. I found it very hard 
to refuse the numerous requests for some of the paint, but as I lad 
only one cake myself I could not afford to be too liberal. My friends 
were very anxious to touch it, however, but when I found that every 
man tried to rub off as much of it as possible on the palms of his 
hands, afterward smearing this dust on the faces of himself and his 
family, I was obliged in self-defense to put it entirely away. 

The pinon nuts, although not esteemed so sacred, were also the sub- 
ject of reverent curiosity. One evening, by invitation from Left Hand, 
the principal chief of the Arapaho, I went over to his tipi to talk with 
him about the messiah and his country, and brought with ine a quan- 
tity of the nuts for distribution. On entering I found the chief and a 
number of the principal men ranged on one side of the fire, while his 
wife and several other women, with his young grandchildren, com- 
pleted the circle on the other. Each of the adults in turn took my 
hand with a prayer, as before described, varying in length and earnest- 
ness according to the devotion of the speaker. This ceremony con- 
sumed a considerable time. I then produced the pinon nuts and gave 
them to Left Hand, telling him how they were used as food by the 
Paiute. He handed a portion to his wife, and before I knew what was 
coming the two arose in their places and stretching out their hands 
toward the northwest, the country of the messiah, made a long and 
earnest prayer aloud that Hesinanin, “Our Father,” would bless them- 
selves and their children through the sacred food, and hasten the time 
of hiscoming. The others, men and women, listened with bowed heads, 
breaking in from time to time with similar appeals to “the Father.” 
The scene was deeply affecting. It was another of those impressive 
exhibitions of natural religion which it has been my fortune to witness 
among the Indians, and which throw light on a side of their character 
of which the ordinary white observer never dreams. After the prayer 
the nuts were carefully divided among those present, down to the 
youngest infant, that all might taste of what to them was the veritable 
bread of life. 

As I had always shown a sympathy for their ideas and feelings, and 
had now accomplished a long journey to the messiah himself at the cost 


780 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


of considerable difficulty and hardship, the Indians were at last fully 
satisfied that I was really desirous of learning the truth concerning 
their new religion, <A few days after my visit to Left Hand, several of 
the delegates who had been sent out in the preceding August came 
down to see me, headed by Black Short Nose, a Cheyenne. After pre- 
liminary greetings, he stated that the Cheyenne and Arapaho were 
now convinced that I would tell the truth about their religion, and as 
they loved their religion and were anxious to have the whites know 
that it was all good and contained nothing bad or hostile they would 
now give me the message which the messiah himself had given to them, 
that I might take it back to show to Washington, He then took from 
a beaded pouch and gave to me a letter, which proved to be the mes- 
sage or statement of the doctrine delivered by Wovoka to the Cheyenne 
and Arapaho delegates, of whom Black Short Nose was one, on the 
occasion of their last visit to Nevada, in August, 1891, and written 
down on the spot, in broken English, by one of the Arapaho delegates, 
Casper Edson, a young man who had acquired some English educa- 
tion by several years’ attendance at the government Indian school at 
Carlisle, Pennsylvania. On the reverse page of the paper was a dupli- 
cate in somewhat better English, written out by a daughter of Black 
Short Nose, a school girl, as dictated by her father on his return. These 
letters contained the message to be delivered to the two tribes, and as is 
expressly stated in the text were not intended to be seen by a white 
man. The daughter of Black Short Nose had attempted to erase this 
clause before her father brought the letter down to me, but the lines 
were still plainly visible. It is the genuine official statement of the 
Ghost-dance doctrine as given by the messiah himself to his disciples. 
It is reproduced here in duplicate and verbatim, just as received, with 
a translation for the benefit of those not accustomed to Carlisle English. 
In accordance with the request of the Indians, I brought the original 
to Washington, where it was read by the Indian Commissioner, Honor- 
able T. J. Morgan, after which I had two copies made, giving one to 
the commissioner and retaining the other myself, returning the original 
to its owner, Black Short Nose. 


The Messiah Letter (Arapaho version) 


What you get home you make dance, and will give ¥°" the same. when you dance 
four days and  "eht one day, dance day time, five days and then fift, will wash five 
for every body. He likes you f'’« you give him good many things, he heart been 
satting feel good. After you get home, will give good cloud, and give you chance te 
make you feel good. and he give you good spirit. and he give you a good paint. 

You folks want you to come in three [months] here, any tribs from there. There 
will »* good bit snow this year. Sometimes rain’s, in fall, this year some rain, never 
give you any thing like that. grandfather said when he die never ™° cry. no 
hurt anybody. no fight, good behave always, it will give you satisfaction, this 
young man, he is a good Father and mother, dont tell no white man. Jueses was 
on ground, he just like cloud. Every body is alive again, I dont know when they 
will [be] here, may be this fall or in spring. 


MOONEY] THE MESSIAH’S LETTER 781 


Every body never get sick, be young again,—(if young fellow no sick any more, ) 
work for white men never trouble with him until you leave, when it shake the earth 
dont be afraid no harm any body. 

You make dance for six “*°** night, and put you foot [food?] in dance to eat for 
every body and wash in the water. that is all to tell, lam in to you. and you will 
received a good words from him some time, Dont tell lie. 


The Messiah Letter (Cheyenne version) 


When you get home you have tomake dance. You must dance four nights and one 
day time. You will take bath in the morning before you go to yours homes, for 
every body, and give you all the same as this. Jackson Wilson likes you all, he 
is glad to get good many things. His heart satting fully of gladness, after you get 
home, I will give you a good cloud and give you chance to make you feel good. I 
give you a good spirit, and give you all good paint, T want you people to come here 
again, want them in three months any tribs of you from there. There will be a good 
deal snow this year. Some time rains, in fall this year some rain, never give you 
any thing like that, grandfather, said, when they were die never ery, no hurt any 
body, do any harm for it, not to fight. Bea good behave always. It will give asat- 
isfaction in your life. This young man is a good father and mother. Do not tell 
the white people about this, Juses is on the ground, he just like cloud. Every body 
isalive again. I don’t know when he will be here, may be will be this fall or in 
spring. When it happen it may be this. There will be no sickness and return to 
young again. Do not refuse to work for white man or do not make any trouble 
with them until you leave them. When the earth shakes do not be afraid it will 
not hurt you. I want you to make dance for six weeks. Eat and wash good clean 
yourselves [The rest of the letter had been erased ]. 


The Messiah Letter (free Rendering) 


When you get home you must make a dance to continue five days. Dance four 
successive nights, and the last night keep up the dance until the morning of the fifth 
day, when all must bathe in the river and then disperse to their homes. You must all 
do in the same way. 

I, Jack Wilson, love you all, and my heart is full of gladness for the gifts you 
have brought me. When you get home! shall give you a good cloud [rain?] which 
will make you feel good. I give you a good spirit and give you all good paint. I 
want you to come again in three months, some from each tribe there [the Indian 
Territory ]. 

There will be a good deal of snow this year and some rain. In the fall there will 
be such a rain as I have never given you before. 

Grandfather [a universal title of reverence among Indians and here meaning the 
messiah] says, when your friends die you must not cry. You must not hurt anybody 
or do harm to anyone. You must not fight. Do right always. It will give yousat- 
isfaction in life. This young man has a good father and mother. {Possibly this 
refers to Casper Edson, the young Arapaho who wrote down this message of Wovoka 
for the delegation]. 

Donot tell the white peopleabout this. Jesus is now upon the earth. Heappears 
likea cloud. The dead are all alive again. I do not know when they will be here; 
maybe this fall or in the spring. When the time comes there will be no more sick- 
ness and everyone will be young again. 

Do not refuse to work for the whites and do not make any trouble with them until 
you leave them. When the earth shakes [at the coming of the new world] do not 
be afraid. It will not hurt you. 

I want you to dance every six weeks. Make a feast at the dance and have food 
that everybody may eat. Then bathe in the water. That is all. You will receive 
good words again from me some time. Do not tell lies. 


782 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [EITH. ANN, 14 


Every organized religion has a system of ethics, a system of myth- 
ology, and a system of ritual observance. In this message from the 
high priest of the Ghost dance we have a synopsis of all three. With 
regard to the ritual part, ceremonial purification and bathing have 
formed a part in some form or other of every great religion from the 
beginning of history, while the religious dance dates back far beyond 
the day when the daughter of Saul “looked through a window and saw 
King David leaping and dancing before the Lord.” The feasting 
enjoined is a part of every Indian ceremonial gathering, religious, 
political, or social. The dance is to continue four successive nights, in 
accord with the regular Indian system, in which four is the sacred num- 
ber, as three is in Christianity. In obedience to this message the south- 
erm prairie tribes, after the return of the delegation in August, 1891, 
ceased to hold frequent one-night dances at irregular intervals as 
formerly without the ceremonial bathing, and adopted instead a system 
of four-night dances at regular periods of six weeks, followed by cere- 
monial bathing on the morning of the fifth day. 

The mythology of the doctrine is only briefly indicated, but the prin- 
cipal articles are given. The dead are all arisen and the spirit hosts 
are advancing and have already arrived at the boundaries of this earth, 
led forward by the regenerator in shape of cloud-like indistinctness. 
The spirit captain of the dead is always represented under this shadowy 
semblance. The great change will be ushered in by a trembling of the 
earth, at which the faithful are exhorted to feel no alarm. The hope 
held out is the same that has inspired the Christian for nineteen cen- 
turies—a happy immortality in perpetual youth. As to fixing a date, 
the messiah is as cautious as his predecessor in prophecy, who declares 
that ‘no man knoweth the time, not even the angels of God.” His 
weather predictions also are about as definite as the inspired utterances 
of the Delphian oracle. 

The moral code inculeated is as pure and comprehensive in its sim- 
plicity as anything found in religious systems from the days of Gau- 
tama Buddha to the time of Jesus Christ. “ Do no harm to any one. 
Do right always.” Could anything be more simple, and yet more exact 
and exacting? It inculeates honesty—*‘ Do not tell lies.” It preaches 
good will—* Do no harm to any one.” It forbids the extravagant mourn- 
ing customs formerly common among the tribes—* When your friends 
die, you must not cry,” which is interpreted by the prairie tribes as for- 
bidding the killing of horses, the burning of tipis and destruction of 
property, the cutting off of the hair and the gashing of the body with 
knives, all of which were formerly the sickening rule at every death 
until forbidden by the new doctrine. As an Arapaho said to me when 
his little boy died, “I shall not shoot any ponies, and my wife will not 
gash her arms. We used to do this when our friends died, because we 
thought we would never see them again, and it made us feel bad. But 
now we know we shall all be united again.” If the Kiowa had held to 


MOONEY] THE DOCTRINE OF THE DANCE 783 


the Ghost-dance doctrine instead of abandoning it as they had done, 
they would have been spared the loss of thousands of dollars in horses, 
tipis, wagons, and other property destroyed, with much of the mental 
suffering and all of the physical laceration that resulted in conse- 
quence of the recent fatal epidemic in the tribe, when for weeks and 
months the sound of wailing went up night and morning, and in every 
‘amp men and women could be seen daily, with dress disordered and 
hair cut close to the scalp, with blood hardened in clots upon the skin, 
or streaming from mutilated fingers and fresh gashes on face, and arms, 
and legs. It preaches peace with the whites and obedience to author- 
ity until the day of deliverance shall come. Above all, it forbids war— 
“You must not fight.” It is hardly possible for us to realize the tre- 
mendous and radieal change which this doctrine works in the whole 
spirit of savage life. The career of every Indian has been the war- 
path. His proudest title has been that of warrior. His conversation 
by day and his dreams by night have been of bloody deeds upon the 
enemies of his tribe. His highest boast was in the number of his scalp 
trophies, and his chief delight at home was in the war dance and the 
scalp dance. The thirst for blood and massacre seemed inborn in every 
man, woman, and child of every tribe. Now comes a prophet as a 
messenger from God to forbid not only war, but all that savors of 
war—the war dance, the scalp dance, and even the bloody torture of 
the sun danee—and his teaching is accepted and his words obeyed by 
four-fifths of all the warlike predatory tribes of the mountains and the 
great plains. Only those who have known the deadly hatred that once 
animated Ute, Cheyenne, and Pawnee, one toward another, and are 
able to contrast it with their present spirit of mutual brotherly love, 
ean know what the Ghost-dance religion has accomplished in bringing 
the savage into civilization. It is such a revolution as comes but once 
in the life of a race. 

The beliefs held among the various tribes in regard to the final 
catastrophe are as fairly probable as some held on the same subject by 
more orthodox authorities. As to the dance itself, with its scenes of 
intense excitement, spasmodic action, and physical exhaustion even to 
unconsciousness, such manifestations have always accompanied. reli- 
gious upheavals among primitive peoples, and are not entirely unknown 
among ourselves. In a country which produces magnetic healers, 
shakers, trance mediums, and the like, all these things may very easily 
be paralleled without going far from home. 

In conclusion, we may say of the prophet and his doctrine what has 
been said of one of his apostles by a careful and competent investi- 
gator: ‘He has given these people a better religion than they ever 
had before, taught them precepts which, if faithfully carried out, will 
bring them into better accord with their white neighbors, and has 
prepared the way for their final Christianization.” (@. D., 4, and A. 
G. O., 5.) 

14 ETH—PpT 2——10 


784 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. I4 


We may now consider details of the doctrine as held by different 
tribes, beginning with the Paiute, among whom it originated. The 
best account of the Paiute belief is contained in a report to the War 
Department by Captain J. M. Lee, who was sent out in the autumn of 
1890 to investigate the temper and fighting strength of the Paiute and 
other Indians in the vicinity of Fort Bidwell in northeastern California. 
We give the statement obtained by him from Captain Dick, a Paiute, 
as delivered one day in a conversational way and apparently without 
reserve, after nearly all the Indians had left the room: 

Long time, twenty years ago, Indian medicine-man in Mason’s valley at Walker 
lake talk same way, same as you hear now. In one year, maybe, after he begin talk 
he die. Three years ago another medicine-man begin same talk. Heap talk all 
time. Indians hear all about it everywhere. Indians come from long way off to 
hear him. They come from the east; they make signs. Two years ago me go to 
Winnemucca and Pyramid lake, me see Indian Sam, a head man, and Johnson Sides. 
Sam he tell me he just been to see Indian medicine-man to hear him talk. Sam say 
medicine-man talk this way: 

“‘ All Indians must dance, everywhere, keep on dancing. Pretty soon in next 
spring Big Man [Great Spirit] come. He bring back all game of every kind. The 
game be thick everywhere. All dead Indians come back and live again. They all 
be strong just like young men, be young again. Old blind Indian see again and get 
young and have fine time. When Old Man [God] comes this way, then all the Indians 
go to mountains, high up away from whites. Whites can’t hurt Indians then. Then 
while Indians way up high, big flood comes like water and all white people die, get 
drowned, After that water go way and then nobody but Indians everywhere and 
game all kinds thick. Then medicine-man tell Indians to send word to all Indians 
to keep up dancing and the good time will come. Indians who don’t dance, who 
don’t believe in this word, will grow little, just about a foot high, and stay that 
way. Some of them will be turned into wood and be burned in fire.” That’s the 
way Sam tell me the medicine-man talk. (4. G. O., 6.) 


Lieutenant N. P. Phister, who gathered a part of the material 
embodied in Captain Lee’s report, confirms this general statement and 
gives a few additional particulars. The flood is to consist of mingled 
mud and water, and when the faithful go up into the mountains, the 
skeptics will be left behind and will be turned to stone. The prophet 
claims to receive these revelations directly from God and the spirits of 
the dead Indians during his trances. He asserts also that he is invul- 
nerable, and that if soldiers should attempt to kill him they would fall 
down as if they had no bones and die, while he would still live, even 
though cut into little pieces. (Phister, 3.) 

One of the first and most prominent of those who brought the doe- 
trine to the prairie tribes was Porcupine, a Cheyenne, who crossed the 
mountains with several companions in the fall of 1889, visited Wovoka, 
and attended the dance near Walker lake, Nevada. In his report of 
his experiences, made some months later to a military officer, he states 
that Wovoka claimed to be Christ himself, who had come back again, 
many centuries after his first rejection, in pity to teach his children. 
He quotes the prophet as saying: 

I found my children were bad, so I went back to heaven and left them. I told 
them that in so many hundred years I would come back to see my children, At the 


MOONEY] THE DOCTRINE OF THE DANCE 785 


end of this time I was sent back to try to teach them. My father told me the 
earth was getting old and worn out and the people getting bad, and that I was to 
renew everything as it used to be and make it better. 

He also told us that all our Cead were to be resurrected; that they were all to 
come back to earth, and that, as the earth was too small for them and us, he would 
do away with heaven and make the earth itself Jarge enough to contain us all; that 
we must tell all the people we met about these things. He spoke to us about fight- 
ing, and said that was bad and we must keep from it; that the earth was to be all 
good hereafter, and we must all be friends with one another. He said that in the 
fall of the year the youth of all good people would be renewed, so that nobody 
would be more than forty years old, and that if they behaved themselves well after 
this the youth of everyone would be renewed in the spring. He said if we were all 
good he would send people among us who could heal all our wounds and sickness 
by mere touch and that we would live forever. He told us not to quarrel or fight 
or strike each other, or shoot one another; that the whites and Indians were to be 
all one people. He said if any man disobeyed what he ordered his tribe would be 
wiped from the face of the earth; that we must believe everything he said, and 
we must not doubt him or say he lied; that if we did, he would know it; that he 
would know our thoughts and actions in no matter what part of the world we 
might be. (G@. D., 3.) 

Ilere we have the statement that both races are to live together as 
one. We have also the doctrine of healing by touch. Whether or 
not this is an essential part of the system is questionable, but it is cer- 
tain that the faithful believe that great physical good comes to them, 
to their children, and to the sick from the imposition of hands by the 
priests of the dance, apart from the ability thus conferred to see the 
things of the spiritual world. 

Another idea here presented, namely, that the earth becomes old and 
decrepit, and requires that its youth be renewed at the end of certain 
great cycles, is common to a number of tribes, and has an important 
place in the oldest religions of the world. As an Arapaho who spoke 
English expressed it, “This earth too old, grass too old, trees too old, 
our lives too old. Then all be new again.” Captain H. L. Seott also 
found among the southern plains tribes the same belief that the rivers, 
the mountains, and the earth itself are worn out and must be renewed, 
together with an indefinite idea that both races alike must die at the 
same time, to be resurrected in new but separate worlds. 

The Washo, Pit River, Bannock, and other tribes adjoining the 
Paiute on the north and west hold the doctrine substantially as taught 
by the messiah himself. We have but little light in regard to the 
belief as held by the Walapai, Cohonino, Mohave, and Navaho to the 
southward, beyond the general fact that the resurrection and return of 
the dead formed the principal tenet. As these tribes received their 
knowledge of the new religion directly from Paiute apostles, it is quite 
probable that they made but few changes in or additions to the original 
gospel. 

A witness of the dance among the Walapai in 1891 obtained from the 
leaders of the ceremony about the same statement of doctrine already 
mentioned as held by the Paiute, from whom also the Walapai had 
adopted many of the songs and ceremonial words used in connection 


786 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


with the dance. They were then expecting the Indian redeemer to 
appear on earth some time within three or four years. They were par- 
ticularly anxious to have it understood that their intentions were not 
hostile toward the whites and that they desired to live in peace with 
them until the redeemer came, but that then they would be unable to 
prevent their destruction even if they wished. (J. F. L., 3.) 

The manner of the final change and the destruction of the whites 
has been variously interpreted as the doctrine was carried from its 
original center. East of the mountains it is commonly held that a deep 
sleep will come on the believers, during which the great catastrophe 
will be accomplished, and the faithful will awake to immortality on a 
new earth. The Shoshoni of Wyoming say this sleep will continue 
four days and nights, and that on the morning of the fifth day all will 
open their eyes in a new world where both races will dwell together 
forever. The Cheyenne, Arapaho, Kiowa, and others, of Oklahoma, 
say that the new earth, with all the resurrected dead from the begin- 
ning, and with the buffalo, the elk, and other game upon it, will come 
from the west and slide over the surface of the present earth, as the 
right hand might slide over the left. As it approaches, the Indians will 
be carried upward and alight on it by the aid of the sacred dance 
feathers which they wear in their hair and which will act as wings 
to bear them up. They will then become unconscious for four days, 
and on waking out of their trance will find themselves with their 
former friends in the midst of all the oldtime surroundings. By Sitting 
Bull, the Arapaho apostle, it is thought that this new earth as it 
advances will be preceded by a wall of fire which will drive the whites 
across the water to their original and proper country, while the Indians 
will be enabled by means of the sacred feathers to surmount the flames 
and reach the promised land. When the expulsion of the whites has 
been accomplished, the fire will be extinguished by a rain continuing 
twelve days. By a few it is believed that a hurricane with thunder 
and lightning will come to destroy the whites alone. This last idea is 
said to be held also by the Walapai of Arizona, who extend its provisions 
to include the unbelieving Indians as well. (G@.D., 6.) The doctrine 
held by the Caddo, Wichita, and Delaware, of Oklahoma, is practically 
the same as is held by the Arapaho and Chevenne from whom they 
obtained it. AJl these tribes believe that the destruction or removal 
of the whites is to be accomplished entirely by supernatural means, and 
they severely blame the Sioux for having provoked a physical contlict 
by their impatience instead of waiting for their God to deliver them in 
his own good time, 

Among all the tribes which have accepted the new faith it is held 
that frequent devout attendance on the dance conduces to ward off 
disease and restore the sick to health, this applying not only to the 
actual participants, but also to their children and friends. The idea of 
obtaining temporal blessings as the reward of a faithful performance 


MooNEY] SIOUX VERSION OF THE DANCE 787 


of religious duties is too natural and universal to require comment. 
The purification by the sweat-bath, which forms an important prelimi- 
nary to the dance among the Sioux, while devotional in its purpose, is 
probably also sanitary in its effect. 

Among the powerful and warlike Sioux of the Dakotas, already rest- 
less under both old and recent grievances, and more lately brought to 
the edge of starvation by a reduction of rations, the doctrine speedily 
assumed a hostile meaning and developed some peculiar features, for 
which reason it deserves particular notice as concerns this tribe. The 
earliest rumors of the new messiah came to the Sioux from the more 
western tribes in the winter of 1888-89, but the first definite account 
was brought by a delegation which crossed the mountains to visit the 
messiah in the fall of 1889, returning in the spring of 1890. On the 
report of these delegates the dance was at once inaugurated and spread 
so rapidly that in a few months the new religion had been accepted by 
the majority of the tribe. 

Perhaps the best statement of the Sioux version is given by the vet- 
eran agent, James McLaughlin, of Standing Rock agency. In an official 
letter of October 17, 1890, he writes that the Sioux, under the influence of 
Sitting Bull, were greatly excited over the near approach of a predicted 
Indian millennium or ‘return of the ghosts,” when the white man would 
be annihilated and the Indian again supreme, and which the medicine- 
men had promised was to occur as soon as the grass was green in the 
spring. They were told that the Great Spirit had sent upon them the 
dominant race to punish them for their sins, and that their sins were 
now expiated and the time of deliverance was at hand. Their deci- 
mated ranks were to be reinforced by all the Indians who had ever died, 
and these spirits were already on their way to reinhabit the earth, which 
had originally belonged to the Indians, and were driving before them, 
as they advanced, immense herds of buffalo and fine ponies. The Great 
Spirit, who had so long deserted his red children, was now once more 
with them and against the whites, and the white man’s gunpowder 
would no longer have power to drive a bullet through the skin of an 
Indian, The whites themselves would soon be overwhelmed and smoth- 
ered under a deep landslide, held down by sod and timber, and the few 
who might escape would become small fishes in the rivers. In order to 
bring about this happy result, the Indians must believe and organize 
the Ghost dance. 

The agent continues: 

It would seem impossible that any person, no matter how ignorant, could be 
brought to believe such absurd nonsense, but as a matter of facta great many Indians 
of this agency actually believe it, and since this new doctrine has been ingrafted 
here from the more southern Sioux agencies the infection has been wonderful, and so 
pernicious that it now includes some of the Indians who were formerly numbered 
with the progressive and more intelligent, and many of our very best Indians appear 


dazed and undecided when talking of it, their inherent superstition having been 
thoroughly aroused. (G. D., 7.) 


788 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH.ANN. 14 


The following extract is from a translation of a letter dated March 
30, 1891, written in Sioux by an Indian at Pine Ridge to a friend at 
Rosebud agency: 

And now I will tell another thing. Lately there is a man died and come to life 
again, and he say he has been to Indian nation of ghosts, and tells us dead Indian 
nation all coming home. The Indian ghost tell him come after his war bonnet. 
The Indian (not ghost Indian) gave him his war bonnet and he died again. (G.D.,8.) 

The Sioux, like other tribes, believed that at the moment of the 
catastrophe the earth would tremble. According to one version the 
landslide was to be accompanied by a flood of water, which would flow 
into the mouths of the whites and cause them to choke with mud. 
Storms and whirlwinds were also to assist in their destruction. The 
Indians were to surmount the avalanche, probably in the manner 
described in speaking of the southern tribes, and on reaching the sur- 
face of the new earth would behold boundless prairies covered with 
long grass and filled with great herds of buftalo and other game. 
When the time was near at hand, they must assemble at certain places 
of rendezvous and prepare for the final abandonment of all earthly 
things by stripping off their clothing. In accordance with the general 
idea of a return to aboriginal habits, the believers, as far as possible, 
discarded white man’s dress and utensils. Those who could procure 
buckskin—which is now very searce in the Sioux country —resumed 
buckskin dress, while the dancers put on “ ghost shirts” made of cloth, 
but cut and ornamented in Indian fashion. No metal of any kind was 
allowed in the dance, no knives, and not even the earrings or belts of 
imitation silver which form such an important part of prairie Indian 
costume, This was at variance with the custom among the Cheyenne 
and other southern tribes, where the women always wear in the dance 
their finest belts studded with large disks of German silver. The 
beads used so freely on moccasins and leggings seem to have been 
regarded as a substitute for the oldtime wampum and porcupine quill 
work, and were therefore not included in the prohibition. No weapon 
of any kind was allowed to be carried in the Ghost dance by any tribe, 
north or south, a fact which effectually disposes of the assertion that 
this was another variety of war dance. At certain of the Sioux 
dances, however, sacred arrows and a sacred bow, with other things, 
were tied on the tree in the center of the circle. 

Valuable light in regard to the Sioux version of the doctrine is 
obtained from the sermon delivered at Red Leaf camp, on Pine Ridge 
reservation, October 31, 1890, by Short Bull, one of those who had been 
selected to visit the messiah, and who afterward became one of the 


prime leaders in the dance: 


My friends and relations: I will soon start this thing in running order. I have 
told you that this would come to pass in two seasons, but since the whites are inter- 
fering so much, I will advance the time from what my father above told me to do, 
so the time will be shorter. Therefore you must not be afraid of anything. Some 
of my relations have no ears, so I will have them blown away. 


OVAIsIILLVa 33N¥ G3GNNOM WOUYS SLYIHS 1ASOHD xnols 


MOX “Id LHOd3aY IVANNY HLIN33LYNOS 


ASOIONH13 40 Nvayung 


EXPLANATION OF PLATE XCIII 


The originals of these ghost shirts, now in the National Museum, were taken, by 
scouts present during the fight, from the bodies of Indians killed at Wounded Knee, 
and were obtained by the author, at Pine Ridge, from Philip Wells and Louis 
Menard, mixed-blood interpreters, the former having also been present as inter- 
preter for the Indian scouts during the fight. They are made of coarse white cloth, 
sewn with sinew. One of the shirts is partially burned, haying probably been 
taken out of one of the tipis overturned and set on fire during the action. Two 
other ghost shirts, said to be from the same battlefield, are also in the National 
Museum. 


MOUNEY] SHORT BULL’S SERMON 789 


Now, there will be a tree sprout up, and there all the members of our religion and 
the tribe must gather together. That will be the place where we will see our dead 
relations. But before this time we must dance the balance of this moon, at the end 
of which time the earth will shiver very hard. Whenever this thing occurs, I will 
start the wind to blow. Weare the ones who will then see our fathers, mothers, and 
everybody. We, the tribe of Indians, are the ones who are living a sacred life. God, 
our father himself, has told and commanded and shown me to do these things. 

Our father in heaven has placed a mark at each point of the four winds. First, a 
clay pipe, which lies at the setting of the sun and represents the Sioux tribe. 
Second, there is a holy arrow lying at the north, which represents the Cheyenne 
tribe. Third, at the rising of the sun there lies hail, representing the Arapaho 
tribe. Fourth, there lies a pipe and nice feather at the south, which represents the 
Crow tribe. My father has shown me these things, therefore we must continue this 
dance. If the soldiers surround you four deep, three of you, on whom I have put 
holy shirts, will sing a song, which I have taught you, around them, when some of 
them will drop dead. Then the rest will start to run, but their horses will sink into 
the earth. The riders will jump from their horses, but they will sink into the earth 
also. Then you can do as you desire with them. Now, you must know this, that all 
the soldiers and that race will be dead. There will be only five thousand of them 
left living on theearth. My friends and relations, this is straight and true. 

Now, we must gather at Pass creek where the tree is sprouting. There we will go 
among our dead relations. You must not take any earthly things with you. Then 
the men must take off all their clothing and the women must do the same. No one 
shall be ashamed of exposing their persons. My father above has told us to do this, 
and we must do as he says. Youmust not be afraid of anything. The guns are the 
only things we are afraid of, but they belong to our father in heaven. He will see 
that they do no harm. Whatever white men may tell you, do not listen to them, my 
relations. This is all. I will now raise my hand up to my father and close what he 
has said to you through me. (Short Bull; War, 4.) 


The pipe here referred to is the most sacred thing in Sioux mythology 
and will be more fully described in treating of the Sioux songs. The 
sacred object of the Cheyenne is the “medicine arrow,” now in the 
keeping of the band living near Cantonment, Oklahoma. The Crow 
and Arapaho references are not so clear. The Arapaho are called by 
the Sioux the “ Blue Cloud” people, a name which may possibly have 
some connection with hail. The sprouting tree at which all the believers 
must gather refers to the tree or pole which the Sioux planted in the 
center of the dance circle. The cardinal directions here assigned to the 
other tribes may refer to their former locations with regard to the 
Sioux. The Cheyenne and Arapaho, who now live far west and south 
of the Sioux, originally lived north and east of them, about Red river 
and the Saskatchewan. 

The most noted thing connected with the Ghost dance among the 
Sioux is the “ghost shirt” which was worn by all adherents of the 
doctrine—men, women, and children alike, It is described by Captain 
Sword in his account of the Ghost dance, given in the appendix to this 
chapter, and will be noticed at length hereafter in treating of the cere- 
mony of the dance. During the dance it was worn as an outside 
garment, but was said to be worn at other times under the ordinary 
dress. Although the shape, fringing, and feather adornment were 
practically the same in every case, considerable variation existed in 


790 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


regard to the painting, the designs on some being very simple, while 
the others were fairly covered with representations of sun, moon, stars, 
the sacred things of their mythology, and the visions of the trance. The 
feathers attached to the garment were always those of the eagle, and 
the thread used in the sewing was always the old-time sinew. In some 
cases the fringe or other portions were painted with the sacred red 
paint of the messiah. The shirt was firmly believed to be impenetrable 
to bullets or weapons of any sort. When one of the women shot in the 
Wounded Knee massacre was approached as she lay in the chureh and 
told that she must let them remove her ghost shirt in order the better 
to get at her wound, she replied: “ Yes; take it off. They told me a 
bullet would not go through. Now I don’t want it any more.” 

The protective idea in connection with the ghost shirt does not seem 
to be aboriginal. The Indian warrior habitually went into battle naked 
above the waist. His protecting “medicine” was a feather, a tiny bag 
of some sacred powder, the claw of an animal, the head of a bird, or 
some other small object which could be readily twisted into his hair or 
hidden between the covers of his shield without attracting attention. 
Its virtue depended entirely on the ceremony of the consecration and 
not on size or texture. The war paint had the same magic power of 
protection. To cover the body in battle was not in accordance with 
Indian usage, which demanded that the warrior should be as free and 
unincumbered in movement as possible. The so-called ‘war shirt” was 
worn chiefly in ceremonial dress parades and only rarely on the war- 
path. 

Dreams are but incoherent combinations of waking ideas, and there 
is a Lint of recollection even in the wildest visions of sleep. The ghost 
shirt may easily have been an inspiration from a trance, while the 
trance vision itself was the result of ideas derived from previous obser- 
vation or report. The author is strongly inclined to the opinion that 
the idea of an invulnerable sacred garment is not original with the 
Indians, but, like several other important points pertaining to the 
Ghost-dance doctrine, is a practical adaptation by them of ideas derived 
from contact with some sectarian body among the whites. It may have 
been suggested by the “endowment robe” of the Mormons, a seamless 
garment of white muslin adorned with symbolic figures, which is worn 
by their initiates as the most sacred badge of their faith, and by many 
of the believers is supposed to render the wearer invulnerable. The 
Mormons have always manifested a particular interest in the Indians, 
whom they regard as the Lamanites of their sacred writings, and hence 
have made special efforts for their evangelization, with the result that 
a considerable number of the neighboring tribes of Ute, Paiute, Ban- 
nock, and Shoshoni have been received into the Mormon church and 
invested with the endowmentrobe. (See the appendix to this chapter: 
“The Mormons and the Indians;” aiso ‘Tell It All,” by Mrs T. B. H. 
Stenhouse.) The Shoshoni and northern Arapaho occupy the same 


MOONEY] THE GHOST SHIRT G9 


reservation in Wyoming, and anything which concerns one tribe is 
more or less talked of by the other. As the Sioux, Cheyenne, and other 
eastern tribes make frequent visits to the Arapaho, and as these Arap- 
aho have been the great apostles of the Ghost dance, it is easy to see 
how an idea borrowed by the Shoshoni from the Mormons could find its 
way through the Arapaho first to the Sioux and Cheyenne and after- 
ward to more remote tribes. Wovoka himself expressly disclaimed 
any responsibility for the ghost shirt, and whites and Indians alike 
agreed that it formed no part of the dance costume in Mason valley. 
When I first went among the Cheyenne and neighboring tribes of Okla- 
homa in January, 1891, the ghost shirt had not yet reached them. Soon 
atterward the first one was brought down from the Sioux country by 
a Cheyenne named White Buffalo, who had been a Carlisle student, 
but the Arapaho and Cheyenne, after debating the matter, refused to 
allow it to be worn in the dance, on the ground that the doctrine of the 
Ghost dance was one of peace, whereas the Sioux had made the ghost 
shirt an auxiliary of war. In consequence of this decision such shirts 
have never been worn by the dancers among the southern tribes. 
Instead they wear in the dance their finest shirts and dresses of buck- 
skin, covered with painted and beaded figures from the Ghost-dance 
mythology and the visions of the trance. 

The Ghost dance is variously named among the different tribes. In 
its original home among the Paiute it is called Néinigiikwa, “dance in a 
circle” (niika, dance), to distinguish it from the other dances of the 
tribe, which have only the ordinary up-and-down step without the 
circular movement. The Shoshoni call it Tand’rayin or Timanid'raydra, 
which may be rendered “ everybody dragging,” in allusion to the man- 
ner in which the dancers move around the circle holding hands, as 
children do in their ring games. They insist that it is a revival of a 
similar dance which existed among them fifty years ago. The Comanche 
call it A’p-anéka/ra, “the Father’s dance,” or. sometimes the dance 
with joined hands.” The Kiowa call it Manposo'ti guan, “dance with 
clasped hands,” and the frenzy, guan d/dalka-i, ‘‘dance craziness.” 
The Caddo know it as A’a@ kaki’mbawi'ut, “ the prayer of all to the 
Father,” or as the Ndnisana ka aw'-shan, “ niinisana dance,” from ndn- 
isana, “my children,” which forms the burden of so many of the ghost 
songs in the language of the Arapaho, from whom they obtained the 
dance. By the Sioux, Arapaho, and most other prairie tribes it is 
called the “spirit” or “ghost” dance (Sioux, Wana'ghi wa'chipi; Arap- 
aho, Thigit/nawat), from the fact that everything connected with it 
relates to the coming of the spirits of the dead from the spirit world, 
and by this name it has become known among the whites. 


G92 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 1 


APPENDIX 
THE MORMONS AND THE INDIANS 


While the Indian excitement was at its height in 1892, a curious 
pamphlet was published anonymously at Salt Lake City in connection 
with a proposed series of lectures, from which we make some extracts 
for the light they give on the Mormon attitude toward the Indians. 
The pamphlet is headed, ‘‘The Mormons have stepped down and out 
of Celestial Government—the American Indians have stepped up and 
into Celestial Government.” It begins by stating that the Messiah 
came to His people at the time appointed of the Father—March, 
1890—notwithstanding the assertion in the Deseret Evening News, 
made January, 1892: ‘1890 has passed, and no Messiah has come.’” 
It goes on to say: 


“1891 has passed, and no pruning of the vineyard.” The vineyard of the Lord 
is the house of Israel.—Isa. 5:7. In the part of the vineyard the American Indians, 
descendants of the righteous branch of Joseph, who were led to the Western Conti- 
nent or hemisphere—Zion—we find the vine, the stone-power of the Latter Days. 
Ps. 80. 

The celestial prophet, seer, and revelator, Joseph Smith, jr., prophesied on the 2d 
of April, 1843, that the Messiah would reveal himself to man in mortality in 1890. 
Doctrine and Covenants, 130, 15, 17, which reads: ‘‘I was once praying very ear- 
nestly to know the time of the coming of the Son of Man, when I heard a voice speak 
the following: ‘Joseph, my son, if thou livest until thou art eighty-five years old, 
thou shalt see the face of the Son of Man.’” 


* * * * * * * 


Five years later (than 1882) the sign that was to usher in the work of the Father 
was given to the American Indians, while March, 1890, witnesses the organization of 
a church under the restored order, where twelve disciples were chosen and ordained, 
whose first allegiance is given irrevocably to the Lord God, whereas that of the 
Celestial Church is given to the government fostering it. 


* * * * * * * 


The following seven signs were to precede the fullness of the Gentiles upon the 
land of America; Zion, the time, place, and parties given with each. [The first, 
second, and third ‘‘ signs” are omitted here. ] 

4. When the Bible and Book of Mormon become one in the hands of the Messiah. 
Ezk. 37:19; III Nephi, 21: 1-7. In 1887, sixty years after the plates were delivered 
to Joseph Smith, jr., the Book of Mormon in Spanish was delivered to the American 
Indians, with the promise to those who are identified with the Gentiles that if they 
will not harden their hearts, but will repent and know the true points of my doctrine 
they shall be numbered with my covenant people, the Branch of Joseph. Doctrine 
and Covenant, 19:59-62; 20:8-17; III Nephi, 21: 1-7. 

5. The coming of the Messiah. Three years later, March, 1890, the people of God, 
who were notified by the three Nephites, met at Walkers lake, Esmeralda county, 
Nevada, where a dispensation of the Celestial kingdom of God—the gospel in the 
covenant of consecration, a perfect oneness in all things, temporal and spiritual— 
was given unto them. Twelve disciples were ordained, not by angeis or men, but 
by the Messiah, in the presence of hundreds, representing scores of tribes or nations, 
who saw his face, heard and understood his voice as on the day of pentecost. Acts 
2, also fulfilling sec. 90:9, 10, 11 of Doctrine and Covenant. Ezk. 20:33-87. 


MOONEY] MORMONS AND THE INDIANS 793 


6. The Fulness of the Gentiles. In 1492, the Lord God let His vineyard to the 
nations of the Gentiles, to punish His people the Branch of Joseph for 400 years 
(Gen. 15:13), bringing the fulness of the Gentiles the end of their rule over the Amer- 
ican Indians. October, 1892, Rom. II: 25-26; Gen. 50: 25; New Trans. Matt. 21: 33-41. 

7. The Pruning of the Vineyard. The husbandmen upon this land began the last 
pruning of the vineyard in 1891. Prominent among which stands our government 
in fulfilling Matt. 21: 33-41, saying, let us kill the heirs and hold the inheritance, 
as shown in the massacre of Wounded Knee; the butchery of Sitting Bull; the 
imprisonment of Short Bull and others; the breaking up of reservations, and the 
attempts to destroy the treaty stipulations above mentioned by forcing the mark of 
the Beast, citizenship and statehood, upon the American Indians, which will ulti- 
mately terminate in a war of extermination. Isa.10: 24-27; Dan.2: 34; Isa. 14: 21. 

According to the astronomical, prophetic, and historical evidence found in the 
Bible, Book of Mormon, and Doctrine and Covenants for the redemption of Zion and 
the restoration of Israel, there are seven celestial keys of powers to be used which 
can not be handled by apostles, prophets, or angels. They can only be handled by 
the Messiah and his Father. 

2. The key of power that restores the heirs, the American Indians, to their own 
lands consecrating to them the wealth of the Gentiles. 

3. The key of power that turns away ungodliness from Jacob (the American 
Indians) enabling them to build the temple on the spot pointed out by the finger of 
God (Independence, Jackson County, Missouri), on which the true sign of Israel 
is to rest, the glory of the living God of the Hebrews, the cloud by day and the pil- 
lar of fire by night by the close of this generation, 1896. 

= * * oa “ * * 

On and after July 10, 1892, free lectures illustrated by figures, will be given weekly, 
on Sunday, Monday, and Tuesday, from 6.30 to 8.30 p. m. (weather permitting), at 
the book stand in the Nineteenth Ward, opposite Margett’s Brewery, No. 312 North 
Second West. 

First. On the coming of the Messiah to the Hebrews, at the sacrifice of Esau, near 
the close of the 400-year bondage of Jacob in the morning of the Abrahamic Cove- 
nant, B. C. 1491. 

Second. On the coming of the Messiah to the Jews, at the Meridian sacrifice of 
Jacob at the close of the last 1921 years of the covenant, the year one A. D. 

Third. On the coming of the Messiah to the American Indians, the remnants, at 
the evening sacrifice of Esau, near the expiration of the evening bondage of Jacob 
of 400 years, 1892, in the last 430 years of the covenant. 


PORCUPINE’S ACCOUNT OF THE MESSIAH 


The following statement was made to Major Carroll, in command of 
Camp Crook, at Tongue River agency, Montana, June 15, 1890, and 
transmitted through the War Department to the Indian Office : 


In November last [1889] I left the reservation with two other Cheyennes. I went 
through [Fort] Washakie and took the Union Pacific railroad at Rawlins. We got 
on early in the morning about breakfast, rode all day on the railroad, and about 
dark reached a fort [Bridger?]. I stayed there two days, and then took a passenger 
train, and the next morning got to Fort Hall. I found some lodges of Snakes and 
Bannocks there. I saw the agent here, and he told me I could stay at the agency, 
but the chief of the Bannocks who was there took me to his camp near by. The 
Bannocks told me they were glad to see a Cheyenne and that we ought to make a 
treaty with the Bannocks. 

The chief told me he had been to Washington and had seen the President, and 
that we ought all to be friends with the whites and live at peace with them and 


794 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


with each other. We talked these matters over for ten days. The agent then sent 
for me and some of the Bannocks and Shoshones, and asked me where I was going. 
I old him I was just traveling to meet other Indians and see other countries; that 
my people were at peace with the whites, and I thought I could travel anywhere I 
wished. He asked me why I did not have a pass. I said because my agent would 
not give me one. He said he was glad to see me anyhow, and that the whites and 
Indians were all friends. Then he asked me where I wanted a pass to. I told him 
I wanted to go further and some Bannocks and Shoshones wanted to go along. He 
gave passes—five of them—to the chiefs of the three parties. We took the railroad 
to a little town near by, and then took a narrow-gauge road. We went on this, riding 
all night at a very fast rate of speed, and came to a town ona big lake [Ogden or 
Salt Lake City]. We stayed there one day, taking the cars at night, rode all night, 
and the next morning about 9 oclock saw a settlement of Indians. We traveled 
south, going on a narrow-gauge road. We got off at this Indian town. The Indians 
here were different from any Indians I ever saw. The women and men were dressed 
in white people’s clothes, the women haying their hair banged. These Indians had 
their faces painted white with black spots. We stayed with these people all day. 
We took the same road at night and kept on. We traveled all night, and about day- 
light we saw a lot of houses, and they told us there were a lot more Indians there; 
so we got off, and there is where we saw Indians living in huts of grass [tulé?]. We 
stopped here and got something to eat. There were whites living near by. We got 
on the cars again at night, and during the night we got off among some Indians, 
who were fish-eaters [Paiute]. We stayed among the Fish-eaters till morning, and 
then got into a wagon with the son of the chief of the Fish-eaters, and we arrived 
about noon at an agency on a big river. There was alsoa big lake near the agency. 

The agent asked us where we were from and said we were a long ways from home, 
and that he would write to our agent and let him know we were all right. From 
this agency we went back to the station, and they told us there were some more 
Indians to the south. One of the chiefs of the Fish-eaters then furnished us with 
four wagons. We traveled all day, and then came to another railroad. We left 
our wagons here and took the railroad, the Fish-eaters telling us there were some 
more Indians along the railroad who wanted to see us. We took this railroad about 
2 oclock and about sun down got to another agency, where there were more Fish- 
eaters. [From diagrams drawn and explanations given of them in addition to the 
foregoing, there seems to be no doubt that the lakes visited are Pyramid and Walker 
lakes, western Nevada, and the agencies those of the same name. | 

They told us they had heard from the Shoshone agency that the people in this 
country were all bad people, but that they were good people there. All the Indians 
from the Bannock agency down to where I finally stopped danced this dance [refer- 
ring to the late religious dances at the Cheyenne agency], the whites often dancing it 
themselves. [It will be recollected that he traveled constantly through the Mormon 
country.] I knew nothing about this dance before going. I happened to run across 
it, that is all. I will tell you about it. [Here all the Indian auditors removed 
their hats in token that the talk to follow was to be on a religious subject.] I want 
you all to listen to this, so that there will be no mistake. There is no harm in what 
Tam to say to anyone. I heard this where I met my friends in Nevada. It is a 
wonder you people never heard this before. In the dance we had there [Nevada] the 
whites and Indians danced together. I met there a great many kinds of people, but 
they all seemed to know all about this religion. The people there seemed all to be 
good. I never saw any drinking or fighting or bad conduct among them. They 
treated me well on the cars, without pay. They gave me food without charge, and I 
found that this was a habit among them toward theirneighbors. I thought itstrange 
that the people there should have been so good, so different from those here. 

What I am going tosay is the truth. The two men sitting near me were with me, 
and will bear witness that I speak the truth. I and my people have been living in 
ignorance until I went and found out the truth, All the whites and Indians are 
brothers, I was told there. I never knew this before. 


MOONEY] PORCUPINE’S VISIT TO WOVOKA 95 


The Fish-eaters near Pyramid lake told me that Christ had appeared on earth 
again. They said Christ knew he was coming; that eleven of his children were also 
coming from a far land. It appeared that Christ had sent for me to go there, and 
that was why unconsciously I took my journey. It had been foreordained. Christ 
had summoned myself and others from all heathen tribes, from two to three or four 
from each of fifteen or sixteen different tribes. There were more different languages 
than Lever heard before and I did not understand any of them. They told me when 
I got there that my great father was there also, but did not know who he was. 
The people assembled called a council, and the chief’s son went to see the Great 
Father [messiah], who sent word to us to remain fourteen days in that camp and 
that he would come to see us. He sent me a small package of something white to 
eat that I did not know the name of. There were a great many people in the coun- 
cil, and this white food was divided among them. The food was a big white nut. 
Then I went to the agency at Walker lake and they told us Christ would be there 
in two days. At the end of two days, on the third morning, hundreds of people 
gathered at this place. They cleared off a place near the agency in the form of a 
circus ring and we all gathered there. This space was perfectly cleared of grass, 
etc. We waited there till late in the evening anxious to see Christ. Just before 
sundown I saw a great many people, mostly Indians, coming dressed in white men’s 
clothes. The Christ was with them. They all formed in this ring around it. They 
put up sheets all around the circle, as they had no tents. Just after dark some of 
the Indians told me that the Christ [Father] was arrived. I looked around to find 
him, and finally saw him sitting on one side of the ring. They all started toward 
him to see him. They madea big fire to throw light on him. I never looked around, 
but went forward, and when I saw him I bent my head. I had always thought the 
Great Father was a white man, but this man looked like an Indian. He sat there 
a long time and nobody went up to speak to him. He sat with his head bowed all 
the time. After awhile he rose and said he was very glad to see his children. ‘‘T 
have sent for you and am glad to see you. Iam going to talk to you after awhile 
about your relatives who are dead and gone. My children, I want you to listen to 
all I have to say to you. Iwill teach you, too, how to dance a dance, and I want 
you to dance it. Get ready for your dance and then, when the dance is over, I will 
talk to you.” He was dressed in a white coat with stripes. The rest of his dress 
was a white man’s except that he had on a pair of moccasins. Then he commenced 
our dance, everybody joining in, the Christ singing while we danced. We danced 
till late in the night, when he told us we had danced enough. 

The next morning, after breakfast was over, we went into the circle and spread 
canvas over it on the ground, the Christ standing in the midst of us. He told us he 
was going away that day, but would be back that next morning and talk to us, 

In the night when I first saw him I thought he was an Indian, but the next day 
when I could see better he looked different. He was not so dark as an Indian, nor 
so light as a white man. He had no beard or whiskers, but very heavy eyebrows. 
He was a good-looking man. We were crowded up very close. We had been told 
that nobody was to talk, and even if we whispered the Christ would know it. I 
had heard that Christ had been crucified, and I looked to see, and I saw a scar on his 
wrist and one on his face, and he seemed to be the man. I could not see his feet. 
He would talk to us all day. 

That evening we all assembled again to see him depart. When we were assembled, 
he began to sing, and he commenced to tremble all over, violently for a while, and 
thensatdown. Wedancedall that night, the Christ lying down beside us apparently 
dead. 

The next morning when we went to eat breakfast, the Christ was with us. After 
breakfast four heralds went around and called out that the Christ was back with us 
and wanted to talk with us. The circle was prepared again. The people assembled, 
and Christ came among us and sat down. He said he wanted to talk to us again and 
for ustolisten. He said: ‘Iam the man who made everything you see around you. 
Iam not lying to you, my children. I made this earth and everything on it. I have 


796 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


been to heaven and seen your dead friends and have seen my own father and mother. 
In the beginning, after God made the earth, they sent me back to teach the people, 
and when I came back on earth the people were afraid of me and treated me badly. 
This is what they did to me [showing his sears]. I did not try to defend myself. I 
found my children were bad, so went back to heaven and left them. I told them 
that in so many hundred years I would come back to see my children. At the end 
of this time I was sent back to try to teach them. My father told me the earth was 
getting old and worn out, and the people getting bad, and that I was to renew 
everything as it used to be, and make it better.” 

He told us also that all our dead were to be resurrected; that they were all to come 
back to earth, and that as the earth was too small for them and us, he would do 
away with heaven, and make the earth itself large enough to contain us all; that we 
must tell all the people we meet about these things. He spoke to us about fighting, 
and said that was bad, and we must keep from it; that the earth was to be all good 
hereafter, and we must all be friends with one another. He said that in the fall of 
the year the youth of all the good people would be renewed, so that nobody would 
be more than 40 years old, and that if they behaved themselves well after this the 
youth of everyone would be renewed in the spring. He said if we were all good he 
would send people among us who could heal all our wounds and sickness by mere 
touch, and that we would live forever. He told us not to quarrel, or fight, nor strike 
each other, nor shoot one another; that the whites and Indians were to be all one 
people. He said if any man disobeyed what he ordered, his tribe would be wiped 
from the face of the earth; that we must believe everything he said, and that we 
must not doubt him, or say he lied; that if we did, he would know it; that he would 
know our thoughts and actions, in no matter what part of the world we might be. 

When I heard this from the Christ, and came back home to tell it to my people, I 
thought they would listen. Where I went to there were lots of white people, but 
I never bad one of them say an unkind word tome. I thought all of your people 
knew all of this I have told you of, but it seems you do not. 

Ever since the Christ I speak of talked to me I have thought what he said was 
good, I see nothing bad in it. When I got back, 1 knew my people were bad, 
and had heard nothing of all this, so I got them together and told them of it and 
warned them to listen to it for their own good. I talked to them for four nights 
and five days. I told them just what I have told you here today. I told them 
what I said were the words of God Almighty, who was looking down on them. I 
wish some of you had been up in our camp here to have heard my words to the 
Cheyennes. The only bad thing that there has been in it at all was this: I had 
jusv told my people that the Christ would visit the sins of any Indian upon the 
whole tribe, when the recent trouble [killing of Ferguson] occurred. If any one 
of you think I am not telling the truth, you can go and see this man I speak of for 
yourselves. I will go with you, and I would like one or two of my people who 
doubt me to go with me. 

The Christ talked to us all in our respective tongues. You can see this man in 
your sleep any time you want after you have seen him and shaken hands with him 
once. Through him you can go to heaven and meet your friends. Since my return 
I have seen him often in my sleep. About the time the soldiers went up the Rosebud 
Iwas lying in my lodge asleep, when this man appeared and told me that the 
Indians had gotten into trouble, and I was frightened. The next night he appeared 
to me and told me that everything would come out all right. 


THE GHOST DANCE AMONG THE SIOUX 


The following was written originally in the Teton Dakota dialect by 

8 s y A 
George Sword, an Ogalala Sioux Indian, formerly captain of the Indian 
police at Pine Ridge agency and now judge of the Indian court. It 


MooNEY] THE DANCE AMONG THE SIOUX 197 


was translated by an Indian for Miss Emma C. Sickels and is published 
by her courtesy. The copy of the original Sioux manuscript is in the 
archives of the Bureau of Ethnology: 


In the story of ghost dancing, the Ogalala heard that the Son of God was truly on 
earth in the west from their country. This was in the year 1889. The first people 
knew about the messiah to be on earth were the Shoshoni and Arapaho. So in 1889 
Good Thunder with four or five others visited the place where Son of God said to be. 
These people went there without permission. They said the messiah was there at 
the place, but he was there to help the Indians and not the whites; so this made the 
Indians happy to find out this. Good Thunder, Cloud Horse, Yellow Knife, and 
Short Bull visited the place again in 1890 and saw the messiah. Theirstory of visit 
to the messiah is as follows: 

“Prom the country where the Arapaho and Shoshoni we start in the direction of 
northwest in train for five nights and arrived at the foot of the Rocky mountains. 
Here we saw him and also several tribes of Indians. The people said that the mes- 
siah will come at a place in the woods where the place was prepare for him. When 
we went to the place a smoke descended from heaven to the place where he was to 
come. When the smoke disappeared, there was a man of about forty, which was the 
Son of God. The man said: 

“¢My grandchildren! IT am glad you have come far away to see your relatives. 
This are your people who have come back from your country.’ When he said he 
want us to go with him, we looked and we saw a land created across the ocean on 
which all the nations of Indians were coming home, but, as the messiah looked at 
the land which was created and reached across the ocean, again disappeared, saying 
that it was not time for that to take place. The messiah then gave to Good Thun- 
der some paints—Indian paint and a white paint—a green grass [sagebrush twigs ?] ; 
and said, ‘My grandchildren, when you get home, go to farming and send all your 
children to school. And on way home if you kill any buffalo cut the head, the tail, 
and the four feet and leave them, and that buffalo will come to live again. When the 
soldiers of the white people chief want to arrest me, I shall stretch out my arms, 
which will knock them to nothingness, or, if not that, the earth will open and swal- 
low them in. My father commanded me to visit the Indians on a purpose. I have 
came to the white people first, but they not good. They killed me, and you can see 
the marks of my wounds on my feet, my hands, and on my back. My father has 
given you life—your old life—and you have come to see your friends, but you will 
not take me home with you at this time. I want you to tell when you get home 
your people to follow my examples. Any one Indian does not obey me and tries to 
be on white’s side will be covered over by a new land that is to come over this old 
one. You will, all the people, use the paints and grass I give you. In the spring 
when the green grass comes, your people who have gone before you will come back, 
and you shall see your friends then, for you have come to my eall.’” 

The people from every tipi send for us to visit them. They are people who died 
many years ago. Chasing Hawk, who died not long ago, was there, and we went to 
his tipi. He was living with his wife, who was killed in war long ago. They live 
in a buffalo skin tipi—a very large one—and he wanted all his friends to go there to 
live. A son of Good Thunder who died in war long ago was one who also took us 
to his tipi so his father saw him. When coming we come to a herd of buffaloes. We 
killed one and took everything except the four feet, head, and tail, and when we 
came a little ways from it there was the buffaloes come to life again and went off. 
This was one of the messiah’s word came to truth. The messiah said, ‘I will short 
your journey when you feel tired of the long ways, if you call upon me.” This 
we did when we were tired. The night came upon us, we stopped at a place, and 
we called upon the messiah to help us, because we were tired of long journey. We 
went to sleep and in the morning we found ourselves at a great distance from where 
we stopped. 


798 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


‘Fhe people came back here and they got the people loyal to the government, and 
those not favor of the whites held a council, The agent’s soldiers were sent after 
them and brought Good Thunder and two others to the agency and they were con- 
fined to the prison. They were asked by the agent and Captain Sword whether they 
saw the Son of God and whether tuey hold councils over their return from visit, but 
Good Thunder refused to say ‘‘yes.” They were confined in the prison for two days, 
and upon their promising not to hold councils about their visit they were released. 
They went back to the people and told them about their trouble with the agent. 
Then they disperse without a council. 

In the following spring the people at Pine Ridge agency began to gather at the 
White Clay creek for councils. Justat this time Kicking Bear, from Cheyenne River 
agency, went on a visit to the Arapaho and said that the Arapaho there have ghost 
dancing. He said that people partaking in dance would get crazy and die, then the 
messiah is seen and all the ghosts. When they die they see strange things, they see 
their relatives who died long before. They saw these things when they died in 
ghost dance and came to life again. The person dancing becomes dizzy and finally 
drop dead, and the first thing they saw is an eagle comes to them and carried them 
to where the messiah is with his ghosts. The man said this: 

The persons in the ghost dancing are all joined hands. A man stands and then a 
woman, so in that way forming avery large circle. They dance around in the circle 
in a continuous time until some of them become so tired and overtired that they 
became crazy and finally drop as though dead, with foams in mouth all wet by 
perspiration. All the men and women made holy shirts and dresses they wear in 
dance. ‘The persons dropped in dance would all lie in great dust the dancing make. 
They paint the white muslins they made holy shirts and dresses out of with blue 
across the back, and alongside of this is a line of yellow paint. They also paint in 
the front part of the shirts and dresses. A picture of an eagle is made on the back 
of all the shirts and dresses. On the shoulders and on the sleeves they tied eagle 
feathers. They said that the bullets will not go through these shirts and dresses, so 
they all have these dresses for war. Their enemies weapon will not go through 
these dresses. The ghost dancers all have to wear eagle feather on head. With this 
feather any man would be made crazy if fan with this feather. In the ghost dance no 
person is allow to wear anything made of any metal, except the guns made of metal 
is carry by some of the dancers, When they come from ghosts or after recovery from 
craziness, they brought meat from the ghosts or from the supposed messiah. They 
also brought water, fire, and wind with which to kill all the whites or Indians who 
will help the chief of the whites. They made sweat house and made holes in the 
middle of the sweat house where they say the water will come out of these holes. 
Before they begin to dance they all raise their hands toward the northwest and 
ery in supplication to the messiah and then begin the dance with the song, ‘Ale 
misunkala ceya omani-ye,” ete. 


SELWYN’S INTERVIEW WITH KUWAPI 


On November 21, 1890, it was reported to Agent E. W. Foster, in 
charge of Yankton agency, South Dakota, that an Indian named 
Kuwapi, from Rosebud agency, was on the reservation teaching the 
doctrine and ceremony of the Ghost dance. He at once had the man 
arrested by a force in charge of William T. Selwyn, a full-blood Yank- 
ton Sioux, who had received a fair education under the patronage 
of a gentleman in Philadelphia, and who had for several years been 
employed in various capacities at different Sioux agencies. Selwyn 
had recently come from Pine Ridge, where he had learned and reported 
to Agent Gallagher something of the religious excitement among the 


MOONEY] SELWYN'S REPORT (ey) 


western Sioux, and had afterward repeated this imformation to the 
agent at Yankton, While Kuwapi was in his custody Selwyn ques- 
tioned him at length concerning the new doctrine, and forwarded the 
following report (@. D., Document 36861—1890) of the interview to 
Agent Foster: 
YANKTON AGENCY, SOUTH DakorTa, 
November 22, 1890. 
Colonel E. W. Foster, 
United States Indian Agent, Yankton Agency, South Dakota. 

Dear Sir: It has been reported here a few days ago that there was an Indian 
visitor up at White Swan from Rosebud agency who has been telling or teaching 
the doctrines of the new messiah, and has made some agitation among the people 
up there. According to the request of Captain Conrad, United States Army, of 
Fort Randall, South Dakota, and by your order of the 21st instant, I went up to 
White Swan and have arrested the wanted man (Kuwapi, or One they chased after). 
On my way to the agency with the prisoner I have made little interview with him 
on the subject of the new messiah. The following are the facts which he corrobo- 
rated concerning the new messiah, his laws and doctrines to the Indians of this 
continent: 

Q. Do you believe in the new messiah?—A. I somewhat believe it. 

Q. What made you believe it?—A. Because I ate some of the buffalo meat that he 
(the new messiah) sent to the Rosebud Indians through Short Bull. 

Q. Did Short Bull say that he saw the living herd of roaming buttaloes while he 
was with the son of the Great Spirit?—A. Short Bull told the Indians at Rosebud 
that the buffalo and other wild game will be restored to the Indians at the same 
time when the general resurrection in favor of the Indians takes place. 

Q. You said a ‘ general resurrection in favor of the Indians takes place ;” when or 
how soon will this be?—A. The father sends word to us that he will have all these 
caused to be so in the spring, when the grass is knee high. 

Q. You said “father;” who is this father?—A. It is the new messiah. He has 
ordered his children (Indians) to call him ‘‘father.” 

Q. You said the father is not going to send the buffalo until the resurrection takes 
place. Would he be able to send a tew buffaloes over this way for a sort of a sample, 
so as to have his children (Indians) to have a taste of the meat?—A. The father 
wishes to do things all at once, even in destroying the white race. 

Q. You said something about the destroying of the white race. Do you mean to 
say that all mankind except the Indians will be killed?—A. Yes. 

Q. How, and who is going to kill the white people?—A. The father is going to 
cause a big cyclone or whirlwind, by which he will have all the white people to perish. 

Q. If it should be a cyclone or whirlwind, what are we going to do to protect our- 
selves?—A. The father will make some kind of provisions by which we will be saved, 

Q. You said something about the coming destruction on the white people by your 
father. Supposing your father is sick, tired out, forget, or some other accidental 
cause by which he should not be able to accomplish his purpose, what would be 
the case about the destroying of the white people?—A. There is no doubt about 
these things, as the miracle performer or the father is going to do just as what he 
said he would do. 

Q. What other object could you come to by which you are led to believe that there 
is such a new messiah on earth at present?—A. The ghost dancers are fainted 
whenever the dance goes on. 

Q. Do you believe that they are really fainted?—A. Yes. 

Q. What makes you believe that the dancers have really fainted?—A. Because 
when they wake or come back to their senses they sometimes bring back some news 
from the unknown world, and some little trinkets, such a3 buffalo tail, buffalo 
meat, ete. 


14 ETH—PT 2 11 


800 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


Q. What did the fainted ones see when they get fainted?—A. They visited the 
happy hunting ground, the camps, multitudes of people, and a great many strange 
people. 

Q. What did the ghost or the strange people tell the fainted one or ones?— 
A. When the fainted one goes to the camp, he is welcomed by the relatives of the 
visitor (the fainted one), and he is also invited to several feasts. 

Q. Were the people at Rosebud ageney anxiously waiting or expecting to see al] 
of their dead relatives who have died several years ago?—A. Yes. 

Q. We will have a great many older folks when all the dead people come back, 
would we not?—A. The visitors all say that there is not a single old man nor woman 
in the other world—all changed to young. 

Q. Are we going to die when the dead ones come back?—A. No; we will be just 
the same as we are today. 

Q. Did the visitor say that there is any white men in the other world?—A. No; 
no white people. 

Q. If there is no white people in the other world, where did they get their provi- 
sions and clothing ?—A. In the other world, the messenger tells us that they have 
depended altogether for their food on the flesh of buffalo and other wild game; 
also, they were all clad in skins of wild animals. 

Q. Did the Rosebud agency Indians believe the new messiah, or the son of the 
Great Spirit?—A. Yes. 

Q. How do they show that they have a believe in the new messiah?—A,. They 
show themselves by praying to the father by looking up to heaven, and call him 
“father,” just the same as you would in a church. 

Q. Have you ever been in a chureh?—A. No. 

Q. Do you faithfully believe in the new messiah?—A. I did not in the first place, 
but as I became more acquainted with the doctrines of the new messiah that I 
really believe in him, 

Q. How many people at Rosebud, in your opinion, believe this new messiah ?—A, 
Nearly every one. 

Q. Did you not the Rosebud people prepare to attack the white people this sum- 
mer? While I was at Pine Ridge agency this summer the Oglalla Sioux Indians say 
they will resist against the government if the latter should try to put astop to 
the messiah question. Did your folks at Rosebud say the same thing?—A,. Yes. 

Q. Are they still preparing and thinking to attack the white people should the 
government send our soldiers with orders to put a stop to your new business of the 
messiah ?—A,. Ido not know, but I think that the Wojaji band at Rosebud ageney 
will do some harm at any time. ; 

Q. You do not mean to say that the Rosebud Indians will try and cause an out- 
break ?—A, That seems to be the case. 

Q. You said something about the ‘‘son of the Great Spirit,” or ‘‘the father.” 
What do you mean by the son of the Great Spirit?—A. This father, as he is called, 
said himself that he is the son of the Great Spirit. 

Q. Have you talked to or with any Indian at White Swan about the new messiah, 
his laws and doctrines, or have you referred this to anyone while there ?—A. I have 
told a few of them. I did not voluntarily express my wish for them to know and 
follow the doctrines of the new messiah. 

Q. Yes, but you have explained the matter to the Indians, did you not?—A. Yes, 
I have. 

Q. Do the Yankton Indians at White Swan believe in your teaching of the new 
messiah ?—A. I did not intend to teach them, but as I have been questioned on 
the subject, that I have said something about it. 

Q. Did any of them believe in you? —A. Some have already believed it, and some 
of them did not believe it. 

Q. Those that have believed in you must be better men than the others, are they 
not?— A, I do not know. 


Mooney] SELWYN’S REPORT 801 


Q. Do you intend to introduce the doctrines of the new messiah from Rosebud to 
this agency as a missionary of the gospel? —A. No, I did not. 

Q. What brings you here, then?—A. I have some relatives here that I wanted to 
see, and this was the reason why I came here. 

Q. Where does this new messiah question originate? I mean from the first start of 
it.—A. This has originated in White mountains, 

Q. Where is this White mountain?— A. Close to the big Rocky mountains, near 
the country that belong to the Mexicans. 

Q. Do you think that there will be a trouble in the west by next spring ?— A. Yes. 

Q. What makes you think so?—A. Because that is what I have heard people 
talk of. 

This is all that I have questioned Kuwapi on the subject of the new messiah. 

Respectfully, your obedient servant, 
WILLIAM T. SELWYN. 


CHAPTER XI 


THE GHOST DANCE WEST OF THE ROCKIES 


The first Ghost dance on Walker Lake reservation took place in Jan- 
uary, 1889, about a mile above the railroad bridge near the agency. 
Wovoka’s preaching had already been attracting general attention 
among his own people for some months. Itis said that six Apache 
attended this first dance, but the statement is improbable, as this would 
imply that they had made a journey of 600 miles through a desert 
country to see a man as yet unknown outside of his own tribe. From 
this time, however, his fame went abroad, and another large dance in 
the same vicinity soon atter was attended by a number of Ute from 
Utah. The Ute are neighbors of the Paiute on the east, as the Ban- 
nock are on the north, and these tribes were naturally the first to hear 
of the new prophet and to send delegates to attend the dance. The 
doctrine spread almost simultaneously to all the scattered bands of 
Paiute in Nevada, Oregon, and adjacent sections. 

In its essential features the Ghost dance among the Paiute as con- 
ducted by the inessiah himself was practically the same as among the 
majority of the prairie tribes, as will later be described. The Sioux, 
Kiowa, and perhaps some other tribes, however, danced around a tree 
or pole set up in the center of the ring, differing in this respect from 
the Paiute, as well as from the Cheyenne, Arapaho, Caddo, and others. 
No fire was allowed within the ring by any of the prairie tribes among 
whom the subject was investigated, but among the Paiute it seems that 
fires were built either within the circle or close to it. When I visited 
the messiah in January, 1892, deep snow was on the ground, which 
had caused the temporary suspension of dancing, so that I had no 
opportunity of seeing the performance there for myself. I saw, how- 
ever, the place cleared for the dance ground—the same spot where the 
large delegation from Oklahoma had attended the dance the preced- 
ing summer—at the upper end of Mason valley. <A large circular 
space had been cleared of sagebrush and leveled over, and around 
the circumference were the remains of the low round structures of wil- 
low branches which had sheltered those in attendance. At one side, 
within the circle, was a larger structure of branches, where the messiah 
gave audience to the delegates from distant tribes, and, according to 
their statements, showed them the glories of the spirit world through 
the medium of hypnotic trances. The Paiute always dance five nights, 


or perhaps more properly four nights and the morning of the fifth day, 
802 


MOONEY] PORCUPINE VISITS THE MESSIAH 803 


as enjoined by the messiah ou the visiting delegates, ending the per- 
formance with a general shaking and waving of blankets, as among 
the prairie tribes, after which all go down and bathe in the nearest 
stream, The shaking of the blankets dispels all evil influences and 
drives sickness and disease away from the dancers. There is no pre- 
vious consecration of the ground, as among the Arapaho, and no 
preliminary sweat bath, as among the Sioux. The sweat bath seems 
to be unknown to the Paiute, who are preeminently a dirty people, and 
I saw no trace of sweat-house frames at any of their camps. Nakash, 
the Arapaho who visited the messiah in 1889 and first brought the 
dance to the eastern tribes, confirmed the statements of the Paiute 
and ranchmen that there were no trances in the Paiute Ghost dance. 

Besides the dance ground in Mason valley, where the messiah himself 
generally presided, there were several others on Walker River reser- 
vation,-although, if we are to believe the agent, no Ghost dances were 
ever held on either reservation. 

The following extract from Porcupine’s account of his visit to the 
messiah in the fall of 1889 (see page 793) gives some idea of the Paiute 
Ghost dance and throws light on the cataleptic peculiarities of the 
messiah : 


I went to the agency at Walker lake, and they told us Christ would be there in two 
days. At the end of two days, on the third morning, hundreds of people gathered 
at this place. They cleared off a place near the agency in the form of a cireus ring 
and we all gathered there. This space was perfectly cleared of grass, ete. We 
waited there till late in the evening, anxious to see Christ. Just before sundown I 
saw a great many people, mostly Indians, coming dressed in white men’s clothes. 
The Christ was with them. ‘They all formed in this ring in a cirele around him. 
They put up sheets all around the circle,as they had no tents. Just after dark some 
of the Indians told me that the Christ (father) was arrived. I looked around to find 
him, and finally saw him sitting on one side of the ring. They all started toward 
him to see him. They made a big fire to throw light on him. I never looked around, 
but went forward, and when I saw him I bent my head. . . . He sat there a 
long time and nobody went up to speak to him. He sat with his head bowed all 
the time. After awhile he rose and said he was very glad to see his children. 
“T have sent for youand am glad to seeyou. Iam going to talk to you after awhile 
abont your relatives who are dead and gone. My children, I want you to listen to 
all I have to say to you. I will teach you, too, how to dance a dance, and I want 
you to dance it. Get ready for your dance, and then when the dance is over I will 
talk to you.” He was dressed in a white coat with stripes. The rest of his dress 
was a white man’s, except that he had on a pair of moccasins. Then he commenced 
our dance, everybody joining in, the Christ singing while we danced. We danced 
till late in the night; then he told us we had danced enough. 

The next morning after breakfast was over, we went into the circle and spread 
canvas over it on the ground, the Christ standing in the midst of us. He told 
us he was going away that day, but would be back the next morning and talk to 


us. . . . He had no beard or whiskers, but very heavy eyebrows. He was a 
good-looking man. We were crowded up very close. We had been told that nobody 
was to talk, and that even if we whispered the Christ would know it. . . . He 


would talk to us all day. 
That evening we all assembled again to see him depart. When we were assem- 
bled he began to sing, aud he commenced to tremble all over violently for a while 


804 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ern ANN. 14 


and then sat down. We danced all that night, the Christ lying down beside us 
apparently dead. 

The next morning when we went to eat breakfast, the Christ was with us. After 
breakfast four heralds went around and called out that the Christ was back with 
us and wanted to talk with us. The circle was prepared again. The people 
assembled, and Christ came among us and sat down. (G. D., 9.) 

We come now to the other tribes bordering on the Paiute. First 
in order are the Washo, a small band dwelling on the slopes of the 
sierras in the neighborhood of Carson, Nevada, and speaking a peculiar 
language of unknown affinity. They are completely under the domi- 
nation of the Paiute. They had no separate dance, but joined in with 
the nearest camps of Paiute and sang the same songs. Occupying 
practically the same territory as the Paiute, they were among the first 
to receive the new doctrine. 

Farther to the south, in California, about Bridgeport and Mono lake 
and extending across to the westward slope of the sierras, are several 
small Shoshonean bands closely akin to the Paiute and known locally 
as the “Diggers.” The Paiute state that bands of these Indians fre- 
quently came up and participated in the dance on the reservation. 
They undoubtedly had their own dances at home also. 

According to the statement of the agent in charge of the Mission 
Indians in southern California in 1891, the doctrine reached them also, 
and the medicine-men of Potrero began to prophesy the destruction of 
the whites and the return of Indian supremacy. Few believed their 
predictions, however, until rumors brought the news of the overflow 
of Colorado river and the birth of “Salton sea” in the summer of 1891, 
Never doubting that the great change was near at hand, the frightened 
Indians fled to the mountains to await developments, but after having 
gone hungry for several days the millennial dawn seemed still as far 
away as ever, and they returned to their homes with disappointment 
in their hearts. Although the agent mentions specifically only the 
Indians of Potrero, there can be no doubt that the inhabitants of the 
other Mission rancherias in the vicinity were also affected, and we 
are thus enabled to fix the boundary of the messiah excitement in this 
direction at the Pacific ocean. (Comr., 27.) 

In northern California the new doctrine was taken up late in 1890 by 
the Pit River Indians, a group of tribes constituting a distinet linguistic 
stock and scattered throughout the whole basin of Pit river, from Goose 
lake to the Sacramento, which may have formed the boundary of the 
Ghost-dance movement in this direction. (A. G@.0.,7.) As anumber of 
these Indians are living also on Round Valley reservation in California, 
it is possible that the doctrine may have reached there also. Having 
obtained the dance ritual directly from the Paiute, their neighbors on the 
east, the ceremony and belief were probably the same with both tribes. 

So far as can be learned from the reports of agents, and from the 
statement of Wovoka himself, the dance was never taken up by the 
Indians of Hoopa Valley reservation in California; of Klamath, Siletz, 


MOONEY] SPREAD OF THE DANCE 805 


Grande Ronde, or Umatilla reservations in Oregon ; by any of the tribes 
in Washington; by those of Lapwai or Coeur @Aléne reservations in 
Idaho; or on Jocko reservation in Montana. Wovoka stated that he 
had been visited by delegates from Warmspring agency, in Oregon, 
who also had taken part in the dance, but these may have been some of 
the Painte living on that reservation. The small band of Paiute living 
with the Klamath probably also attended the dance at some time.! 

A single Nez Pereé visited the messiah, but the visit had no effect 
on his tribe at home. In a general way it may be stated that the 
doctrine of the Ghost dance was never taken up by any tribes of the 
Salishan or Shahaptian stocks, occupying practically the whole of the 
great Columbia basin. This is probably due to the fact that the more 
important of these tribes have been for a long time under the influence 
of Catholic or other Christian missionaries, while most of the others 
are adherents of the Smohalla or the Shaker doctrine. 

Of the tribes southward from the Paiute, according to the best 
information obtainable, the Ghost dance never reached the Yuma, 
Pima, Papago, Maricopa, or any of the Apache bands in Arizona or 
New Mexico, neither did it affeet any of the Pueblo tribes except the 
Taos, who performed the dance merely as a pastime. As before stated, 
it is said that six Apache attended the first large dance at Walker 
lake in 1889. This seems improbable, but if true it preduced no effect 
on any part of the tribe at large. Later on the Jicarilla Apache, in 
northern New Mexico, may have heard of it through the southern Ute, 
but, so far as is known officially, neither of these tribes ever engaged in 
thedance. Theagent of the Jicarilla states that the tribe knew nothing 
of the doctrine until informed of it by himself. (@. D., 10.) It seems 
never to have been taken up by the Mescalero Apache in southern New 
Mexico, although they are in the habit of making frequent visits to the 
Kiowa, Comanche, Apache, and other Ghost-dancing tribes of Okla- 
homa. The agent of the Mohave states officially that these Indians 
knew nothing about it, but this must be a mistake, as there is constant 
comipunication between the Mohave and the southern Paiute, and, ac- 
cording to Wovoka’s statement, Mohave delegates attended the dance 
in 1890, while the 700 Walapai and Chemehuevi associated with the 
Mohave are known to have been devoted adherents of the doctrine. 

The dance was taken up nearly simultaneously by the Bannock, 
Shoshoni, Gosiute, and Ute in the early part of 1889. All these tribes 
are neighbors (on the east) of the Paiute and closely cognate to them, 
the Bannock particularly having only a slight dialectal difference of 
language, so that communication between them is an easy matter. The 


1 Hoopa Valley, Siletz, and Grande 2onde reservations are occupied by the remnants of a number of 
small tribes. Klamath reservation is occupied by the Klamath, Modoc, and Paiute. On Umatilla 
reservation are the Cayuse, Umatilla, and Wallawalla. The Nez Percé are at Lapwai to the number 
of over 1,800. On the Cur d'Alene reservation are the Cwurd' Alenes, Kutenai, Pend d’Oreilles, and 
part of the Spokan. On Jocko reservation in Montana are the Flatheads, Kutenai, and a part of the 
Pend d'Oreilles. Warmspring reservation in Oregon is occupied by the Warmspring, Wasco, Tenino, 
Paiute, and John Day Indians. 


806 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


sannock are chiefly ou Fort Hall and Lemhi reservations in Idaho. 
The Shoshoni are on the Western Shoshone (Duck Valley) reservation 
in Nevada, on Fort Hall and Lemhi reservations in Idaho, and on Wind 
River reservation in Wyoming. The Ute are on Uintah and Uncom- 
pahgre reservations in Utah, and on the Southern Ute reservation in 
Colorado. There are also a considerable number of Bannock and Sho- 
shoni not on reservations. The Ute of Utah sent delegates to the 
messiah soon after the first Ghost dance in January, 1889, but it is 
doubtful if the southern Ute in Colorado were engaged in the dance. 
Although aware of the doctrine, they ridiculed the idea of the dead 
returning to earth. (G@. D., 11.) 

In regard to the dance among the Shoshoni and Paiute on the West- 
ern Shoshoni reservation, in Nevada and Idaho, their agent writes, 
under date of November 8, 1890: 


The Indians of this reservation and vicinity have just concluded their second 
medicine dance, the previous one having taken place in August last. They are look- 
ing for the coming of the Indian Christ, the resurrection of the dead Indians, and 
the consequent supremacy of the Indian race. Fully one thousand people took part 
in the dance. While the best of order prevailed, the excitement was very great as 
morning approached. When the dancers were worn out mentally and physically, 
the medicine-men would shont that they could see the faces of departed friends and 
relatives moving about the circle. No pen can paint the picture of wild excitement 
that ensued. All shouted in a chorus, Christ has come, and then danced and sung 
until they fell in a confused and exhausted mass on the ground. . . . Lapprehend 
no trouble beyond the loss of time und the general demoralizing effect of these large 
gatherings of people. Several of the leading men have gone to Walker lake to con- 
fer with a man who calls himself Christ. Others have gone to Fort Hall to meet 
Indians from Montana and Dakota, to get the news from that section. In fact, the 
astonishing part of the business is the fact that all the Indians in the country seem 
to possess practically the same ideas and expect about the same result. (G. D., 12.) 


On December 6 he writes that another Ghost dance had then been in 
progress for six days, and that the Indians had announced their inten- 
_ tion to dance one week in each month until the grass grew, at which 
time the medicine-men had told them the messiah would come, bring- 
ing with him all their dead friends. (G@. D., 13.) This dance, however, 
was attended by a much smaller number of Indians, and skeptics had 
already arisen among them to scoff at the new believers. The leaven 
was working, and only a little shrewd diplomacy was needed to turn 
the religious scale, as is shown by an extract from a third letter, dated 
January 10,1891, from which it would seem that Agent Plumb is a man 
of practical common sense, as likewise that Esau was not the only one 
who would sell his birthright for a mess of pottage: 

Christmas day was the day set for commencing another dance. On learning this, I 
told the Indians that it was my intention to give them all a big feast and havea 
general holiday on Christmas, but that I would not give them anything if they 
intended to dance. I told them they could play all of their usual games, in fact, 
have a good time, but that dancing was forbidden. I showed them how continued 
dancing at various Sioux agencies had ended in soldiers being sent to stop them. I 
stated the case as clearly as I could; the Indians debated it two days, and then 


MOONEY) THE DANCE AMONG THE BANNOCK 807 


reported that while they hoped their dead friends would come back, and believed 
that dancing would help to bring them, yet they were friends of the government, 
and friends of the whites, and my friends, and would not hold any more resurrection 
dances without my consent. Up to this date they have kept their word. I have no 
hope of breaking up their dances altogether, but I have strong hopes of controlling 
them. (G. D., 14.) 

The Bannock and Shoshoni of Fort Hall reservation in Idaho have 
served as the chief medium of the doctrine between the tribes west 
of the mountains and those of the plains. Situated almost on the sum- 
mit of the great divide, they are within easy reach of the Paiute to the 
west, among whom the dance originated, and whose language the Ban- 
nock speak, while at no great distance to the east, on Wind River 
reservation in Wyoming, the remaining Shoshoni are confederated with 
the Arapaho, who have been from the first the great apostles of the 
doctrine among the prairie tribes. There is constant visiting back and 
forth between the tribes of these two reservations, while the four rail- 
roads coming in at Fort Hall, together with the fact of its close prox- 
imity to the main line of the Union Pacific, tend still more to make it a 
focus and halting point for Indian travel. Almost every delegation 
from the tribes east of the mountains stopped at this agency to obtain 
the latest news from the messiah and to procure interpreters from 
among the Bannock to accompany them to Nevada. In a letter of 
November 26, 1890, to the Indian Commissioner, the agent in charge 
states that during the preceding spring and summer his Indians had 
been visited by representatives from about a dozen different reserva- 
tions. In regard to the dance and the doctrine at Fort Hall, he also says 
that the extermination and resurrection business was not a new thing 
with his tribes by any means, but had been quite a craze with them 
every few years for the last twenty years or more, only varying a little 
according to the whim of particular medicine-men. (G@.D., 15.) This 
may have referred to the doctrine already mentioned as having been 
taught by Tiivibo. 

Early in 1889 a Bannock from Fort Hall visited the Shoshoni and 
Arapaho of Wind River reservation in Wyoming and brought them 
the first knowledge of the new religion. He had just returned from a 
visit to the Paiute country, where he said he had met messengers who 
had told him that the dead people were coming back, and who had 
commanded him to go and tell all the tribes. ‘ And so,” said the 
Shoshoni, “‘he came here and told us all about it.” Accordingly, in 
the summer of that year a delegation of five Shoshoni, headed by 
Tiibinshi, with Nakash (“Sage”), an Arapaho, visited the messiah 
of Mason valley, traveling most of the way by railroad and occupying 
several days in the journey. They attended a Ghost dance, which, 
according to their accounts, was a very large one, and after dancing 
all night were told by the messiah that they would meet all their dead 
in two years from that time at the turning of the leaves, i. e., in the 
autumn of 1891. They were urged to dance frequently, ‘“‘because the 


8068 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 1d 


dance moves the dead.” One of the Shoshoni delegates understood 
the Bannock and Paiute language and interpreted for the rest. The 
information was probably conveyed by the Shoshoni to the Arapaho 
through the medium of the sign language. 

In accord with the report of the delegates, on their return home the 
Shoshoni and Arapaho at once began to dance. A year later, in the 
fall of 1890, a dense smoke from forest fires in the mountains drifted 
down and obscured the air in the lower country to such an extent that 
horses were lost in the haze. This was regarded by the Indians as an 
indication of the approach of the great change, and the dance was 
continued with increased fervor, but at last the atmosphere began to 
clear and the phenomenon ended as it had begun—in smoke. The 
dance was kept up, however, without abatement for another year, until 
the predicted time had come and gone, when the Shoshoui—who seem 
to share the skeptical nature of their southern kinsmen, the Comanche— 
concluded that they had been deceived, and abandoned the dance. 
The Arapaho, who have greater faith in the unseen things of the spirit 
world, kept it up, and were still dancing when I visited them in the 
summer of 1892, A part of the Arapaho, headed by their chief, Black 
Coal, and encouraged by the Catholic missionaries, had steadily opposed 
the dance from the first. After considerable discussion of the matter it 
was decided, on Black Coal’s proposition, to send another delegation 
to the messiah, under the guidance of Yellow Eagle, a graduate of a 
government Indian school, to learn as to the truth or falsity of the 
new doctrine. They returned early in 1891 and reported against the 
movement. Their report confirmed the doubters in their skepticism, 
but produced little effect on the rest of the tribe. 

When I visited Wind River reservation in Wyoming in June, 1892, 
the agent in charge informed me that there was no Ghost dancing on 
his reservation; that he had explained how foolish it was and had 
strictly forbidden it, and that in consequence the Indians had aban- 
doned it. However, he expressed interest in my investigation, and as 
the Arapaho, with whom I had most to do, were then camped in a body a 
few miles up in the mountains cutting wood, he very kindly furnished 
a conveyance and camping outfit, with two of the agency employees— 
a clerk and an interpreter—to take me out. It appeared afterward 
that the escort had received instructions of their own before starting. 
Having reached the camp and set up our tent, the Arapaho soon 
same around to get acquainted, over a pipe and a cup of coffee; but, in 
answer to questions put by one of my companions, a white man, who 
assumed the burden of the conversation, it seemed that the Indians 
had lost all interest in the dance. In fact, some of them were so 
ignorant on the subject that they wanted to know what it meant. 

After trying in vain to convince me that it was useless to waste time 
further with the Indians, the clerk started back again after supper, 
satisfied that that part of the country was safe so far as the Ghost 


MOONEY] SACRED REGARD FOR THE CEDAR 809 


dance was concerned. By this time it was dark, and the Indians 
invited the interpreter and myself to come over to a tipi about half a 
mile away, where we could meet all the old men. We started, and had 
gone but a short distance when we heard from a neighboring hill the 
familiar measured cadence of the ghost songs. On turning with a 
questioning look to my interpreter—who was himself a half-blood—he 
quietly said: “Yes; they are dancing the Ghost dance. That’s some- 
thing I have never reported, and I never will. It is their religion and 
they have a right to it.” Not wishing to be an accomplice in crime, I 
did not go over to the dance; but it is needless to state that the old 
men in the tipi that night, and for several successive nights thereafter, 
knew all about the songs and ceremonies of the new religion. <As 
already stated, the Shoshoni had really lost faith and abandoned the 
dance. , 

Among the Shoshoni the dance was performed around a small cedar 
tree, planted in the ground for that purpose. Unlike the Sioux, they 
hung nothing on this tree. The men did not clasp each other’s hands, 
but held on to their blankets instead; but a woman standing between 
two men took hold of their hands. There was no preliminary medicine 
ceremony. The dance took place usually.in the morning, and at its 
close the performers shook their blankets in the air, as among the 
Paiute and other tribes, before dispersing. However novel may have 
been the doctrine, the Shoshoni claim that the Ghost dance itself as 
performed by them was a revival of an old dance which they had had 
fully fifty years before. 

The selection of the cedar in this connection is in agreement with the 
general Indian idea, which has always ascribed a mystic sacredness to 
that tree, from its never-dying green, which renders it so conspicuous 
a feature of the desert landscape; from the aromatic fragrance of its 
twigs, which are burned as incense in sacred ceremonies; from the 
durability and fine texture of its wood, which makes it peculiarly 
appropriate for tipi poles and lance shafts; and from the dark-red color 
of its heart, which seems as though dyed in blood. In Cherokee myth 
the cedar was originally a pole, to the top of which they fastened the 
fresh scalps of their enemies, and the wood was thus stained by the 
blood that trickled slowly down along it to the ground. The Kiowe 
also selected a cedar for the center of their Ghost-dance circle. 

We go back now to the southern tribes west of the mountains, 
Some time in the winter of 1889-90 Paiute runners brought to the 
powerful tribe of the Navaho, living in northern New Mexico and Ari- 
zona, the news of the near advent of the messiah and the resurrection 
of the dead. They preached and prophesied for a considerable time, 
but the Navaho were skeptical, langhed at the prophets, and paid but 
little attention to the prophesies. (Jatthews, 1.) According to the 
official report for 1892, these Indians, numbering somewhat over 16,000 
souls, have, in round numbers, 9,000 cattle, 119,000 horses, and 1.600.000 


810 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


sheep and goats; and, as suggested by Dr Matthews, the authority on 
that tribe, it may be that, being rich in herds and wealth of silver, they 
felt no special need of a redeemer. While with the Navaho in the win- 
ter of 1892-93 I made inquiry in various parts of their wide-extended 
territory, but could not learn that the Ghost dance had ever been 


Fic. 70—Navaho Indians 


performed among them, and it was evident that in their case the doe- 
trinal seed had fallen on barren ground. 

Before visiting the tribe, | had written for information to Mr A. M. 
Stephen, of Keams Canon, Arizona, since deceased, who had studied 
the Navaho and Hopi for years and spoke the Navaho language 
fluently. I quote from him on the subject. It may be noted that 


MOONEY] THE MESSIAH AND THE NAVAHO 811 


Keams Canon is about 125 miles northwest of Fort Wingate, the point 
from which Dr Matthews writes. and nearer by that much to the 
Paiute, Cohonino, and Walapai, all of whom have accepted the new reli- 
gion. Mr Stephen states that some time in February or March, 1590, 
he first heard rumors among the Navaho that “the old men long dead” 
had returned to some foreign tribes in the north or east, the vague 
faraway. The intelligence was brought to the Navaho either by the 
Ute or Paiute, or both. The rumor grew and the idea became com- 
monly current among the Navaho that the mythic heroes were to return 
and that under their direction they were to expel American and Mexi- 
‘an and restrict the Zuni and Hopi close to their villages; and, in fact, 
to reestablish their old domain from San Francisco mountains to Santa 
Fé. (Stephen, 1.) On November 22, 1891, he further writes: 


While out this last time I camped over night with some Nayajo friends, and over 
a pipe brought up the messiah topie. This family beloags to the Bitter-Water gens, 
and this is the gist of what I got from them: A Pah-ute came to a family of their 
gens living near Navajo mountain and told them that Na’-Weh-tkla-i was to return 
from the under world and bring back all the Tinneh (Navajo) he had killed, 
Na’-keh-tkla-i (i. e., ‘foreigner with white foot sole”) in the long ago had a puma 
anda bear. These were his pets. He would call puma from the east and bear from 
the west, and just before dawn they met in the center. Thus they met four times. 
On the fourth meeting puma reached back with his'forepaw and pincked his mane, 
tossing the hair aloft, and for every hair a Tinneh died. This fatal sorcery con- 
tinued for a long time, and great numbers were killed. Now, the Pah-ute said, this 
sorcerer was to return, and would call his pets, and they would come east and west, 
and following their trail would be all the people whose death they had caused. 
These Navajo said they had heard of other Pah-ute prophecies a year or more ago, 
all to the effect that long dead people were to return alive from the under world. 
These resurrected ones were also to bring back the departed game, and the Tinneh 
would again dominate the region. But, said my informant, datsaigi yelti, “it is 
worthless talk.” (Stephen, 2.) 


In connection with lypnotism as seen in the Ghost dance, Dr 
Matthews states that in one curious Navaho ceremony he has several 
times seen the patient hypnotized or pretend to be hypnotized by a char- 
acter dressed in evergreens. The occurrence of the hypnotic trance is 
regarded as a sign that the ceremony has been effective. If the trance 
does not occur, some other ceremony must be tried. (Matthews, 2.) 

West of the Navaho in northeastern Arizona live the Hopi, or Moki, 
a Pueblo tribe occupying several villages on the tops of nearly inac- 
cessible mesas. In July, 1891, four of these Indians, while en a visit 
to the Cohonino, living farther to the west, first heard of the new doc- 
trine and witnessed a Ghost dance, as will be described hereafter. They 
brought back the news to their people, but it made no impression on 
them and the matter was soon forgotten. (Stephen, 3.) In this connec- 
tion Mr Stephen states, in response to a letter of inquiry, that although 
he does not recollect any Hopi myth concerning rejuvenation of the 
world and reunion with the resurrected dead on this earth, yet the 
doctrine of a reunion with the revivified dead in the under world is a 
commonly accepted belief of the Hopi. They have also a curious myth 


812 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


of a fair-hair god and a fair-skin people who came up from the under 
world with the Hopi, and who then left them with a promise to return. 
This suggests the idea of a messiah, but Mr Stephen has not yet been 
able to get the myth in its entirety. He does not think it derived from 


Fic. 71—Vista in the Hopi pueblo of Walpi. 


any corrupt source, however, through Spanish or other missionaries, as 
the allusions are all of archaic tendency. (Stephen, 4.) 

The Cohonino or Hayasupai are a small tribe occupying the canyon 
of Cataract creek, an affluent of the Colorado, in northern Arizona, 


MCONEY] AMONG THE COHONINO 813 


about 126 miles west of the Hopi, with whom they have a considerable 
trade in buckskins and mesquite bread. They probably obtained the 
doctrine and the dance directly from the Paiute to the northward. 
Our only knowledge of the Cohonino dance is derived through Hopi 
informants, and as the two tribes speak languages radically different 
the ideas conveyed were neither complete nor definite, but it is evident 
that the general doctrine was the same, although the dance differed in 
some respects from that of the other tribes. 

We quote again from Stephen’s letter of November 22, 1891: 

During a quiet interval, in one of the kivas I found the Hopi who brought the 
tidings of the resurrection to his people. His name is Piitci and his story is very 
meager and confused. He went on a customary trading visit to the Cojonino in 
their home at Cataract creek, and I could not determine just when. The chief of 
the Cojonino is named Navajo, and when Piitci got there, Navajo had but lately 
returned from a visit to the westward. He had been with the Walapai, the Mohave, 
and perhaps still farther west, and had been gone nearly three months. He told his 
people a vague inystic story that he had heard during his travels, to the-etfect that 
the long-time dead people of the Antelope, Deer, and Rabbit {Antelope, Deer, ete, 
are probably Cohonino gentes—J. M.] were to come back and live in their former 
haunts; that they had reached to a place where were the people of the Puma, the 
Wolf, and the Bear; that this meeting delayed the coming, but eventually all these 
people would appear, and in the sequence here related. Piitci was accompanied by 
three other Hopi, and they said they did not very well understand this strange 
story. While they were stopping in Cataract canon a one-night dance was held by 
the Cojonino, at which these Hopi were present. During the night a long pole, 
having the tail of an eagle fastened to the end, was brought out and securely planted 
in the ground, and the dancers were told by their shamans that anyone who could 
climb this pole and put his month on the tail would see his dead mother (maternal 
ancestor). One man succeeded in climbing it and laid his mouth on the feathers, 
and then fell to the bottom in a state of collapse. They deemed him dead, but 
before dawn he recovered and then said that he had seen his dead mother and several 
other dead ancestors, who told him they were all on their way back, The Hopi on 
their return home related these marvels, but apparently it made little impression, 
and it was only with difficulty I could gather the above meager details. 

Through the kindness of Mr Thomas V. Keam, trader for the Hopi 
and Navaho, we get a revision of Piitei’s story. Piitci states that in 
July, 1891, he with three other Hopi went on a visit to the Cohonino 
to trade for buckskins. When they arrived in the vicinity of the Coho- 
nino camp, they were met by one of the tribe, who informed the visitors 
that all the Indians were engaged in a very important ceremony, and 
that before they could enter the camp they must wash their bodies and 
paint them with white clay. Accordingly, when this had been done, 
they were escorted to the camp and introduced to the principal chief 
and headmen, all of whom they found engaged in washing their heads, 
decorating themselves, and preparing for the ceremony, which took 
place on a clear space near the camp late in the afternoon. Here a very 
tall straight pole had been securely fastened upright in the ground. 
At the top were tied two eagle-tail feathers. A circle was formed 
around this pole by the Indians, and, after dancing around it until 
almost dark, one of the men climbed the pole to the top, and remained 


814 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


there until exhausted, when he would slide to the ground, clinging 
insensible te the pole. After remaining in this state for some time, the 
medicine-men resuscitated him. On recovery he stood up and told them 
he had been into another world, where he saw all the old men who had 
died long ago, and among them his own people. They told him they 
would all come back in time and bring the deer, the antelope, and all 
other good things they had when they dwelt on this earth. This cere- 
mony lasted four days, including the cleansing and decorating of the 
dancers and the climbing of the pole, with an account of what had 
been seen by the Indian during the time he was in an apparently life- 
less state. Each day the ceremony was attended by the whole tribe. 
(Iveam, 1.) Resuscitation by the medicine-men, as here mentioned, is 
something unknown among the prairie tribes, where the unconscious 
subject is allowed to lie undisturbed on the ground until the senses 
return in the natural way. 

Beyond the Cohonino, and extending for about 200 miles along Colo- 
rado river on the Arizona side, are the associated tribes of Mohave, 
Walapai, and Chemehuevi, numbering in all about 2,800 souls, of 
whom only about one-third are on a reservation. The Chemehuevi, 
being a branch of the Paiute and in constant communication with 
them, undoubtedly had the dance and the doctrine. The Mohave also 
have much to do with the Paiute, the two tribes interchanging visits 
and mutually borrowing songs and games. They sent delegates to 
the messiah and in all probability took up the Ghost dance, in spite of 
the agent’s statement to the contrary. As only 660 of more than 2,000 
Mohave are reported as being on the reservation, the agent may have 
a good reason for not keeping fully informed in regard to them, 

Concerning the Walapai we have positive information. In Septem- 
ber, 1890, the commanding officer at Fort Whipple was informed that a 
Paiute from southern Utah was among the Walapai, inciting them to 
dance for the purpose of causing hurricanes and storms to destroy the 
whites and such Indians as would not participate in the dances, It 
was stated also that these dances had then been going on for several 
mouths and were participated in by a large portion of the tribe, and 
that each dance lasted four or five nights in succession. On investi- 
gation it appeared that this Paiute was one of a party who had come 
down and inaugurated the Ghost dance among the Walapai the preced- 
ing year. (G. D., 17.) 

We find an account of the Walapai Ghost dance in a local paper a 
year later. The article states that all the songs were in the language of 
the Paiute, from whom the doctrine had originally come. The Wala- 
pai version of the doctrine has been already noted. The dance itself, 
and the step, as here described, are essentially the same as among other 
tribes. Each dance lasted five nights, and on the last night was kept 
up until daylight. Just before daylight on the morning of the last night 
the medicine.men ascended a small butte, where they met and talked 


MOONEY] AMONG THE WALAPAI 815 


with the expected god, and on coming down again delivered his mes- 
sage to the people. The dance was held at irregular intervals, accord- 
ing to the instructions received on the butte by the medicine-men. 
The dance place was a circular piece of ground a hundred feet in 
diameter, inclosed by a fence of poles and bushes, and surrounded by 
high mountain walls of granite, which reflected the light from half a 
dozen fires blazing within the circle. The dancers, to the number of 
200, clad in white robes with fancy trimmings, their faces and hair 
painted white in various decorative designs, moved slowly around in a 
circle, keeping time with a wild chant, while 200 more stood or crouched 
around the fires, awaiting their turn to participate. The dancers faced 
toward the center, each holding the hands of the ones next to him and 
joining in the chant in unison. The dust issued in clouds from beneath 
their feet, and with the dust and exertion together the performers were 
soon exhausted and dropped out, when others took their places. After 
cach circuit they rested a few minutes and then started round again. 
At each circuit a different chant was sung, and thus the dance con- 
tinued until midnight, when, with a loud clapping of hands, it ended, and 
the people separated and went to their homes. Througbout the per- 
formance two or three chiefs or medicine-men were constantly going 
about on the outside of the circle to preserve order and reprimand any 
merriment, one of them explaining to the visitors that, as this was a 
religious ceremony, due solemnity must be observed. (F. L. J., 2.) 


14 ETH, PT 2——12 


CHAPTER NII 


THE GHOST DANCE EAST OF THE ROCKIES—AMONG THE 
SIOUX 


In 1889 the Ogalala heard that the son of God had come upon earth in the west. 
They said the Messiah was there, but he had come to help the Indians and not the 
whites, and it made the Indians happy to hear this.—George Sword, 


They signed away a valuable portion of their reservation, and it is now occupied 
by white people, for which they have received nothing. They understood that 
ample provision would be made tor their support; instead, their supplies have been 
reduced and much of the time they have been living on half and two-thirds rations. 
Their erops, as well as the erops of white people, for two years have been almost a 
total failure. The disaffection is widespread, especially among the Sioux, while the 
Cheyennes have been on the verge of starvation and were forced to commit depreda- 
tions to sustain life. These facts are beyond question, and the evidence is positive 
and sustained by thousands of witnesses.—General Miles. 

Among the tribes east of the mountains and north of Oklahoma, it 
appears from official documents in the Indian Office and from other 
obtainable information that the Ghost dance and the doctrine, if known 
at all, were never accepted by the Blackfeet of Montana; the Ojibwa 
of Turtle mountain and Devils lake in North Dakota, or by the rest 
of the tribe farther to the east in Minnesota, Wisconsin, and Michigan; 
the Omaha, Winnebago, and Ponka in Nebraska; the small band of 
Sauk and Fox in Iowa; the still smaller band of Sauk and Fox, the 
Potawatomi, Kickapoo, Iowa, and Ojibwa in northeastern Kansas; 
or by the Sioux of Devils lake in North Dakota, Lake Traverse (Sis- 
seton agency) and Flandreau in South Dakota, and Santee agency in 
Nebraska. <All or most of these Sioux belong to the Santee or eastern 
division of the tribe, and have long been under civilizing influences. 
According to official statements the dance was not taken up by any of 
the Sioux of Crow Creek or Yankton agencies in South Dakota, but 
they were certainly more or less affeeted by it, as they knew all about 
it and are in constant communication with the wilder bands of Sioux 
which were concerned in the outbreak. I was informed by the Omaha 
and Winnebago in 1891 that they had been told of the new messiah by 
visiting Sioux from Pine Ridge agency in April, 1890, and later on by 
other Sioux from Yankton agency, but had put no faith in the story, 
and had never organized a Ghost dance. According to the agent in 
charge, the Crow of Montana were not affected. This, if true, is 
remarkable, in view of the facet that the Crow are a large tribe and 
comparatively primitive, and have living near them the wildest of the 
Ghost-dancing tribes, the northern Cheyenne especially occupying 
practically the same reservation. It is possible that their experience 
in the Sword-bearer affair in 1857, already mentioned, had a tendency 

816 


MOONEY| DELEGATES TO THE MESSIAH 817 


to weaken their faith in later prophets. Dr George Bird Grinnell, a 
competent authority, states, in reply to a personal letter, that nothing 
was known about the dance by the Blackfeet of Montana or by the 
Blackfeet, Sarsi, or Plains Cree on the Canadian side of the boundary 
line. 

Within the same general region, east of the Rocky mountains and 
north of Oklahoma, the doctrine and the dance were accepted by the 
Asiniboin (Fort Belknap and Fort Peck agencies), Grosventres (Arap- 
aho subtribe, Fort Belknap agency), northern Cheyenne of Montana; 
the Arikara, Grosventres (Minitari),and Mandan of Fort Berthold 
agency, North Dakota; the Shoshoni and northern Arapaho on Wind 
River reservation in Wyoming, as already mentioned; and by the great 
body of the Sioux, at Fort Peck agency (Yanktonais), Montana, and at 
Standing Roek, Cheyenne River, Lower Brule, Pine Ridge, and Rose- 
bud agencies in Nerth Dakota and South Dakota. The whole number 
of Sioux concerned was about 20,000, of whom 16,000 belonged to the 
Teton division, among the wildest and most warlike of all the western 
tribes. A few Cheyenne are also associated with the Sioux at Pine 
Ridge. 

The northern Arapaho and the Shoshoni of Wyoming were the 
medium by which the doctrine of the new messiah was originally com- 
municated to all these tribes. In the spring of 1889, Nakash, ‘‘Sage,” 
the Arapaho chief already mentioned, crossed the mountains to inves- 
tigate the reports of the new religion, and brought back a full confir 
mation of all that had been told them from the west. <A visiting 
Grosventre, then among the Arapaho, heard the story and brought 
back the wonderful news to the Grosventres and Asiniboin of Fort 
Belknap, but although his account was received by some with unques- 
tioning faith, the excitement had init nothing of a dangerous character. 
(GDS ei8s) 

In a short time the news spread to the Cheyenne in Montana and the 
Sioux of the Dakotas, and in the fall of 1889 delegates from these two 
tribes arrived at Fort Washakie to learn more about the messiah in 
the west. The principal Cheyenne delegate was Porcupine, while 
Short Bull and Kicking Bear were the leaders of the Sioux party. 
After hearing the statements of the Arapaho and Shoshoni, it was 
decided that some of the Cheyenne should return and report to their 
tribe, while Porcupine and one or two others, with the Sioux delegates, 
several Shoshoni,and the Arapaho, Sitting Bull, and Friday, should go 
to Nevada, interview the messiah himself, and learn the whole truth 
of the matter. Accordingly, about November, 1889, Porcupine and his 
companions left Fort Washakie in Wyoming for Fort Hall reservation 
in Idaho, where they met the Shoshoni and Bannock aud were well 
received and entertained by them. The tribes at this place were firm 
believers in the new doctrine, and Poreupine states that from there 
on to the end of the journey all the Indians they met were dancing 


818 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


the Ghost dance. After stopping a few days at Fort Hall, they went 
on again, accompanied by several Bannock and Shoshoni, and going 
rapidly by railroad soon found themselves in the country of the Paiute, 
and after stopping at one or two camps arrived at the agency at Pyra- 
mid lake. Here the Paiute furnished them conveyances and guides to 
the other agency farther south at Walker river. Porcupine is our 
principal authority for the events of the trip, and although he claims 
that he undertook this journey of a thousand miles without any definite 
purpose or destination in view, it is evident enough from his own 
narrative that he left Wyoming with the fixed intention of verifying 
the rumors of a messiah. He has much to say of the kindness of the 
whites they met west of the mountains, who, it will be remembered, 
were largely Mormons, who have always manifested a special interest 
in the Indians. He also states that many of the whites took part with 
the Indians in the dance. 

They were now in the messiah’s country. ‘The Fisheaters, near Pyr- 
amid lake, told me that Christ had appeared on earth again. They 
said Christ knew he was coming; that eleven of his children were also 
coming from a far land. It appeared that Christ had sent for me to go 
there, and that was why, unconsciously, I took my journey. It had 
been foreordained. Christ had summoned myself and others from all 
heathen tribes. There were more different languages than I had ever 
heard before, and I did not understand any of them.” The delegation of 
which Porcupine was a member was probably the one mentioned by the 
agent in charge at Pyramid lake as having arrived in the spring of 1890, 
and consisting of thirty-four Indians of different tribes. (@. D., 19.) 

In a few days preparations were made for a great dance near Walker 
lake, with all the delegates from the various tribes and hundreds of 
Indians in attendance. They danced two nights or longer, the messiah 
himself— Wovoka—coming down from his home in Mason valley to 
lead the ceremony. After the dance Wovoka went into a trance, and 
on awaking announced to those assembled that he had been to the 
other world and had seen the spirits of their dead friends and of his 
own father and mother, and had been sent back to teach the people. 
According to Porcupine he claimed to be the returned Christ and bore 
on his body the scars of the crucifixion. He told them that the dead 
were to be resurrected, and that as the earth was old and worn out it 
would be renewed as it used to be and made better; that when this 
happened the youth of everyone would be renewed with each return of 
spring, and that they would live forever; that there would be universal 
peace, and that any tribe that refused his message would be destroyed 
from the face of the earth. 

It was early in the spring of 1890 when Porcupine and his Cheyenne 
companions returned to their tribe at Tongue River agency in Montana 
with the news of the appearance of the messiah, A council was called 
and Poreupine made a full report of the journey and delivered the 


MOONEY] SIOUX KNOWLEDGE OF THE MESSIAH 819 


divine message, talking five days in succession, The report aroused 
the wildest excitement among the Cheyenne, and after several long 
debates on the subject the Ghost dance was inaugurated at the various 
‘amps in accordance with the instructions from beyond the mountains. 
In June the matter came to the attention of the military officer on the 
reservation, who summoned Poreupine before him and obtained from 
him a full account of the journey and the doctrine. (See page 793.) 
Porcupine insisted strongly on the sacred character of the messiah and 
his message, and challenged any doubters to return with him to Nevada 
and investigate for themselves. He claimed also that the messiah 
could speak all languages. As a matter of fact, Wovoka speaks only 
his native Paiute and a little English, but due allowance must be made 
for the mental exaltation of the narrator. 

Grinnell states that the failure of certain things to happen according 
to the predictions of the messiah, in September, 1590, caused a tem- 
porary loss of faith on the part of the Cheyenne, but that shortly after- 
ward some visiting Shoshoni and Arapaho from Wyoming reported 
that in their journey as they came over they had met a party of Indians 
who had been dead thirty or forty years, but had been resurrected by 
the messiah, and were now going about as if they had never died. It 
is useless to speculate on the mental condition of men who could seri- 
ously report or believe such things; but, however that may be, the 
result was that the Cheyenne returned to the dance with redoubled 
fervor. (J. F. L., 5.) 

The Sioux first heard of the messiah in 1889. According to the 
statement of Captain George Sword, of that tribe, the information 
‘ame to the Ogalala (Sioux of Pine Ridge) in that year, through the 
Shoshoni and Arapaho. Later in the same year a delegation consist- 
ing of Good Thunder and several others started out to the west to 
find the messiah and to investigate the truth of the rumor, On their 
return they announced that the messiah had indeed come to help the 
Indians, but not the whites. heir report aroused a fervor of joytul 
excitement among the Indians and a second delegation was sent out in 
1890, consisting of Good Thunder, Cloud Horse, Yellow Knife, and 
Short Bull. They confirmed the report of the first delegation, and on 
this assurance the Ghost dance was inaugurated among the Sioux at 
Pine Ridge in the spring of 1890. 

The matter is stated differently and more correctly by William 
Selwyn, an educated Sioux, at that time employed as postmaster at 
Pine Ridge. He says there was some talk on the subject by Indians 
from western tribes who visited the agency in the fall of 1888 (?), but 
that it did not excite much attention until 1889, when numerous letters 
concerning the new messiah were received by the Indians at Pine 
Ridge from tribes in Utah, Wyoming, Montana, Dakota, and Oklahoma, 
As Selwyn was postmaster, the Indians who could not read usually 
brought their letters to him to read for them, so that he was thus in 


820 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [RIH. aNN. 14 


position to get aceurate knowledge of the extent and nature of the 
excitement. It may be remarked here that, under present conditions, 
when the various tribes are isolated upon widely separated reservations, 
the Ghost dance could never have become so widespread, and would 
probably have died out within a year of its inception, had it not been 
for the efficient aid it received from the returned pupils of various 
eastern government schools, who conducted the sacred correspondence 
for their friends at the different agencies, acted as interpreters for the 
delegates to the messiah, and in various ways assumed the leadership 
and conduct of the dance. 

In the fall of 1889, at a council held at Pine Ridge by Red Cloud, 
Young Man Afraid, Little Wound, American Horse, and other Sioux 
chiefs, a delegation was appointed to visit the western agencies to learn 
more about the new messiah. The delegates chosen were Good Thun- 
der, Flat Iron, Yellow Breast, and Broken Arm, from Pine Ridge; 
Short Bull and another from Rosebud, and Kicking Bear from Cheyenn» 
Riveragency. They started on their journey to the west, and soon began 
to write from Wyoming, Utah, and beyond the mountains, confirming 
all that had been said of the advent of a redeemer. They were gone 
all winter, and their return in the spring of 1890 aroused an intense 
excitement among the Sioux, who had been anxiously awaiting their 
report. All the delegates agreed that there was a man near the base 
of the Sierras who said that he was the son of God, who had once been 
killed by the whites, and who bore on his body the sears of the crucifix- 
ion. He had now returned to punish the whites for their wickedness, 
especially for their injustice toward the Indians. With the coming of 
the next spring (1891) he would wipe the whites from the face of the 
earth, and would then resurrect all the dead Indians, bring back the 
buffalo and other game, and restore the supremacy of the aboriginal 
race. He had before come to the whites, but they had rejected him. 
He was now the God of the Indians, and they must pray to him and eall 
him ‘“‘tather,” and prepare for his awful coming. Selwyn’s account of 
this delegation, which was accompanied by representatives of several 
other tribes, including Poreupine the Cheyenne, and Sitting Bull the 
Arapaho, agrees with the statements of the Arapaho as given in chapter 
xiv. Three of the Sioux delegates found their way to Umatilla reser- 
vation in Oregon and remained there several days discussing the new 
doctrine. (Comr., 30— Dorchester, 529.) 

The delegates made their report at Pine Ridge in April, 1890, A 
council was at once called to discuss the matter, but Selwyn informed 
the agent, Colonel Gallagher, who had Good Thunder and two others 
arrested and imprisoned. They were held in confinement two days, 
but refused to talk when questioned. The intended council was not 
held, but soon afterward Kicking Bear returned from a visit to the 
northern Arapaho in Wyoming with the news that those Indians 
were already dancing, and could see and talk with their dead relatives 


MOONEY] EXCITEMENT AMONG THE sIOUX 821 


in the trance. The excitement which the agent had thought to smother 
by the arrest of the leaders broke out again with added strength. 
Red Cloud himself, the great chief of the Ogalala, declared his adhe- 
sion to the new doctrine and said his people must do as the messiah 
had commanded. Another council was called on White Clay creek, a 
few miles from Pine Ridge agency, and the Ghost dance was formally 
inaugurated among the Sioux, the recent delegates acting as priests 
and leaders of the ceremony. 

As the result of all he could learn, Selwyn, in November, 1890, warned 
the agent in charge of Yankton agency that the Indians intended a 
general outbreak in the spring. Six months earlier, and before Poreu- 
pine’s statement had been made to the officer at Camp Crook, a letter 
dated May 29, 1890, had been addressed to the Interior Department 
from a citizen of Pierre, South Dakota, stating that the Sioux, or a 
portion of them, were secretly planning for an outbreak in the near 
future. This was the first intimation of trouble ahead. (G@. D., 20.) 

Wonderful things were said of the messiah by the returned delegates. 
It was claimed that he could make animals talk and distant objects 
appear close at hand, and that he came down from heaven in a cloud. 
He conjured up before their eyes a vision of the spirit world, so that 
when they looked they beheld an ocean, and beyond it a land upon 
which they saw “all the nations of Indians coming home,” but as they 
looked the vision faded away, the messiah saying that the time had not 
yet come. Curiously enough, although he caine to restore the old life, 
he advised his hearers to go to work and to send their children to school. 
Should the soldiers attempt to harm him, he said he need only streteh 
out his arms and his enemies would become powerless, or the ground 
would open and swallow them. On their way home if they should kill 
a buffalo—the messiah had evidently not read Allews monograph— 
they must cut off its head and tail and feet and leave them on the 
ground and the buffalo would come to life again. They must tell their 
people to follow his instructions. Unbelievers and renegade Indians 
would be buried under the new earth which was to come upon the old. 
They must use the sacred red and white paint and the sacred grass 
(possibly sagebrush) which he gave them, and in the spring, when the 
green grass caine, their people who were gone before would return, and 
they would see their friends again. 

Now comes the most remarkable part, quoting from the statement 
given to Captain Sword: 

The people from every tipi send for us to visit them; they are people who died 
many years ago. Chasing Hawk, who died not long ago, was there and we went to 
his tipi. He was living with his wife, who was killed in war long ago. They live 
in a buffalo skin tipi—a very large one—and he wanted all his friends to go there 
tolive. A son of Good Thunder, who died in war long ago, was one who also took us 
to his tipi, so his father saw him. When coming we come toa herd of buffaloes. We 


killed one and took everything except the four feet, head, and tail, and when we came 
a little ways from it there was the buffaloes come to life again and went off. This 


822 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eTH. ANN. 14 


was one of the messiah’s word came to truth. The messiah said, ‘‘I will short your 
journey when you feel tired of the long ways, if you call upon me.” This we did 
when we were tired. The night came upon us, we stopped at a place and we called 
upon the messiah to help us because we were tired of long journey. We went 
to sleep and in the morning we found ourselves at a great distance from where 
we stopped. 

It is useless to assert that these men, who had been selected by the 
chiefs of their tribe to investigate and report upon the truth or falsity 
of the messiah rumors, were all liars, and that all the Cheyenne, Arap- 
aho, and other delegates who reported equally wonderful things were 
liars likewise. They were simply laboring under some strange psycho- 
logic influence as yet unexplained. The story of the revivified buffalo 
became so widely current as to form the subject of a Kiowa ghost song. 

Having mentioned some characteristics of the Ghost dance west of 
the Rockies, we shall notice here some of the peculiar features of the 
dance as it existed among the Sioux. The ceremony will be described 
in detail later on. 

Before going into the dance the men, or at least the leaders, fasted for 
twenty-four hours, and then at sunrise entered the sweat-house for the 
religious rite of purification preliminary to painting themselves for the 
dance. The sweat-house is a small circular framework of willow 
branches driven into the ground and bent over and brought together 
at the top in such a way that when covered with blankets or buffalo 
robes the structure forms a diminutive round-top tipi just high enough 
to enable several persons to sit or to stand in a stooping posture inside. 
The doorway faces the east, as is the rule in Indian structures, and 
at the distance of a few feet in front of the doorway is a small mound of 
parth, on which is placed a buffalo skull, with the head turned as 
if looking into the lodge. The earth of which the mound is formed is 
taken from a hole dug in the center of the lodge. Near the sweat- 
house, on the outside, there is frequently a tall sacrifice pole, from the 
top of which are hung strips of bright-colored cloth, packages of 
tobacco, or other offerings to the deity invoked by the devotee on any 
particular occasion. 

The sweat bath is in frequent use, both as a religious rite of purifica- 
tion and as a hygienic treatment. Like everything else in Indian life, 
even the sanitary application is attended with much detail of religious 
ceremony. Fresh bundles of the fragrant wild sage are strewn upon 
the ground inside of the sweat-house, and a fire is kindled outside a short 
distance away. In this fire stones are heated by the medicine-men, 
and when all is ready the patient or devotee, stripped to the breech- 
cloth, enters the sweat-house. The stones are then handed in to him 
by the priests by means of two forked sticks, cut especially for the pur- 
pose, and with two other forked sticks he puts the stones into the hole 
already mentioned as having been dug in the center of the lodge. 
Water is then passed in to him, which he pours over the hot stones 
until the whole interior is filled with steam; the blankets are pulled 


310d 30IsINOVS GNV ASNOH-LVAMS XNOIS 


AIOX "Id =180d3Y TVANNY HLIN33LYNOS ADOIONH13 40 NW3HNE 


MOONEY] THE SWEAT BATH 823 


4 


tight to close every opening, and he sits in this aboriginal Turkish bath 
until his naked body is dripping with perspiration, During this time 
the doctors outside are doing their part in the way of praying to the 
gods and keeping up the supply of hot stones and water until in their 
estimation he has been sufliciently purified, physically or morally, when 
he emerges and resumes his clothing, sometimes first checking the 
perspiration and inducing a reaction by a plunge into the neighboring 
stream. The sweat bath in one form or another was common to almost 
every tribe in the United States, but as an accompaniment to the Ghost 
dance it seems to have been used only by the Sioux. It may have been 
used in this connection among the Shoshoni or northern Cheyenne, but 
was not among any of the tribes of the southern plains. The Ghost- 
dance sweat-house of the Sioux was frequently made sufficiently large 
to accommodate a considerable number of persons standing inside at 
the same time. 

After the sweating ceremony the dancer was painted by the medicine- 
men who acted as leaders, of whom Sitting Bull was accounted the 
greatest among the Sioux. The design and color varied with the indi- 
vidual, being frequently determined by a previous trance vision of 
the subject, but circles, crescents, and crosses, representing respectively 
the sun, the moon, and the morning star, were always favorite figures 
upon forehead, face, and cheeks. As this was not a naked dance, the 
rest of the body was not usually painted. After the painting the 
dancer was robed in the sacred ghost shirt already deseribed. This 
also was painted with symbolic figures, among which were usually 
represented sun, moon, or stars, the eagle, magpie, crow, or sage-hen, 
all sacred to the Ghost dance among the Sioux. In connection with the 
painting the face and body were rubbed with the sweet-smelling vernal 
grass (Hierochloe), used for this purpose by many of the prairie tribes, 
and sometimes also burned as incense in their sacred ceremonies or 
carried as a perfume in small pouches attached to the clothing. 

The painting occupied most of the morning, so that it was about noon 
before the participants formed the circle for the dance. Among the 
Sioux. unlike the southern and western tribes generally, a small tree 
was planted in the center of the circle, with an American flag or colored 
streamers floating from the top. Around the base of this tree sat the 
priests. Ata great dance at No Water's camp on White river near Pine 
Ridge, shortly before the arrival of the troops, a young woman stand- 
ing within the circle gave the signal for the performance by shooting 
into the air toward the cardinal points four sacred arrows, made after 
the old primitive fashion with bone heads, and dipped in the blood of a 
steer before being brought to the dance. These were then gathered up 
and tied to the branches of the tree, together with the bow, a gaming 
wheel and sticks, and a peculiar staff or wand with horns. (See plates 
xo, xor.) Another young woman, or the same one, remained standing 
near the tree throughout the dance, holding a sacred redstone pipe 


824 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ern. ANN, 14 


stretched out toward the west, the direction from which the messiah was 
to appear. 

At the beginning the performers, men and women, sat on the ground 
in a large circle around the tree. A plaintive chant was then sung, 
atter which a vessel of some sacred food was passed around the cirele 
until everyone had partaken, when, at a signal by the priests, the 
dancers rose to their feet, jomed hands, and began to chant the opening 
song and move slowly around the cirele froin right to left. The rest of 
the performance, with its frenzies, trances, and recitals of visions, was 
the same as with the southern tribes, as will be deseribed in detail 
hereafter, Like these tribes also, the Sioux usually selected Sunday, 
the great medicine day of the white man, for the ceremony. 


We come now to the Sioux outbreak of 1890, but before going into 
the history of this short but costly war it is appropriate to state briefly 
the causes of the outbreak. In the documentary appendix to this chap- 
ter these causes are fully set forth by competent authorities—civilian, 
military, missionary, and Indian. They may be summarized as (1) unrest 
of the conservative element under the decay of the old life, (2) repeated 
neglect of promises made by the government, and (3) hunger. 

The Sioux are the largest and strongest tribe within the United 
States. In spite of wars, removals, and diminished food supply since 
the advent of the white man, they still number nearly 26,000. In addi- 
tion to these there are about 600 more residing in Canada, They for- 
merly held the headwaters of the Mississippi, extending eastward almost 
to Lake Superior, but were driven into the prairie about two centuries 
ago by their enemies, the Ojibwa, after the latter had obtained firearms 
from the French. On coming out on the buffalo plains they became 
possessed of the horse, by means of which reinforcement to their own 
overpowering numbers the Sioux were soon enabled to assume the 
offensive, and in a short time had made themselves the undisputed 
masters of an immense territory extending, in a general way, from 
Minnesota to the Rocky mountains and from the Yellowstone to the 
Platte. A few small tribes were able to maintain their position within 
these limits, but only by keeping close to their strongly built permanent 
villages on the Missouri. Millions of buffalo to furnish unlimited food 
supply, thousands ‘of horses, and hundreds of miles of free range made 
the Sioux, up to the year 1865, the richest and most prosperous, the 
proudest, and withal, perhaps, the wildest of all the tribes of the plains. 

In that year, in pursuance of a policy inaugurated for bringing all 
the plains tribes under the direct control of the government, a treaty 
was negotiated with the Sioux living west of the Missouri by which 
they renounced their claims to a great part of their territory and had 
“set apart for their absolute and undisturbed use and occupation” — 
so the treaty states—a reservation which embraced all of the present 
state of South Dakota west of Missouri river. At the same time agents 
were appointed and agencies established for them; annuities and rations, 


MOONEY) DEVELOPMENT OF THE SIOUX TROUBLE 825 


cows, physicians, farmers, teachers, and other good things were prom- 
ised them, and they agreed to allow railroad routes to be surveyed and 
built and military posts to be established in their territory and neigh- 
borhood. At one stroke they were reduced from a free nation to depend- 
ent wards of the government. It was stipulated also that they should 
be allowed to hunt within their old range, outside the limits of the 
reservation, so long as the buffalo abounded —a proviso which, to the 
Indians, must have meant forever. 

The reservation thus established was an immense one, and would 
have been ample for all the Sioux while being gradually educated 
toward civilization, could the buffalo have remained and the white man 
kept away. But the times were changing. The building of the rail- 
roads brought into the plains swarms of hunters and emigrants, who 
began to exterminate the buffalo at such a rate that in a few years the 
Sioux, with all the other hunting tribes of the plains, realized that their 
food supply was rapidly going. Then gold was discovered in the Black 
hills, within the reservation, and at once thousands of miners and 
other thousands of lawless desperadoes rushed into the country in defi- 
ance of the protests of the Indians and the pledges of the government, 
and the Sioux saw their last remaining hunting ground taken from 
them. The result was the Custer war and massacre, and a new agree- 
ment in 1876 by which the Sioux were shorn of one-third of their guar- 
anteed reservation, including the Black hills, and this led to deep and 
widespread dissatisfaction throughout the tribe. The conservatives 
brooded over the past and planned opposition to further changes 
which they felt themselves unable to meet. The progressives felt that 
the white man’s promises meant nothing. 

On this point Commissioner Morgan says, in his statement of the 
rauses of the outbreak : 

Prior to the agreement of 1876 buffalo and deer were the main support of the 
Sioux. Food, tents, bedding were the direct outcome of hunting, and with furs and 
pelts as articles of barter or exchange it was easy for the Sioux to procure whatever 
constituted for them the necessaries, the comforts, or even the luxuries of life. 
Within eight years from the agreement of 1876 the buffalo had gone and the Sioux 
had left to them alkali land and government rations. It is hard to overestimate the 
magnitude of the calamity, as they viewed it, which happened to these people by the 
sudden disappearance of the buffalo and the large diminution in the numbers of deer 
and other wild animals. Suddenly, almost without warning, they were expected at 
once and without previous training to settle down to the pursuits of agriculture ina 
land largely unfitted for such use. The freedom of the chase was to be exchanged for 
the idleness of the camp. “The boundless range was to be abandoned for the cireum- 
scribed reservation, and abundance of plenty to be supplanted by limited and decreas- 
ing government subsistence and supplies. Under these circumstances it is not in 
human nature not to be discontented and restless, even turbulent and violent. 
(Comr., 28.) 

It took our own Aryan ancestors untold centuries to develop from 
Savagery into civilization. Was it reasonable to expect that the Sioux 
could do the same in fourteen years? 


826 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH, ANN. 14 


The white population in the Black hills had rapidly increased, and 
it had become desirable to open communication between eastern 
and western Dakota. To accomplish this, it was proposed to cut out 
the heart of the Sioux reservation, and in 1882, only six years after the 
Black hills had been seized, the Sioux were called on to surrender 
more territory. A commission was sent out to treat with them, but the 
price offered—only about 8 cents per acre—was so absurdly small, and 
the methods used so palpably unjust, that friends of the Indians inter- 
posed and succeeded in defeating the measure in Congress. Another 
agreement was prepared, but experience had made the Indians sus- 
picious, and it was not until a third commission went out, under the 
chairmanship of General Crook, known to the Indians as a brave 
soldier and an honorable man, that the Sioux consented to treat. 
(Welsh, 1.) The result, after much effort on the part of the commis- 
sion and determined opposition by the conservatives, was another 
agreement, in 1889, by which the Sioux surrendered one-half (about 
11,000,000 acres) of their remaining territory, and the great reservation 
was cut up into five smaller ones, the northern and southern reserva- 
tions being separated by a strip 60 miles wide. 

Then came a swift accumulation of miseries. Dakota is an arid 
country with thin soil and short seasons. Although well adapted to 
grazing it is not suited to agriculture, as is sufficiently proven by the 
fact that the white settlers in that and the adjoining state of Nebraska 
have several times been obliged to call for state or federal assistance 
on account of failure of crops. To wild Indians hardly in from the 
warpath the problem was much more serious. As General Miles 
points out in his official report, thousands of white settlers after years 
of successive failures had given up the struggle and left the country, 
but the Indians, confined to reservations, were unable to emigrate, and 
were also as a rule unable to find employment, as the whites might, by 
which they could earn a subsistence. The buffalo was gone. They 
must depend on their cattle, their crops, and the government rations 
issued in return for the lands they had surrendered. If these failed, 
they must starve. The highest official authorities concur in the state- 
ment that all of these did fail, and that the Indians were driven to 
outbreak by starvation. (See appendix to this chapter.) 

In 1888 their cattle had been diminished by disease. In 1889 their 
crops were a failure, owing largely to the fact that the Indians had been 
called into the agency in the middle of the farming season and kept 
there to treat with the commission, going back afterward to find their 
fields trampled and torn up by stock during their absence. Then fol- 
lowed epidemics of measles, grippe, and whooping cough, in rapid 
succession and with terribly fatal results. Anyone who understands 
the Indian character needs not the testimony of witnesses to know the 
mental effect thus produced. Sullenness and gloom, amounting almost 
to despair, settled down on the Sioux, especially among the wilder 


MOONEY) REDUCTION OF SIOUX RATIONS 827 


portion. ‘The people said their children were all dying from the face 
of the earth, and they might as well be killed at once.” Then came 
another entire failure of crops in 1890, and an unexpected reduction of 
rations, and the Indians were brought face to face with starvation. 
They had been expressly and repeatedly told by the commission that 
their rations would not be affected by their signing the treaty, but 
immediately on the consummation of the agreement Congress cut down 
their beef rations by 2,000,000 pounds at Rosebud, 1,000,000 at Pine 
Ridge, and in less proportion at other agencies. Earnest protest 
against this reduction was made by the commission which had negoti- 
ated the treaty, by Commissioner Morgan, and by General Miles, but 
still Congress failed to remedy the matter until the Sioux had actually 
been driven to rebellion. As Commissioner Morgan states, ‘ It was 
not until January, 1891, after the troubles, that an appropriation of 
$100,000 was made by Congress for additional beef for the Sioux.” 
The protest of the commission, a full year before the outbreak, as 
quoted by Commissioner Morgan (see page 829), is strong and positive 
on this point. 

Commissioner Morgan, while claiming that the Sioux had before been 
receiving more rations than they were justly entitled to according to 
their census number, and denying that the reduction was such as 
to cause even extreme suffering, yet states that the reduction was 
especially unwise at this juncture, as it was in direct violation of the 
promises made to the Indians, and would be used as an argument by 
those opposed to the treaty to show that the government cared noth- 
ing for the Indians after it had obtained their lands, It is quite pos- 
sible that the former number of rations was greater than the actual 
number of persons, as it is always a difficult matter to count roving 
Indians, and the difficulties were greater when the old census was made. 
The census is taken at long intervals and the tendency is nearly always 
toward a decrease. Furthermore, it has usually been the policy with 
agents to hold their Indians quiet by keeping them as well fed as pos- 
sible. On the other hand, it must be remembered that the issue is based 
on the weight of the cattle as delivered at the agency in the fall, and 
that months of exposure to a Dakota winter will reduce this weight by 
several hundred pounds to the animal. The official investigation by 
Captain Hurst at Cheyenne River agency shows conelusively that the 
essential food items of meat, flour, and cotfee were far below the amount 
stipulated by the treaty. (See page 837.) 

In regard to the effect of this food deficiency Bishop Hare says: 
“The people were often hungry and, the physicians in many cases said, 
died, when taken sick, not so much from disease as for want of food.” 
General Miles says: “The fact that they had not received sutticient food 
is admitted by the agents and the officers of the government who have 
had opportunities of knowing,” and in another place he states that in 
spite of crop failures and other difficulties, after the sale of the reser- 


828 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


vation ‘instead of an increase, or even a reasonable supply for their 
support, they have been compelled to live on half and two-thirds rations 
and received nothing for the surrender of their lands.” The testimony 
from every agency is all to the same effect. 

There were other causes of dissatisfaction, some local and others gen- 
eral and chronic, which need not be detailed here. Some of these are 
treated in the documents appended to this chapter. Prominent among 
thein were the failure of Congress to make payment of the money due 
the Sioux for the lands recently ceded, or to have the new lines sur- 
veyed promptly so that the Indians might know what was still theirs 
and select their allotments accordingly; failure to reimburse the friendly 
Indians for horses confiscated fourteen years before; the tardy arrival 
of annuities, consisting largely of winter clothing, which according to 
the treaty were due by the Ist of August, but which seldom arrived until 
the middle of winter; the sweeping and frequent changes of agency 
employees from the agent down, preventing anything like a systematic 
working out of any consistent policy, and almost always operating 
against the good of the service, especially at Pine Ridge, where so brave 
and efficient a man as MeGillyeuddy was followed by such a one as 
Royer—and, finally, the Ghost dance. 

The Ghost dance itself, in the form which it assumed among the Sioux, 
was only a symptom and expression of the real causes of dissatisfae- 
tion, and with such a man as MeGillyeuddy or McLaughlin in charge 
at Pine Ridge there would have been no outbreak, in spite of broken 
promises and starvation, and the Indians could have been controlled 
until Congress had afforded relief. That it was not the cause of the 
outbreak is sufficiently proved by the fact that there was no serious 
trouble, excepting on the occasion of the attempt to arrest Sitting 
Bull, on any other of the Sioux reservations, and none at all among 
any of the other Ghost-dancing tribes from the Missouri to the Sierras, 
although the doctrine and the dance were held by nearly every tribe 
within that area and are still held by the more important. Among the 
Paiute, where the doctrine originated and the messiah has his home, 
there was never the slightest trouble. It is significant that Commis- 
sioner Morgan in his official statement of the causes of the outbreak 
places the “‘messiah craze” eleventh in a list of twelve, the twelfth 
being the alarm created by the appearance of troops. The Sioux out- 
break of 1890 was due entirely to local grievances, recent or long stand- 
ing. The remedy and preventive for similar trouble in the future 
is sufficiently indicated in the appended statements of competent 
authorities. 


MOONEY] CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK 829 


APPENDIX—CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK 


COMMISSIONER MORGAN’S STATEMENT 
[From the Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1891, Vol. I, 132-135.) 


In stating the events which led to this outbreak among the Sioux, the endeavor too 
often has been merely to find some opportunity for locating blame. ‘The causes are com- 
plex, and many are obscure andremote. Among them may be named the following: 

First. A feeling of unrest and apprehension in the mind of the Indians has natu- 
rally grown out of the rapid advance in civilization and the great changes which 
this advance has necessitated in their habits and mode of life. 

Second, Prior to the agreement of 1876 buffalo and deer were the main support of 
the Sioux. Food, tents, bedding were the direct outcome of hunting, and, with 
furs and pelts as articles of barter or exchange, it was easy for the Sioux to procure 
whatever constituted for them the necessaries, the comforts, or even the luxuries of 
life. Within eight years from the agreement of 1876 the butialo had gone, and the 
Sioux had left to them alkali land and government rations. It is hard-to overesti- 
mate the magnitude of the calamity, as they viewed it, which happened to these 
people by the sudden disappearance of the buffalo and the large diminution in the 
numbers of deer and other wild animals. Suddenly, almost without warning, they 
were expected at once and without previous training to settle down to the pursuits 
of agriculture in a land largely unfitted for such use. ‘The freedom of the chase 
was to be exchanged for the idleness of the camp. The boundless range was to be 
abandoned for the circumscribed reservation, and abundance of plenty to be sup- 
planted by limited and decreasing government subsistence and supplies. Under 
these circumstances if is not in human nature not to be discontented and restless, 
even turbulent and violent. 

Third. During a long Series of years, treaties, agreements, cessions of land and 
privileges, and removals of bands and agencies have kept many of the Sioux, par- 
ticularly those at Pine Ridge and Rosebud, in an unsettled condition, especially as 
some of the promises made them were fulfilled tardily or not at all.) (A brief his- 
tory of negotiations with the Sioux was given in my letter of December 24, 1890, to 
the Department, which will be found in the appendix, page 182.) 

Fourth. The very large reduction of the great Sioux reservation, brought about 
by the Sioux commission through the consent of the large majority of the adult 
males, was bitterly opposed by a large, influential minority. For various reasons, 
they regarded the cession as unwise, and did all in their power to prevent its con- 
summation, and afterwards were constant in their expressions of dissatisfaction 
and in their endeavors to awaken a like feeling in the minds of those who signed 
the agreement. 

Fifth. There was diminution and partial failure of the crops for 1889, by reason 
of their neglect by the Indians, who were congregated in large numbers at the 
council with the Sioux commission, and a further diminution of ordinary crops by 
the drought of 1890. Also, in 1888, the disease of black leg appeared among the 
cattle of the Indians. 

Sixth. At this time, by delayed and reduced appropriations, the Sioux rations 
were temporarily cut down. Rations were not diminished to such an extent as to 
bring the Indians to starvation or even extreme suffering, as has been often reported ; 
but short rations came just after the Sioux commission had negotiated the agreement 
for the cession of lands, and, as a condition of securing the signatures of the majority, 
had assured the Indians that their rations would be continued unchanged. ‘To this 
matter the Sioux commission called special attention in their report dated Decem- 
ber 24, 1889, as follows: 

“During our conference at the different agencies we were repeatedly asked whether 
the acceptance or rejection of the act of Congress would influence the action of the 


830 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN, 14 


government with reference to their rations, and in every instance the Indians were 
assured that subsistence was furnished in accordance with former treaties, and that 
signing wouid not affect their rations, and that they would continue to receive them 
as provided in former treaties. Without our assurances to this effect it would have 
been impossible to have secured their consent to the cession of their lands. Since 
our visit to the agencies it appears that large reductions have been made in the 
amounts of beef furnished for issues, amounting at Rosebud to 2,000,000 pounds and 
at Pine Ridge to 1,000,000 pounds, and lesser amounts at the otheragencies. This 
action of the Department, following immediately after the successful issue of our 
negotiations, can not fail to have an injurious effect. It will be impossible to con- 
vince the Indians that the reduction is not due to the fact that the government, 
having obtained their land, has less concern in looking after their material interests 
than before. It will be looked upon as a breach of faith and especially as a viola- 
tion of the express statements of the commissioners. Already this action is being 
used by the Indians opposed to the bill, notably at Pine Ridge, as an argument in 
support of the wisdom of their opposition.” 

In forwarding this report to Congress the Department called special attention to 
the above-quoted statements of the commission and said: ‘*The commission further 
remarks that as to the quality of the rations furnished there seems to be no just cause 
for complaint, but that it was particularly to be ayoided that there should be any 
diminution of the rations promised under the former treaties at this time, as the 
Indians would attribute it to their assent to the bill. Such diminution certainly 
should not be allowed, as the government is bound in good faith to earry into effect 
the former treaties where not directly and positively affected by the act, and if under 
the provisions of the treaty itself the ration is atany time reduced, the commissioners 
recommend that the Indians should be notified before spring opens, so that crops 
may be cultivated. It is desirable that the recent reduction made should be restored, 
as if is now impossible to convince the Indians that it was not due to the fact that 
the government, having obtained their lands, had less concern in looking after their 
material interests.” 

Notwithstanding this plea of the commission and of the Department, the appro- 
priation made for the subsistence and civilization of the Sioux for 1890 was only 
$950,000, or $50,000 less than the amount estimated and appropriated for 1888 and 
1889, and the appropriation not having been made until August 19, rations had to be 
temporarily purchased and issued in limited quantities pending arrival of new sup- 
plies to be secured from that appropriation. It was not until January, 1891, after 
the troubles, that an appropriation of $100,000 was made by Congress for additional 
beef for the Sioux. 

Seventh. Other promises made by the Sioux commission and the agreement were 
not promptly fulfilled; among them were increase of appropriations for education, 
for which this oftice had asked an appropriation of $150,000; the payment of $200,000 
in compensation for ponies taken from the Sioux in 1876 and 1877; and thereimburse- 
ment of the Crow Creek Indians for a reduction made in their per capita allowance 
of land, as compared with the amount allowed other Sioux, which called for an 
appropriation of $187,039. The fulfillment of all these promises except the last 
named was contained in the act of January 19, 1891. 

Kighth. In 1889 and 1890 epidemics of la grippe, measles, and whooping cough, 
followed by many deaths, added to the gloom and misfortune which seemed to sur- 
round the Indians. 

Ninth. The wording of the agreement changed the boundary line between the 
Rosebud and Pine Ridge diminished reservations and necessitated a removal of a 
portion of the Rosebud Indians from the lands which, by the agreement, were 
included in the Pine Ridge reservation to lands offered them in lien thereof upon the 
diminished Rosebud reserve. This, although involving no great hardship to any 
considerable number, added to the discontent. 


MOONEY] CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK 831 


Tenth. Some of the Indians were greatly opposed to the census which Congress 
ordered should be taken. The census at Rosebud, as reported hy Special Agent 
Lea and confirmed by a special census taken by Agent Wright, revealed the some- 
what startling fact that rations had been issued to Indians very largely in excess 
of the number actually present, and this diminution of numbers as shown by the 
census necessitated a diminution of the rations, which was based, of course, upon the 
census, 

Eleventh. The Messiah craze, which fostered the belief that ‘‘ ghost shirts’ would 
be invulnerable to bullets, and that the supremacy of the Indian race was assured, 
added to discontent the fervor of fanaticism and brought those who accepted the 
new faith into the attitude of sullen detiance, but defensive rather than aggressive. 

Twelfth. The sudden appearance of military upon their reservation gave rise to 
the wildest rumors among the Indians of danger and disaster, which were eagerly 
cirenlated by disaffected Indians and corroborated by exaggerated accounts in the 
newspapers, and these and other intluences connected with and inseparable from mili- 
tary movements frightened many Indians away from their agencies into the bad lands 
and largely intensified whatever spirit of opposition to the government existed 


EX-AGENT McGILLYCUDDY’S STATEMENT 


[Letter of Dr V. T. MceGillyeuddy, formerly agent at Pine Ridge, written in reply to inquiry from General 
L. W. Colby, commanding Nebraska state troops during the outbreak, and dated January 15, 1891. 
From article on ‘The Sioux Indian War of 1890-91," by General L. W. Colby, in Transactions and 
Reports of the Nebraska State Historical Society, IIT, 1892, pages 176-180.) 

Sir: In answer to your inquiry of a recent date, I would state that in my opinion 
to no one cause can be attributed the recent so-called outbreak on the part of the 
Sioux, but rather to a combination of causes gradually cumulative in their effect and 
dating back through many years—in fact to the inanguration of our practically 
demonstrated faulty Indian policy. 

There can be no question but that many of the treaties, agreements, or solemn 
promises made by our government with these Indians have been broken. Many of 
them have been kept by us technically, but as far as the Indian is concerned have 
been misunderstood by him through a lack of proper explanation at time of signing, 
and hence considered by him as broken. 

It must also be remembered that in all of the treaties made by the government 
with the Indians, a large portion of them have not agreed to or signed the same. 
Noticeably was this so in the agreement secured by us with them the summer before 
last, by which we secured one-half of the remainder of the Sioux reserve, amount- 
ing to about 16,000 square miles. This agreement barely carried with the Sioux 
nation as a whole, but did not carry at Pine Ridge or Rosebud, where the strong 
majority were against it; and it must be noted that wherever there was the strongest 
opposition manifested to the recent treaty, there, during the present trouble, have 
been found the elements opposed to the government. 

The Sioux nation, which at one time, with the confederated bands of Cheyennes 
and Arapahos, controlled a region of country bounded on the north by the Yellow- 
stone, on the south by the Arkansas, and reaching from the Missouri river to the 
Rocky mountains, has seen this large domain, under the various treaties, dwindle 
down to their now limited reserve of less than 16,000 square miles, and with the land 
has disappeared the buffalo and other game. The memory of this, chargeable by 
them to the white nan, necessarily irritates them. 

There is back of all this the natural race antagonism which our dealings with the 
aborigine in connection with the inevitable onward march of civilization has in no 
degree lessened. It has been our experience, and the experience of other nations, 
that defeat in war is soon, not sooner or later, forgotten hy the coming generation, 
and as a result we have a tendency to a constant recurrence of outbreak on the part 


14 ETH—Pp1T 2——_13 


832, THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [PTH. ANN. 14 


of the weaker race. It is now sixteen years since our last war with the Sioux in 
1876—a time when our present Sioux warriors were mostly children, and therefore 
have no memory of having felt the power of the government. It is but natural 
that these young warriors, lacking in experience, should require but little incentive 
to induce them to test the bravery of the white man on the war path, where the 
traditions of his people teach him is the only path to glory and a chosen seat in the 
“happy hunting grounds.” For these reasons every precaution should he adopted 
by the government to guard against trouble with its disastrous results. Have such 
precautions been adopted? Investigation of the present trouble does not so indicate. 

Sitting Bull and other irreconcilable relies of the campaign of 1876 were allowed 
to remain among their people and foment discord, The staple article of food at Pine 
Ridge and some of the other agencies had been cut down below the subsisting point, 
noticeably the beef at Pine Ridge, which from an annual treaty allowance of 6,250,000 
pounds gross was cnt down to 4,000,000 pounds. The contract on that beef was vio- 
lated, insomuch as that contract called for northern ranch beef, for which was sub- 
stituted through beef from Texas, with an unparalleled resulting shrinkage in winter, 
so that the Indians did not actually receive half ration of this food in winter—the 
very time the largest allowance of food is required. By the fortunes of political 
war, weak agents were placed in charge of some of the agencies at the very time that 
trouble was known to he brewing. Noticeably was this so at Pine Ridge, where a 
notoriously weak and unfit man was placed in charge. His flight, abandonment of 
his agency, and his call for troops have, with the horrible results of the same, become 
facts in history. 

Now, as for facts in connection with Pine Ridge, which agency has unfortunately 
become the theater of the present ‘‘ war,” was there necessity for troops? My past 
experience with those Indians does not so indicate. For seven long years, from 1879 
to 1886, I, as agent, managed this ageacy without the presence of a soldier on the res- 
ervation, and none nearer than 60 miles, and in those times the Indians were naturally 
much wilder than they are to-day. To be sure, during the seven years we occasion- 
ally had exciting times, when the only thing lacking to cause an outbreak was the 
calling for troops by the agent and the presence of the same. As a matter of fact, 
however, no matter how much disturbed affairs were, no matter how imminent an 
outbreak, the progressive chiefs, with their following, came to the front enough in the 
majority, with the fifty Indian policemen, to at once crush out all attempts at rebel- 
lion against the authority of the agent and the government. 

Why was this? Because in those times we believed in placing confidence in the 
Indians; in establishing, as far as possible, a home-rule government on the reserva- 
tion. We established local courts, presided over by the Indians, with Indian juries; 
in fact, we believed in having the Indians assist in working out their own salvation. 
We courted and secured the friendship and support of the progressive and orderly 
element, as against the mob element. Whether the system thus inaugurated was 
practicable, was successful, comparison with recent events will decide. 

When my Democratic successor took charge in 1886, he deemed it necessary to 
make general changes iv the system at Pine Ridge, i.e., a Republican system. All 
white men, half-breeds, or Indians who had sustained the agent under the former 
administration were classed as Republicans and had to go. The progressive chiets, 
such as Young Man Afraid, Little Wound, and White Bird, were ignored, and the 
backing of the element of order and progress was alienated from the agent and the 
government, and in the place of this strong backing that had maintained order for 
seven years was substituted Red Cloud and other nonprogressive chiefs, sustainers 
of the ancient tribal system. 

If my successor had been other than an amateur, or had had any knowledge or 
experience in the inside Indian polities of an Indian tribe, he would have known 
that if the element he was endeavoring to relegate to the rear had not been the bal- 
ance of power, I could not for seven years have held out againt the mob element 
which he now sought to put in power. In other words, he unwittingly threw the 


MOONEY| CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK $33 


balance of powerat Pine Ridge against the government, as he later on discovered to 
his cost. When still later he endeavored to maintain order and suppress t he ghost 
dance, the attempt resulted in a most dismal failure. 

The Democratic agent was succeeded in October last by the recently removed 
Republican agent, a gentleman totally ignorant of Indians and their peculiarities ; 
a gentleman with not a qualification in his make-up caleulated to fit him for the 
position of agent at one of the largest and most difficult agencies in the service to 
manage; aman selected solely as a reward for political services. He might possibly 
have been an ayera 
He endeavored to strengthen up matters, but the chiefs and leaders who could have 
assisted him in so doing had been alienated by the former agent. They virtually said 
amoug themselves, ‘* We, after incurring the enmity of the bad element among our 
people by sustaining the government, have been ignored and ill-treated by that 
government, hence this is not our affair.” Being ignorant of the situation, he had 
no one to depend on. In his first clash with the mob element he discovered that the 
Pine Ridge police, formerly the finest in the service, were lacking in discipline and 
courage, and, not being well supplied with those necessary qualities himself, he took 
the bluff of a mob for a declaration of war, abandoned his agency, returned with 
troops—and you see the result. 

As for the ghost dance, too much attention has been paid to it. It was only the 
symptom or surface indication of deep-rooted, long-existing difficulty; as well treat 


ro success as an Indian agent at a small, well-regulated agency. 


the eruption of smallpox as the disease and ignore the constitutional disease. 

As regards disarming the Sioux, however desirable it may appear, I consider it 
neither advisable nor practicable. I fear that it will result as the theoretical en- 
forcement of prohibition in Kansas, Iowa, and Dakota; you will succeed in disarm- 
ing the friendly Indians, because you can, and you will not so succeed with the mob 
element, because you can not. If I were again to be an Indian agent and had my 
choice, I would take charge of 10,000 armed Sioux in preference to a like number of 
disarmed ones; and, furthermore, agree to handle that number, or the whole Sioux 
nation, without a white soldier. 

Respectfully, ete, V. T. McGILLycuppy. 

P.S.—I neglected to state that up to date there has been neither a Sioux outbreak 
nor war. No citizen in Nebraska or Dakota has been killed, molested, or can show 
the scratch of a pin, and no property has been destroyed off the reservation. 


STATEMENT OF GENERAL MILES 


{From the Report of the Secretary of War for 1891, Vol. I, pp, 133, 154, and 149, He enumerates specific 


, 


causes of complaint at each of the principal Sioux agencies, all of whic? causes may be summarized as 


hunger and unfulfilled promises. | 

Cause of Indian dissatisfaction.—Vhe causes that led to the serious disturbance of 
the peace in the northwest last autumn and winter were so remarkable that an 
explanation of them is necessary in order to comprehend the seriousness of the sitn- 
ation. The Indians assuming the most threatening attitude of hostility were the 
Cheyennes and Sioux. Their condition may be stated as follows: For several years 
following their subjugation in 1877, 1878, and 1879 the most dangerous element of 
the Cheyennes and the Sioux were under military control. Many of them were dis- 
armed and dismounted; their war ponies were sold and the proceeds returned to 
them in domestic stock, farming utensils, wagons, etc. Many of the Cheyennes, 
under the charge of military officers, were located on land in accordance with the 
laws of Congress, but after they were turned over to civil agents and the vast herds 
of buffalo and large game had been destroyed their supplies were insufficient, and 
they were forced to kill cattle belonging to white people to sustain life. 

The fact that they had not received sufficient food is admitted by the agents and 
the officers of the government who have had opportunities of knowing. The majority 
of the Sioux were under the charge of civil agents, frequently changed and often 


834 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION {ETH. ANN. 14 


inexperienced. Many of the tribes became rearmed and remounted. They claimed 
that the government had not fulfilled its treaties and had failed to make large enough 
appropriations for their support; that they had suffered for wart of food, and the 
evidence of this is beyond question and suflicient to satisfy any unprejudiced intelli- 
gent mind. The statements of officers, inspectors, both of the military and the 
Interior departments, of agents, of missionaries, and civilians familiar with their con- 
dition, leave no room for reasonable doubt that this was one of the principal causes. 
While statements may be made as to the amount of money that has been expended 
by the government to feed the different tribes, the manner of distributing those 
appropriations will furnish one reason for the deficit. 

The unfortunate failure of the crops in the plains country during the years of 1889 
and 1890 added to the distress and suffering of the Indians, and it was possible for 
them to raise but very little from the ground for self-support; in fact, white settlers 
have been most unfortunate, and their losses have been serious and universal 
throughout a large section of that country. They have struggled on from year to 
year; occasionally they would raise good crops, which they were compelled to sell at 
low prices, while in the season of drought their labor was almost entirely lost. 
So serious have been their misfortunes that thousands have left that country within 
the last few years, passing over the mountains to the Pacific slope or returning to 
the east of the Missouri or the Mississippi. 

The Indians, however, could not migrate from one part of the United States to 
another; neither could they obtain employment as readily as white people, either 
upon or beyond the Indian reservations. They must remain in comparative idleness 
and accept the results of the dronght—an insufficient supply of food. This created a 
feeling of discontent even among the loyal and well disposed and added to the feeling 
of hostility of the element opposed to every process of civilization. 

Reports forwarded by Brigadier-General Ruger, commanding Department of 
Dakota, contained the following: 

The commanding officer at Fort Yates, North Dakota, under date of December 7, 
1890, at the time the Messiah delusion was approaching a climax, says, in reference 
to the disaffection of the Sioux Indians at Standing Rock agency, that it is due to 
the following causes: 

(1) Failure of the government to establish an equitable southern boundary of the 
Standing Rock agency reservation. 

(2) Failure of the government to expend a just proportion of the money received 
from the Chicago, Milwaukee and St. Paul railroad company, for right of way privi- 
leges, for the benefit of the Indians of said agency. Official notice was received 
October 18, 1881, by the Indian agent at the Standing Rock agency, that the said 
railroad company had paid the government under its agreement with the Sioux 
Indians, for right of way privileges, the sum of $13,911. What additional payments, 
if any, have been made by the said railroad company, and what payments have been 
made by the Dakota Central railroad company, the records of the agency do not 
show. In 1883, and again in 1885, the agent, upon complaints made by the Indians, 
wrote to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, making certain recommendations as 
regards the expenditure of the money received from the said railroad company, 
but was in each instance informed that until Congress took action with respect 
to the funds referred to nothing could bedone. No portion of the money had been 
expended up to that time (December, 1890) for the benefit of the Indians of 
the agency, and frequent complaints had been made to the agent by the Indians 
because they had received no benefits from their concessions to the said railroad 
companies. 

(3) Failure of the government to issue the certificates of title to allotments, as 
required by article 6 of the treaty of 1868. 

(4) Failure of the government to provide the full allowance of seeds and agricul- 
tural implements to Indians engaged in farming, as required in article 8, treaty of 
1868. 


MOONEY} CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK 835 


(5) Failure of the government to issue to such Indians the full number of cows 
and oxen provided in article 10, treaty of 1876. 

(7) Failure of the government to issue to the Indians the full ration stipulated in 
article 5, treaty of 1876. (For the fiseal year beginning July 1, 1890, the following 
shortages in the rations were found to exist: 485,275 pounds of beef [gross], 761,212 
pounds of corn, 11,937 pounds of coffee, 281,712 pounds of flour, 26,234 pounds of 
sugar, and 39,852 pounds of beans. Although the obligations of the government 
extend no further than furnishing so much of the ration prescribed in article 5 as 
may be necessary for the support of the Indians, it would seem that, owing to the 
almost total failure of crops upon the Standing Rock reservation for the past four 
years, and the absence of game, the necessity for the issue of the full ration to the 
Indians here was never greater than at the present time—December, 1890.) 

(8) Failure of the government to issue to the Indians the full amount of annuity 
supplies to which they were entitled under the provisions of article 10, treaty of 
1868. 

(9) Failure of the government to have the clothing and other annuity supplies 
ready for issue on the first day of August of each year. Such supplies have not been 
ready for issue to the Indians, as a rule, until the winter season is well advanced. 
(After careful examination at this agency, the commanding officer is convinced that 
not more than two-thirds of the supplies provided in article 10 have been issued 
there, and the government has never complied with that provision of article 10 
which requires the supplies enumerated in paragraphs 2, 3, and 4 of said article to 
be delivered on or before the first day of August of each year. Such supplies for 
the present fiscal year, beginning July 1, 1890, had mot yet reached (December, 1890) 
the nearest railway station, about 60 miles distant, from which point they must, at 
this season of the year, be freighted to this agency in wagons. It is now certain 
that the winter will be well advanced before the Indians at this agency receive their 
annual allowance of clothing and other annuity supplies. ) 

(10) Failure of the government to appropriate money for the payment of the 
Indians for the ponies taken from them, by the authority of the government, in 
1876. 

In conclusion, the commanding officer says: ‘‘It, however, appears from the fore- 
going, that the government has failed to fulfill its obligations, and in order to render 
the Indians law-abiding, peaceful, contented, and prosperous it is strongly recom- 
mended that the treaties be promptly and fully carried out, and that the promises 
made by the commission in 1889 be faithfully kept.” 


[The reports from Pine Ridge, Rosebud, Cheyenne River, and Yankton agencies are of similar tenor. 
Following are two telegrams sent from the sield by General Miles at the beginning of the trouble.] 


Rapip Ciry, SoutH Dakota, December 19, 1890. 
Senator DAWEs, 


Washington, District of Columbia: 

You may be assured of the following facts that can not be gainsaid: 

First. The forcing process of attempting to make large bodies of Indians self-sus- 
taining when the government was cutting down their rations and their crops almost 
a failure, is one cause of the difficulty. 

Second. While the Indians were urged and almost forced to sign a treaty presented 
to them by the commission authorized by Congress, in which they gave up a valua- 
ble portion of their reservation which is now occupied by white people, the govern- 
ment has failed to fulfill its part of the compact, and instead of an increase or even 
a reasonable supply for their support, they have been compelled to live on half and 
two-thirds rations, and received nothing for the surrender of their lands, neither has 
the government given any positive assurance that they intend to do any differently 
with them in the future. 

Congress has been in session several weeks and could, if it were disposed, in a few 
hours confirm the treaties that its commissioners have made with these Indians and 


836 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


appropriate the necessary funds for its fulfillment, and thereby give an earnest of 
their good faith or intention to fulfill their part of the compact. Such action, in my 
judgment, is essential to restore confidence with the Indians and give peace and pro- 
tection to the settlements. If this be done, and the President authorized to place 
the turbulent and dangerous tribes of Indians under the control of the military, 
Congress need not enter into details, but can safely trust the military authorities to 
subjugate and govern, and in the near future make self-sustaining, any or all of the 
Indian tribes of this country. 
Rarip Ciry, Soutrn Daxora, December 19, 1890. 
General JOHN M. SCHOFIELD, 
Commanding the Army, Washington, District of Columbia: 

Replying to your long telegram, one point is of vital importance—the diffienlt 
Indian problem can not be solved permanently at this end of the line. It requires 
the fulfillment by Congress of the treaty obligations which the Indians were entreated 
and coerced into signing. ‘They signed away a valuable portion of their reservation, 
and it is now oceupied by white people, for which they have received nothing. They 
understood that ample provision would be made for their support; instead, their 
supplies have been reduced, aad much of the time they have been living on half and 
two-thirds rations. ‘Their crops, as well as the crops of the white people, for two 
years have been almost a total failure. The disaffection is widespread, especially 
among the Sioux, while the Cheyennes have been on the verge of starvation and were 
forced to commit depredations to sustain life. These facts are beyond question, and 
the evidence is positive and sustained by thousands of witnesses. Serious difficulty 
has been gathering for years. Congress has been in session several weeks and could 
in a single hour confirm the treaties and appropriate the necessary funds for their 
fulfillment, which their commissioners and the highest officials of the government 
have guaranteed to these people, and unless the officers of the army can give some 
positive assurance that the government intends to act in good faith with these peo- 
ple, the loyal element will be diminished and the hostile element increased. If the 
government will give some positive assurance that it will fulfill its part of the 
understanding with these 20,000 Sioux Indians, they can safely trust the military 
authorities to subjugate, control, and govern these turbulent people, and I hope that 
you will ask the Secretary of War and the Chief Executive to bring this matter 
directly to the attention of Congress. 


REPORT OF CAPTAIN HURST 
(A. G. O. Doc. 6266—1891.) 


Fort BENNETT, SouTH Dakota, January 9, 1891. 
ASSISTANT ADJUTANT-GENERAL, 
Department of Dakota, Saint Paul, Minnesota. 

Sir: In compliance with instructions of the department commander— copy 
attached marked A—I have the honor to submit the following report as the result 
of my investigations into the matters referred to therein. 

I have been at this post continuously since August 6, 1887, and inspector of Indian 
supplies at the Cheyenne River Indian agency, located here, during that period, and 


am at the present time. 

The Indians of this agency have a standing list of grievances which they present 
at every opportunity, and talk about in council when they assemble at every monthly 
ration issue. The Indians most persistent in recounting and proclaiming their 
grievances are those least willing to help in bettering their condition, and who are 
opposed to any change or improvement of their old habits and customs, and oppose 
all progress. Of this class I cite Big Foot’s’ band of irreconcilables—who have now 
ceased to complain—and those in accord with them. Except in the matter of short 
rations, the story of their wrongs needs no attention. It commences with a recital 
of the wrong done them by the white race sharing the earth with them. 


MOONEY] CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK 837 


The other class, comprising a large majority of Indians of the reservation, have 
accepted the situation furced upon them, and have been for years bravely struggling 
in the effort to reconcile themselves to the ways of civilization and moral progress, 
with a gratifying degree of success. It is this class whose complaints and vriey- 
ances demand considerate attention. ‘They complain in true Indian style that they 
only have kept faith in all treaties made with them, and that somehow the treaties 
when they appeared in print were not in many respects the treaties which they signed. 

They complain principally — 

(1) That the boundaries of the reservation in the treaty of 1877 are not what they 
agreed to and thought they were signing on the paper, and they especially empha- 
size the point that the line of the western boundary should be a straight line at the 
Black Hills, instead of as it appears on the maps. 

(2) That they have never received full recompense for the ponies taken from them 
in 1876. 

(8) That the game has been destroyed and driven out of the country by the white 
people. 

(4) That their children are taken from them to eastern schools and kept for years, 
instead of being educated among them. 

(5) That when these eastern graduates return to them with civilized habits, edu- 
eation, and trades, there is no provision made on the reservation for their employ- 
ment and improvement to the benefit of themselves and their people. 

(6) That the agents and employees sent out to them have not all been *‘ good men” 
and considerate of their (the Indians’) interests and welfare. 

(7) That the issue of their annuity goods is delayed so late in the winter as to 
cause them much suffering. 

(8) That they are expected to plow the land and raise grain when the climate will 
not permit them to reap a crop. They think cattle should be issued to them for 
breeding purposes instead of farming implements for useless labor. 

(9) That the rations issued to them are insufficient in quantity and frequently 
(beef and flour) very poor in quality. 

Complaints 2, 3, 4, 5, 7, 8, and 9 are all well founded and justified by the facts in 
each case, No. 9 especially so, and this through no fault or negligence of the agent. 
The agent makes his annual estimate for sustenance in kind for the number of people 
borne on his rolls, based on the stipulated ration in treaty of 1877. This estimate is 
modified or cut down in the Indian Commissioner's office to meet the requirements 
of a limited or reduced Congressional appropriation, and when it returns to the 
agent’s hands approved, he finds that he has just so many pounds of beef and flour, 
etc, placed to his credit for the year, without regard to whether they constitute the 
full number of treaty rations or not. There is no allowance given him for loss by 
shrinkage, wastage, or other unavoidable loss, and with the very best efforts and 
care in the distribution throughout the year of this usually reduced allowance there 
can not be issued to each Indian his treaty ration nor enough to properly sustain 
life. As a general thing the Indians of this reservation have been compelled to pur- 
chase food according to their means, between ration issues. Those having no means 
of purchase have sutiered. 

The half pound of flour called for by the treaty ration could not be issued in full, 
and the half pound of corn required has never been issued nor anything in lieu of it. 
In the item of beef but 1 pound was issued instead of the pound and a half called for 
in the treaty, and during the early spring months, when the cattle on the range are 
thin and poor, the pound of beef issued to the Indian is but a fraction of the pound 
issued to him on the agent’s returns, and, under the system of purchase in practice 
until the present fiscal year, must necessarily be so. The agent’s purchase of the 
beef supply on the hoof for the year, under contract, is closed in the month of No- 
vember, from which time he has to herd them the balance of the year as best he can. 
He is responsible for the weight they show on the scales when fat and in prime con- 
dition, so that a steer weighing 1,200 pounds in the fall must represent 1,200 pounds 


838 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


in April, while in fact it may be but skin, horns, and bones, and weigh scarcely 600 
pounds, while he has done his best to care for them during the severity of a Dakota 
winter. The Indians do not understand why they should be made to suffer all this 
shrinkage and loss, and it is a useless and humiliating attempt to explain. The 
agent is not to blame. The department of Indian affairs can do only the best it ean 
with a limited and tardy appropriation. The remedy in the matter of food supply 
seems to be: A sufficient and earlier appropriation of funds. All contracts for the 
beef supply should call for delivery when required by the agent. The agent should 
be allowed a percentage of wastage to cover unavoidable loss in issue by shrinkage 
and wastage. The government should bear this loss and not the Indians. 

Complaint 1: No remarks. 

Complaint 2: Is before Congress. 

Complaint 4: Should be remedied by adequate home schools. 

Complaint 5: Suggests its proper remedy. 

Complaint 6: No remarks. 

Complaint 7: Can be remedied only by earlier appropriations. 

Complaint 8: This reservation 1s not agricultural land. The climate makes it a 
grazing country. The Indians now can raise cattle successfully and care for them 
in winter. All attempts at general farming must result in failure on account of 
climatic conditions. 

In connection with complaint 9, I respectfully invite attention to tabular state- 
ment accompanying this report, marked B, showing rations as issued up to Decem- 
ber 6 in present fiseal year and amount required to make the issues according to 
article 5, treaty of February 27, 1877, and special attention to columns 6 and 7 therein. 

Appended to this report, marked C, is an extract copy of treaties of 1877 and 1868. 

In submitting this report, I desire to commend the administration of the affairs of 
this agency, as it has appeared under my daily observation since August, 1887. So 
jar as this reservation is concerned, the present unrest among the Indians is not 
attributable to any just cause of complaint against the former or present agent or 
employees; nor is it due entirely or largely to failure on the part of the government 
to fulfill treaty obligations. 


Very respectfully, your obedient servant, 
J. H. Hurst, 


Captain, Twelfth Infantry, Commanding Post. 
APPENDIX C.—EXTRACT COPY—TREATIES OF 1877 AND 1868 
TREATY OF 1877 

ARTICLE 3. The said Indians also agree that they will hereafter receive all annuities provided by the 
said treaty of 1868, and all subsistence and supplies which may be provided for them under the present 
or any future act of Congress, at such points and places on the said reservation and in the vicinity of 
the Missouri river as the President of the United States shall designate. 

ARTICLE 5. In consideration of the foregoing cession of territory and rights, and upon full compli- 
ance with each and every obligation assumed by the said Indians, the United States agree to provide 
all necessary aid to assist the said Indians in the work of civilization; to furnish to them schools and 
instruction in mechanical and agricultural arts, as provided for by the treaty of 1868. Also to pro- 
vide the said Indians with subsistence consisting of a ration for each individual of a pound and a 
half of beef (or in lieu thereof, one-half pound of bacon), one-half pound of flour, and one-half pound 
of corn; and for every one hundred rations, four pounds of coffee, eight pounds of sugar, and three 
pounds of beans, or in lieu of said articles the equivalent thereof, in the discretion of the Commis- 
sioner of Indian Affairs. Such rations, or so much thereof as may be necessary, shall be continued 
until the Indians are able to support themselves. Rations shall in all cases be issued to the head 


of each separate family; and whenever schools shall have been provided by the government for 
said Indians, no rations shall be issued for children between the ages of six and fourteen years (the 
sick and infirm excepted), unless such children shall regularly attend school. Whenever the said 
Indians shall be located upon lands which are suitable for cultivation, rations shall be issxed only to 
the persons and families of those persons who labor (the aged, sick, and infirm excepted); and as an 
incentive to industrious habits the Commissioner of Indian Affairs may provide that persons be fur- 
nished in payment for their labor such other necessary articles as are requisite for civilized life... . 

ARTICLE 8. The provisions of the said treaty of 1868, except as herein modified, shall continue in 
full force. 


MOONEY] CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK 839 


TREATY OF 1868 


ARTICLE 8. When the head of a family or lodge shall have selected lands in good faith and received 
a certificate therefor and commenced farming in good faith, he is to receive not to exceed one hundred 
dollars for the first year in seeds and agricultural implements, and for a period of three years more 
not to exceed twenty-five dollars in seeds and implements. 

ARTICLE 10. In lieu of all sums of money or other annuities provided to be paid to the Indians 
herein named under any treaty or treaties heretofore made, the United States agrees to deliver at the 
agency house on the reservation herein named on (or before) the first day of August of each year for 
thirty years, the following articles, to wit: 

For each male person over fourteen years of age, a suit of good, substantial woolen clothing, con- 
sisting of coat, pantaloons, flannel shirt, hat, and a pair of home-made socks. 

For each female over twelve years of age, a flannel skirt or the goods necessary to make it, a pair 
of woolen hose, twelve yards of calico, and twelve yards of cotton domestics. 


For the boys and girls under the ages named, such flannel and cotton goods as may be needed to 
make each a suit aforesaid, with a pair of hose for each, And in addition to the clothing herein 
named, the sum of ten dollars for each person entitled to the beneficial effects of this treaty, shall be 
annually appropriated for a period of thirty years, while such persons roam and hunt, and twenty 
dollars for each person who engages in farming, to be used by the Secretary of the Interior in the 
purchase of such articles as from time to time the condition and necessities of the Indians may indi- 
cate to be proper. And if within thirty years at any time it shall appear that the amount of money 
needed for clothing, under this article, can be appropriated to better uses for the Indiaus named 
herein, Congress may, by law, change the appropriation to other purposes, but in no event shall the 
amount of the appropriation be withdrawn or discontinued for the period named. 

Article 10 further stipulates that each lodge or family who shall commence farming shall receive 
within sixty days thereafter one good American cow and one good well-broken pair of American oxen, 


Extract from tabular statement, showing articles of subsistence received or to be received, rations as 
issued up to date, and amount required to make the issues according to Article 5 of treaty of February 
27, 1877, in fiseal year 1891—At Cheyenne River agency, Fort Bennett, South Dakota. 


| 3 5 7 | 
| 
| Seats Quantity per 
: Sees al 100 rations 
Name of articles. : as allowed 
rations up per treaty 
to date. 1877. ° 
| 
| Pounds. Pounds. 
1 Bacon .....2--00-2---200- 2202 3 163 
| SBGRns cess 3 3 
Baking powde 5 fee © \Scaseeccisasa-- 
Beuf, Pross. 2-25.-./'-5- =. a100 b 100 
DOCS same cise ceteeeen. «1° fj 24-3 4 
Flour - 45 50 
Sugar 4} 8 
Salt - 1 
Soap.----- 2 
Mess pork .- b 3 
Hard bread (in lien of b 2D) 
Corn (in lieu of flour) -. None 
a Net. b Net, or 150 without bacon. 


Rations as fixed by treaty of 1877: 14 pounds beef or 4 pound bacon; } pound flour and $ pound 
corn; 4 pounds coffee, 8 pounds sugar, and 3 pounds beans to every 100 rations; ‘‘or,in lieu of said 
articles, the equivalent thereof, in the discretion of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs.” 


STATEMENT OF AMERICAN HORSE 


{Delivered in council at Pine Ridge agency to Agent Royer, and forwarded to the Indian Office, November 
27, 1890. G. D. Doc. 37002—1890.) . 


American Horse, Fast Thunder, Spotted Horse, Pretty Back, and Good Lance 
present, with American Horse as spokesman: 

“TI think the late Sioux commissioners (General Crook, Major Warner, and Gov- 
ernor Foster) had something to do with starting this trouble. I was speaker for the 
whole tribe. In a general council I signed the bill (the late Sioux bill) and 580 signed 
with me. The other members of my band drew out and it divided us, and ever since 


840 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


these two parties have been divided. The nonprogressive started the ghost dance to 
draw fromus. We were made many promises, but have never heard from them since. 
The Great Father says if we do what he directs it will be to our benefit; but instead 
of this they are every year cutting down our rations, and we do not get enough to 
keep us from suffering. General Crook talked nice to us; and after we signed the 
bill they took our land and cut down our allowance of food. The commission made 
us believe that we would get full sacks if we signed the bill, but instead of that our 
sacks are empty. We lost considerable property by being here with the commission- 
ers last year, and have never got anything for it. Our chickens were all stolen, our _ 
eattle some of them were killed, our crops were entirely lost by us being absent 
here with the Sioux commission, and we have never been benefited one bit by the 
bill; and, in fact, we are worse off than we were before we signed the bill. We 
are told if we do as white men we will be better off, but we are getting worse off 
every year. 

“The commissioners promised the Indians living on Black Pipe and Pass creeks 
that if they signed the bill they could remain where they were and draw their 
rations at this agency, showing them on the map the line, and our people want them 
here, but they have been ordered to move back to Rosebud agency. . This is one of 
the broken promises. The commission promised to survey the boundary line, and 
appropriate $1,000 for the purpose, but it has not been done. When we were at 
Washington, the President, the Secretary of the Interior, and the Commissioner all 
promised us that we would get the million pounds of beef that were taken from us, 
and I heard the bill appropriating the money passed Congress, but we never got the 
beef. The Commissioner refused to give it to us. American Horse, Fast Thunder, 
and Spotted Horse were all promised a spring wagon each, but they have never 
heard anything of it. This is another broken promise.” 

In forwarding the report of the council, the agent says: “After American Horse 
was through talking, I asked the other men present if his statement voiced their 
sentiments and they all answered, Yes.” 


STATEMENT OF BISHOP HARE 


[Bishop W. H. Hare is the veteran Episcopal missionary bishop among the Sioux. The following 
extracts are from a communication by him to Secretary Noble, dated January 7, 1891. G. D. Doe. 
2440—1891.] 


The evidence compels the conclusion that, among the Pine Ridge Indians at least, 
hunger has been an important element in the causes of discontent and insubordination. 
In the farming season of 1889 [July] the Indians were all called into the agency and 
kept there for a month by the Sioux commission. During their absence their cattle 
broke into their fields and trod down, or ate up, their crops. The Indians reaped 
practically nothing. In the year 1890, drought, the worst known for many years, 
aftlicted the western part of South Dakota, and the Indian crops were a total failure, 
There is ample evidence that, during this period, the rations issued lasted, even 
when carefully used, for only two-thirds the time for which they were intended. To 
add to their distress, this period, 1889 and 1890, was marked by extraordinary mis- 
fortune. The measles prevailed with great virulence in 1889, the grippe in 1890. 
Whooping cough also attacked the children. The sick died from want. In this 
statement Inspector Gardiner, Dr MeGillyeuddy, late agent, Miss Elaine Goodale, who 
has been in the camps a good deal, the missionary force, and many others whose 
testimony is of the highest value because of their character and their knowledge of 
the situation, all agree. ue: 

The time seemed now to have come to take a further step and divide the Great 
Sioux reservation up into separate reserves for each important tribe, and to open the 
surplus land to settlement. The needs of the white population, with their business 
and railroads, and the welfare of the Indians, seemed alike to demand this. Com- 
missioners were therefore sent out to treat with the people for the accomplishment 


MOONEY] CAUSES OF THE OUTBREAK 841 


of this end, and an agreement which, after much debate, had won general approval 
was committed to them for presentation to the Indians. The objections of the 
Indians to the bill, however, were many and they were ardently pressed. Some pre- 
ferred their old life, the more earnestly because schools and churches were sapping 
and undermining it. ome wished delay. All complained that many of the engage- 
ments solemnly made with them in former years when they had surrendered valued 
rights had been broken, and here they were right. They suspected that present 
promises of pay for their lands would prove only old ones in a new shape (when 
milch cows were promised, cows having been promised in previous agreements, the 
Indians exclaimed, ‘‘ There’s that same old cow’’), and demanded that no further 
surrender should be expected until former promises had been fulfilled. They were 
assured that a new era had dawned, and that all past promises would be kept. So 
we all thought. The benefits of the proposed agreement were set before them, and 
verbal promises, over and above the stipulations of the bill, were made, that special 
requests of the Indians would be met. The Indians have no competent representa- 
tive body. The commissioners had to treat at each agency with a crowd, a crowd 
composed of full-bloods, half-breeds, and squaw men, a crowd among whom all sorts 
of sinister influences and brute force were at work. Commissioners with such a 
business in hand have the devil to fight, and can fight him, so if often seems, only 
with fire, and many friends of the Indians think that in this case the commission, 
convinced that the acceptance of the bill was essential, carried persuasion to the 
verge of intimidation. I do not blame them if they sometimes did. The wit and 
patience of an angel would fail often in such a task. 

But the requisite number, three-fourths of the Indians, signed the bill, and expecta- 
tion of rich and prompt rewards ran high. The Indians understand little of the 
complex forms and delays of our government. Six months passed, and nothing 
came. Three months more, and nothing came. <A bill was drawn up in the Senate 
under General Crook’s eye and passed, providing for the fulfillment of the promises 
of the commission, but it was pigeon-holed in the Honse. But in the midst of the 
winter’s pinching cold the Indians learned that the transaction had been declared 
complete and half of their land proclaimed as thrown open to the whites. Surveys 
were not promptly made; perhaps they could not be, and no one knew what land 
was theirs and what was not. The very earth seemed sliding from beneath their 
feet. Other misfortunes seemed to be crowding on them. On some reserves their 
rations were being reduced, and lasted, even when carefully husbanded, but one- 
half the period for which they were issued. (The amount of beef bought for the 
Indians is not a fair criterion of the amount he receives. A steer will lose 200 pounds 
or more of its flesh during the course of the winter.) In the summer of 1889 all the 
people on the Pine Ridge reserve, men, women, and children, were called in from 
their farms to the agency to treat with the commissioners and were kept there a 
whole month, and, on returning to their homes, found that their cattle had broken 
into their fields and trampled down or eaten up all their crops. This was true in a 
degree elsewhere. In 1890 the crops, which promised splendidly early in July, failed 
entirely later, because of a severe drought. The people were often hungry, and, the 
physicians in many cases said, died when taken sick, not so much from disease as for 
want of food. (This is doubtless true of all the poor—the poor in our cities and the 
poor settlers in the west.) 


No doubt the people could have saved themselves from sutfering if industry, 
economy, and thrift had abounded; but these are just the virtues which a people 
merging from barbarism lack. The measles prevailed in 1889 and were exceedingly 
fatal. Next year the grippe swept over the people with appalling results. Whoop- 
ing cough followed among the children. Sullenness and gloom began to gather, 
especially among the heathen and wilder Indians. A witness of high character told 
me that a marked discontent amounting almost to despair prevailed in many quarters, 
The people said their children were all dying from diseases brought by the whites, 
their race was perishing from the face of the earth, and they might as well be killed 


$42 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


at once. Old chiefs and medicine men were losing their power. Withal new ways 
were prevailing more and more which did not suit the older people. ‘The old ways 
which they loved were passing away. In a word, all things were against them, and 
to add to the calamity, many Indians, especially the wilder element, had nothing to 
do but to brood over their misfortunes. While in this unhappy state, the story of a 
messiah coming, with its ghost dance and strange hallucinations, spread among the 
heathen part of the people. . . . 

But these things we do want. A profound conviction in the mind not only of a 
few, but of the people, that the Indian problem is worth attending to. Next, that 
the officials placed in charge of the difficult Indian problem should be protected 
from the importunity of hungry politicians, and that the employees in the Indian 
country, agents, teachers, farmers, carpenters, should not be changed with every 
shuffling of the political cards. The abuse here has been shameful. Next, that 
Congress, especially the House of Representatives, shall consider itself bound in 
honor to make provision for the fulfillment of promises made to the Indians by 
commissioners duly appointed and sent to the Indians by another branch of the gov- 
ernment. The evils which have arisen from a violation of this comity have been most 
serious. Next, that testimony regarding Indian affairs should not be swallowed 
until careful inquiry has been made as to the disinterestedness of the witness. An 
honest man out here burns with indignation when he reads in the papers that so and 
so, represented as being fully informed on the whole question, affirms that Indians 
have no grievances and ought to receive no quarter, when he knows that the lots 
which the witness owns in a town near the Indian country would no longer be a 
drug in the market if Indians could be gotten out of the way. Next, let it be 
remembered that the crisis has lifted evils in the Indian country up to the light, and 
left the good things in the shade. But the good things are real and have shown 
their vigor under trial. There is Lo reason for losing faith orcourage. Let all kind 
and honest men unite with the higher officials of the government, all of whom, I 
believe, mean well, in a spirit of forbearance toward each other, of willingness to 
learn, and of mutual helpfulness, to accomplish the results which they all desire. 


CHAPTER NII 


THE SIOUX OUTBREAK—SITTING BULL AND WOUNDED 


KNEE 
We were made many promises, but have never heard from them since. — American 
Horse. 
Congress has been in session several weeks and could, if it were disposed, in a few 


hours confirm the treaty that its commissioners have made with these Indians, and 
appropriate the necessary funds for their fulfillment, and thereby give an earnest of 
good faith or intention to fulfill their part of the compact. Such action in my 


judgment is essential to restore confidence with the Indians and give peace and 
protection to the settlements. — General Miles. 


Approximate cost of outbreak in one month: Forty-nine whites and others on the 
government side, and three hundred Indians, killed; $1,200,000 expense to govern- 
ment and individuals. 

Short Bull and the other Sioux delegates who had gone to see the 
messiah in the fall of 1889 returned in March, 1890, Short Bull, on 
Rosebud reservation, at once began to preach to his people the doc- 
trine and advent of the messiah, but desisted on being warned to stop 
by Agent Wright. (Comr., 29.) The strange hope had taken hold of 
the Indians however, and the infection rapidly, although quietly, spread 
among all the wilder portion of the tribe. The first warning of trouble 
ahead came in the shape of a letter addressed to Secretary Noble by 
Charles L. Hyde, a citizen of Pierre, South Dakota, under date of 
May 29, 1890, in which he stated that he had trustworthy information 
that the Sioux, or a part of them, were secretly planning an outbreak in 
the near future. His informant appears to have been a young half-blood 
from Pine Ridge, who was at that time attending school in Pierre, and 
was in correspondence with his Indian relatives at home. (G. D., 20.) 
The letter was referred to the Commissioner of Indian Affairs, who 
forwarded a copy of it to the agents of the several western Sioux 
reservations, with a request for further information. They promptly 
and unanimously replied that there was no ground for apprehension, 
that the Indians were peaceably disposed, and that there was no undue 
excitement beyond that occasioned by the rumors of a messiah in the 
west. This excitement they thought would continue to increase as 
the predicted time drew near, and would die a natural death when the 
prophecy failed of its fulfillment. 

All the agents are positive in the opinion that at this time, about the 
middle of June, 1890, the Indians had no hostile intentions. McLaugh- 
lin, the veteran agent of Standing Rock, who probably knew the Sioux 
better than any other white man having official relations with them, 
states that among his people there was nothing in word or action to jus- 

843 


844 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 


tify such a suspicion, and that he did not believe such an imprudent 
step was seriously contemplated by any of the tribe, and concludes by 
saying that he has every confidence in the good intentions of the Sioux 
as a people, that they would not be the aggressors in any hostile act, and 
that if justice were only done them no uneasiness need be entertained. 
He complains, however, of the evil influence exercised by Sitting Bull 
and a few other malcontents attached to his agency and advises their 
removal from among the Indians. Wright, at Rosebud, also advised 
the removal of Crow Dog and some other mischief-nakers. These 
men had led the opposition to the late treaty and to every advance 


Fic, 72—A Sioux warrior—Weasel Bear. 


of civilization, by which they felt their former influence undermined, 
and between them and the progressive party there was uncompromis- 
ing hostility. (@. D., 27.) Although the trouble did come six months 
later, it is sufficiently evident that at this time there was no outbreak 
intended. Certain it is that the Sioux as a tribe—25,000 strong—did 
not engage in the outbreak, and in view of all the circumstances it 
will hardly be claimed that they were deliberate aggressors. 

The first mutterings of dissatisfaction came from Pine Ridge. This 
is the largest of the Sioux agencies, having 6,000 of the wildest and 
most warlike of the tribe, largely under the influence of the celebrated 


MOONEY] THE CHANGE OF AGENTS 845 


chief Red Cloud, the twin spirit of Sitting Bull in wily disposition and 
hatred of the white man. It is the most remote from the white settle- 
ments along Missouri river, and joins Rosebud reservation, with 4,000 
more Sioux of about the same condition and temper, thus making a coin- 
pact body of 10,000 of the most warlike Indians of the plains, Above 
all other reservations in the United States this was the very one where 
there was most urgent and obvious necessity for efficient and vigorous 
administration and for prompt and honest fulfillment of pledges. 

From 1879 to 1886 this agency was in charge of Dr V. T. MeGilly- 
cuddy, a man of unflinching courage, determined will, and splendid 
executive ability. Taking charge of these Indians when they had 
come in fresh from the warpath, he managed them, as he himself says, 
for seven years without the presence of a soldier on the reser vation, 
and with none nearer than 60 miles. Relying on the Indians them- 
selves, he introduced the principle of home rule by organizing a force 
of 50 Indian police, drilled in regular cavalry and infantry tactics. 
With these he was able to thwart all the mischievous schemes of Red 
Cloud, maintain authority, and start the Indians well on the road to 
civilization. 

Then came a political change of administration, with a resulting train 
of changes all through the service, Out of 58 Indian agents more than 
50 were removed and new men appointed. Some of these appoint- 
ments were for the better, but the general result was bad, owing mainly 
to the inexperience of the new officials. In the meantime commission- 
ers were negotiating with the Sioux for a further cession of lands, which 
was finally effected in spite of the opposition of a large part of the 
tribe, especially of those under the influence of Red Cloud and Sitting 
Bull at Pine Ridge and Standing Rock. Then rations were reduced 
and the Indians began to suffer and, consequently, to be restless, their 
unrest being intensified but not caused by the rumors of a messiah 
soon to appear to restore the former conditions. According to the 
official statement of General Brooke, the beef issue at Pine Ridge was 
reduced from 8,125,000 pounds in 1886 to 4,000,000 pounds in 1889, a 
reduction of more than one-half in three years. (War, 5.) In April, 
1890, Gallagher, the agent then in charge, informed the Department 
that the monthly beef issue was only 205,000 pounds, whereas the treaty 
called for 470,400. He was informed that it was better to issue half 
rations all the time than to issue three-fourths or full rations for two 
months and none for the rest of the year. From other sources also the 
warning now came to the Department that the Sioux of Pine Ridge 
were becoming restless from hunger. (@. D)., 22.) Repeated represen- 
tations failed to bring more beef, and at last in the summer of 1890 the 
Indians at Pine Ridge made the first actual demonstration by refusing 
to accept the deficient issue and making threats against the agent. 
They were finally persuaded to take the beef, but Agent Gallagher, 
finding that the dissatisfaction was growing and apparently without 


846 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ErH. ANN. 14 


remedy, resigned, aud his successor took charge in the beginning of 
October, 1590. 

By this time the Ghost dance was in full progress among the western 
Sioux and was rapidly spreading throughout the tribe. The principal 


Vic. 73—Red Cloud. 


dance ground on Pine Ridge reservation was at No Water's camp on 
White Clay creek, about 20 miles from the agency. At a great Ghost 
dance held here about the middle of June the ghost shirts were worn 
probably for the first time. (Comr.,30.) In August about 2,000 Indians 


MOONEY] INAUGURATION OF THE DANCE 847 


had assembled for a dance at the same rendezvous, when Agent Gal- 
lagher sent out several police with orders to the dancers to quit and go 
home. They refused to do so, and the agent himself went out with 
more police to enforce the order, On repeating his demand a number 
of the warriors leveled their guns toward him and the police, and told 
him that they were ready to defend their religion with their lives. 
Under the circumstances the agent, although known to be a brave man, 
deemed it best to withdraw and the dance went on. (Comr., 51; G. 
D., 23.) 

On Rosebud reservation, which adjoins Pine Ridge on the east and is 
oceupied by the turbulent and warlike Brules, the warning given to 
Short Bull had such an effect that there was no open manifestation 
until September, when the Ghost dance was inaugurated at the various 
camps under the leadership of Short Bull the medicine-man, Crow 
Dog, and Two Strike. Agent Wright, then in charge, went out to the 
Indians and told them the dance must be stopped, which was accord- 
ingly done. He expressly states that no violence was contemplated 
by the Indians, and that no arms were carried in the dance, but that 
he forbade it on account of its physical and mental effect on the par- 
ticipants and its tendency to draw them from their homes. In some 
way a rumor got among the Indians at this time that troops had 
arrived on the reservation to attack them, and in an incredibly short 
time every Indian had left the neighborhood of the agency and was 
making preparations to meet the enemy, It was with some difficulty 
that Agent Wright was able to convince them that the report was faise 
and persuade them to return to their homes. Soon afterward cireum- 
stances obliged him to be temporarily absent, leaving affairs in the 
meantime in charge of a special agent. The Indians took advantage of 
his absence to renew the Ghost dance and soon defied control. The 
agent states, however, that no Indians left the agency until the arrival 
of the troops, when the leaders immediately departed for Pine Ridge, 
together with 1,800 of their followers. (@. D., 24; Comr., 32.) 

On October 9 Kicking Bear of Cheyenne River agency, the chief high 
priest of the Ghost dance among the Sioux, went to Standing Rock by 
invitation of Sitting Bull and inaugurated the dance on that reserva- 
tion at Sitting Bull’s camp on Grand river. The dance had begun on 
Cheyenne river about the middle of September, chiefly at the camps of 
Hump and Big Foot. On learning of Kicking Bear’s arrival, Agent 
McLaughlin sent a force of police, including two officers, to arrest him 
and put him off the reservation, but they returned without executing 
the order, both officers being in a dazed condition and fearing the power 
of Kicking Bear’s “medicine.” Sitting Bull, however, had promised 
that his visitors would go back to their own reservation, which they did 
a day or two later, but he declared his intention to continue the dance, 
as they had received a direct message from the spirit world through 
Kicking Bear that they must do so to live. He promised that he would 


14 BTH—pYr 2——14 


848 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ErH. ANN. 14 


suspend the dance until he could come and talk the matter over with 
the agent, but this promise he failed to keep. Considering Sitting 
Bull the leader and instigator of the excitement on the reserva- 
tion, McLaughlin again advised his removal, and that of several other 
mischief makers, and their confinement in some military prison at a 
distance. (G. D.,25.) 

The two centers of excitement were now at Standing Rock reserva- 

tion, where Sitting Bull was the open and declared leader, and at Pine 
Ridge, where Red Cloud was a firm believer in the new doctrine, 
although perhaps not an instigator of direct opposition to authority. 
At Rosebud the movement had been smothered for the time by the 
prompt action of Agent Wright, as already described. At the first- 
named reservation MeLaughlin met the emergency with bravery and 
ability reinforced by twenty years of experience in dealing with Indians, 
and, while recommending the removal of Sitting Bull, expressed confi- 
dence in his own ability to allay the excitement and suppress the dance. 
At Pine Ridge, however, where the crisis demanded a man of most 
positive character—somebody of the MeGillycuddy stamp—Gallagher 
had resigned and had been succeeded in October by D. F. Royer, a per- 
son described as “ destitute of any of those qualities by which he could 
justly lay claim to the position—experience, force of character, cour- 
age, and sound judgment.” (Welsh, 2.) This appears in every letter 
and telegram sent out by him during his short incumbency, and is 
sufficiently evidenced in the name by which the Sioux soon came to 
know him, Lakota Kokipa-Koshkala, ‘ Young-man-afraid-of-Indians.” 
sefore he had been in charge a week, he had so far lost control of his 
Indians as to allow a half dozen of them to release and carry off a pris- 
oner named Little, whom the police had arrested and brought to the 
agency. On October 12 he reported that more than half of his 6,000 
Indians were dancing, and that they were entirely beyond the control 
of the police, and suggested that it would be necessary to call out the 
military. (G. D., 26.) 

About the same time Agent Palmer at Cheyenne River reported to 
the Department that Big Foot’s band (afterward engaged at Wounded 
Knee) was very much excited over the coming of the messiah, and 
could not be kept by the police from dancing. In reply, both agents 
were instructed to use every prudent measure to stop the dance and 
were told that military assistance would be furnished if immediate 
need should arise. (LL. B., 1.) Instructions were also sent to agents in 
Nevada to warn the leaders of the dance in that quarter to desist. A 
few days later the ageat at Cheyenne River had a talk with the dancers, 
and so far convinced them of the falsity of their hopes that he was 
able to report that the excitement was dying out, but recommended 
the removal of Hump, as a leader of the disaffection. (@. D.,27.) 

By the advice of the Department, Royer had consulted General Miles, 
at that time passing on his way to the west, as to the necessity for 


MOONEY] ALARM OF ‘THE AGENT 849 


troops, and, after hearing a full statement, the general expressed the 
opinion that the excitement would die out of itself. The next day the 
general had a talk with the Indians, who informed him that they 
intended to continue the dance. He gave them some good advice and 
told them that they must stop. Had the matter rested here until the 
words of the commanding officer could have been deliberated in their 
minds—for the mental process of an Indian can not well be hurried— 
all migat have been weil. Unfortunately, however, the agent, now 
thoroughly frightened, wrote a long letter to the Department on Octo- 
ber 30, stating that the only remedy for the matter was the use of 
military, and that about 600 or 700 troops would be necessary. On 
November 11 he telegraphed for permission to come to Washington to 
“explain,” and was refused, Then came other telegraphic requests, 
at the rate of one every day, for the same permission, all of which 
were refused, with pointed intimation that the interests of the serv- 
ice required that the agent should remain at his post of duty. Finally 
the matter was reported by the Indian Office to the War Department, 
and on November 15 Royer was instructed to report the condition of 
attairs to the commander of the nearest military post, Fort Robinson, 
Nebraska. On the same day he had telegraphed that the Indians were 
wild and crazy and that at least a thousand soldiers were needed. The 
agent at Rosebud also now reported that his Indians were beyond con- 
trol by the police. Special agents were sent to both agencies and con- 
firmed the reports as to the alarming condition of affairs. The agent 
at Crow Creek and Lower Brulé agency reported at the same time that 
his Indians were under good control and that the police were sutticient 
for all purposes. (G. D., 28; L. B., 2.) 

On the last day of October, Short Bull, one of those who had been 
to see the messiah, made an address to a large gathering of Indians 
near Pine Ridge, in which he said that as the whites were interfering 
so much in the religious affairs of the Indians he would advance the 
time for the great change and make it nearer, even within the next 
month. He urged them all to gather in one place and prepare for the 
coming messiah, and told them they must dance even though troops 
should surround them, as the guns of the soldiers wouid be rendered 
harmless and the white race itself would soon be annihilated. (See his 
speech, page 758.) 

Soon afterward, McLanghlin personally visited Sitting Bull at his 
camp on Grand river and attempted to reason with the Indians on 
the absurdity of their belief. In reply, Sitting Bull proposed that 
they should both go with competent attendants to the country of the 
messiah and see and question him for themselves, and rest the truth 
or falsity of the new doctrine on the result. The proposition was 
not accepted. (G@. D., 29.) There can be no question that the leaders of 
the Ghost dance among the Sioux were fully as much deceived as their 
followers. 


850 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


As the local agents had declared the situation beyond their control, 
the War Department was at last called on and responded. On Novem- 
ber 13 the President had directed the Secretary of War to assume a 
military responsibility to prevent an outbreak (G@.).,30), and on 
November 17 troops, under command of General John R. Brooke, 
were ordered to the front. The general plan of the campaign was 
under the direction of General Nelson A. Miles, in command of the 
military department of the Missouri. On November 19 the first troops 
arrived at Pine Ridge from Fort Robinson, Nebraska, and were speed- 
ily reinforced by others. Within a few days there were at Pine Ridge 
agency, under immediate command of General Brooke, eight troops of 
the Seventh cavalry, under Colonel Forsyth; a battalion of the Ninth 
cavalry (colored), under Major Henry; a battalion of the Fifth artil- 
lery, under Captain Capron, and a company of the Kighth infantry 
and eight companies of the Second infantry, under Colonel Wheaton. 
At Rosebud were two troops of the Ninth cavalry, with portions of 
the Kighth and Twenty-first infantry, under Lieutenant-Colonel Poland. 
Between Rosebud and Vine Ridge were stationed seven companies of 
the First infantry, under Colonel Shafter. West and north of Pine 
tidge were stationed portions of the First, Second, and Ninth cavalry, 
under command of Colonel Tilford and Lieutenant-Colonel Sanford. 
Farther west, at Buffalo Gap, on the railroad, were stationed three 
troops from the Fifth and Eighth cavalry, under Captain Wells. Far- 
ther north on the railroad, at Rapid City, was Colonel Carr with six 
troops of the Sixth cavalry. Along the south fork of Cheyenne river 
Lieutenant-Colonel Offley took position with seven companies of the 
Seventeenth infantry, and east of him was stationed Lieutenant-Col- 
onel Sumner with three troops of the Eighth cavalry, two companies 
of the Third infantry, and Lieutenant Robinson’s company of Crow 
Indian scouts. Small garrisons were also stationed at Forts Meade, 
Bennett, and Sully. Most of the force was placed in position between 
the Indians now gathering in the Bad Lands, under Short Bull and 
Kicking Bear, and the seattered settlements nearest them. Seven 
companies of the Seventh infantry, under Colonel Merriam, were also 
placed along Cheyenne river to restrain the Indians of Cheyenne River 
and Standing Rock reservations. In a short time there were nearly 
3,000 troops in the field in the Sioux country. General Miles estab- 
lished his headquarters at Rapid City, South Dakota, close to the cen- 
ter of disturbance. (War, 6.) On December 1 the Secretary of the 
Interior directed that the agents be instructed to obey and cooperate 
with the military officers in all matters looking to the suppression of 
an outbreak. (G.D.,°1.) 

Upon the first appearance of the troops a large number of Indians 
of Rosebud and Pine Ridge, led by Short Bull, Kicking Bear, and 
others, left their homes and fled to the rough broken country known as 
the Bad Lands, northwest of White river in South Dakota, on the edge 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


MAP 
OF THE 
COUNTRY EMBRACED IN THE 
AGAINST THE 


SIOUX INDIANS 
From Report of the SECRETARY OF WAR for 1891, Vol. 1 


Scale: 
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X 15 Position of hostile Indians 


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Boundary line of Indian Reservations. 


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FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT, PL. XCV 


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MOONEY] THE APPEARANCE OF TROOPS 851 


of Pine Ridge reservation and about 50 miles northwest of the agency. 
In their flight they destroyed the houses and other property of the 
friendly Indians in their path and compelled many to go with them. 
They succeeded also in capturing a large portion of the agency beef 
herd. Others rapidiy joined them until soon a formidable body of 


Fic. 74—Short Bull. 


3,000 Indians had gathered in the Bad Lands, where, protected by the 
natural fastnesses and difficulties of the country, their future intentions 
became a matter of anxious concern to the settlers and the authorities. 

From the concurrent testimony of all the witnesses, including Indian 
Commissioner Morgan and the Indians themselves, this flight to the 


852 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Bad Lands was not properly a hostile movement, but was a stampede 
caused by panic at the appearance of the troops. In his official report 
Commissioner Morgan says: 

When the troops reached Rosebud, about 1,800 Indians—men, women, and children— 


stampeded toward Pine Ridge and the Bad Lands, destroying their own property 
before leaving and that of others en route. 


After the death of Sitting Bull he says: 

Groups of Indians from the different reservations had commenced concentrating 
in the Bad Lands, upon or in the vicinity of the Pine Ridge reservation. Killing of 
cattle and destruction of other property by these Indians, almost entirely within 
the limits of Pine Ridge and Rosebud reservations, occurred, but no signal fires were 
built, no warlike demonstrations were made, no violence was done to any white 
settlers, nor was there any cohesion or organization among the Indians themselves. 
Many of them were friendly Indian8 who had never participated in the ghost dance. 
but had fled thither from fear of soldiers, in consequence of the Sitting Bull affair 
or through the overpersuasion of friends. The military gradually began to close 
in around them and they offered no resistance, and a speedy and quiet capitulation 
of all was contidently expected. (Comr., 33.) 

The Sioux nation numbers over 25,000, with between 6,000 and 7,000 
warriors. Hardly more than 700 warriors were concerned altogether, 
including those of Big Foot’s band and those who fled to the Bad 
Lands. Noneof the Christian Indians took any part in the disturbance. 

While it is certain that the movement toward the Bad Lands with 
the subsequent events were the result of panic at the appearance of the 
troops, it is equally true that the troops were sent only on the request 
of the civilian authorities. On this point General Miles says: ‘ Not 
until the civil agents had lost control of the Indians and declared them- 
selves powerless to preserve peace, and the Indians were in armed 
hostility and defiance of the civil authorities, was a single soldier 
moved from his garrison to suppress the general revolt.” (War, 7.) 
Throughout the whole trouble MeGillyeuddy at Standing Rock con- 
sistently declared his ability to control his Indians without the pres- 
ence of troops. 

In accord with instructions from the Indian Office, the several agents 
in charge among the Sioux had forwarded lists of disturbers whom it 
would be advisable to arrest and remove from among the Indians, using 
the military for the purpose if necessary. The agents at the other res- 
ervations sent in all together the names of about fifteen subjects for 
removal, while Royer, at Pine Ridge, forwarded as a ‘conservative 
estimate” the names of sixty-four. Short Bull and Kicking Bear being 
in the Bad Lands, and Red Cloud being now an old man and too politie 
to make much open demonstration, the head and front of the offenders 
was Sitting Bull, the irreconcilable; but McLaughlin, within whose 
jurisdiction he was, in a letter of November 22, advised that the arrest 
be not attempted until later in the season, as at the date of writing the 
weather was warm and pleasant—in other words, favorable to the 
Indians in case they should make opposition. (@.D., 52.) The worst 


MOONEY] RETREAT TO THE BAD LANDS 8535 


element had withdrawn to the Bad Lands, where they were making no 
hostile demonstrations, but were apparently badly frightened and 
awaiting developments to know whether to come in and surrender or 
to continue to retreat. The dance had generally been discontinued on 
the reservations, excepting at Sitting Bull’s camp on Grand river and 


Fic. 75— Kicking Bear. 


Big Foot’s camp-.on Cheyenne river. The presence of troops had 
stopped the dances near the agencies, and the Secretary of the Interior, 
in order to allay the dissatisfaction, had ordered that the full rations 
due under the treaty should be issued at all the Sioux agencies, which 
at the same time were placed under the control of the military. (G@. 


854 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


D., 33; L. B., 3.) Such were the conditions on the opening of Decem- 
ber, 1890. Everything seemed to be quieting down, and it was now 
deemed a favorable time to forestall future disturbance by removing 
the ringleaders. 

Agent McLaughlin at Standing Rock had notified the Department 
some weeks before that it would be necessary to remove Sitting Bull 
and several others at no distant day to put an end to their harmful 
influence among the Sioux, but stated also that the matter should not 
be precipitated, and that when the proper time came he could accom- 
plish the undertaking with his Indian police without the aid of troops. 
As soon as the War Department assumed control of the Sioux agen- 
cies, it was determined to make an attempt to secure Sitting Bull by 
military power. Accordingly, orders were given to the noted scout, 
William FI. Cody, better known as Buffalo Bill, who was well acquainted 
with Sitting Bull and was believed to have intluence with him, to pro- 
ceed to Standing Rock agency to induce him to come in, with authority 
to make such terms as might seem necessary, and, if unsuccessful, to 
arrest him and remove him from his camp to the nearest post, Fort 
Yates. Cody arrived at Fort Yates on November 28, and was about 
to undertake the arrest, when his orders were countermanded at the 
urgent remonstrance of Agent McLaughlin, who represented that such 
a step at that particular time was unwise, as military interference was 
liable to provoke a conflict, in which the Indians would have the advan- 
tage, as the warm weather was in their favor. He insisted that there 
was no immediate danger from the dancing, and that at the proper 
time—when the weather grew colder—he could take care of Sitting 
Bull and the other disturbers whose removal he advised with the aid 
of the Indian police, whom, in all his years of service, he had always 
found equal to the emergency. The attempt was accordingly post- 
poned. Inthe meantime Sitting Bull had promised to come into the 
agency to talk over the situation with the agent, but failed to keep his 
engagement. A close watch was kept over his movements and the 
agent was instructed to make no arrests except by authority from the 
military or the Secretary of the Interior. (G@. D., 34.) 

There is no question that Sitting Bull was plotting mischief. His 
previous record was one of irreconcilable hostility to the government, 
and in every disturbance on the reservation his camp had been 
the center of ferment. It was at his camp and on his invitation that 
Kicking Bear had organized the first Ghost dance on the reservation, 
and the dance had been kept up by Sitting Bull ever since in spite of 
the repeated remonstrance of the agent. At the same time the turbulent 
followers of the medicine-man took every opportunity to insult and 
annoy the peaceable and progressive Indians who refused to join them 
until these latter were forced to make complaint to the agent. In 
October, while the dance was being organized at his camp, Sitting 
Bull had deliberately broken the “pipe of peace” which he had kept 


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MOONEY] SITTING BULL’S ARREST ORDERED 855 


in his house since his surrender in 1881, and when askea why he had 
broken it, replied that he wanted to die and wanted to fight. From 
that time he discontinued his regular visits to the agency. It became 
known that he contemplated leaving the reservation to visit the other 
leaders of dissatisfaction at the southern Sioux agencies, and to frus- 
trate such an attempt the agent bad gradually increased the number of 
police in the neighborhood of his camp, and had arranged for speedy 
information and prompt action in case of any sudden move on his part. 
(GD: 35.) 

Foreseeing from the active movements of the military that the arrest 
of Sitting Bull was liable to be ordered at any moment, and fearing 
that such action might come at an inopportune time, and thus result in 
trouble, McLaughlin made arrangements to have him and several other 
disturbers arrested by the Indian police on the night of December 6, 
the weather and other things being then, in his opinion, most favorable 
for the attempt. On telegraphing to the Indian department, however, 
for authority, he was directed to make no arrests excepting upon order 
from the military authorities or the Secretary of the Interior. In reply 
to a telegram from General Ruger, McLaughlin stated that there was 
no immediate need of haste, and that postponement was preferable, as 
the winter weather was cooling the ardor of the dancers. 

On December 12 the military order came for the arrest of Sitting 
Bull. Colonel Drum,in command at Fort Yates, was directed to make 
it his personal duty to secure him and to call on the agent for assist- 
ance and cooperation in the matter. On consultation between the 
commandant and the agent, who were in full accord, it was decided to 
make the arrest on the 20th, when most of the Indians would be down 
at the agency for rations, and there would consequently be less danger 
of a conflict atthe camp. On the 14th, however, late Sunday afternoon, 
a courier came from Grand river with a message from Mr Carignan, 
the teacher of the Indian school, stating, on information given by the 
police, that an invitation had just come from Pine Ridge to Sitting Bull 
asking him to go there, as God was about to appear. Sitting Bull was 
determined to go, and sent a request to the agent for permission, but 
in the meantime had completed his preparations to go anyhow in case 
permission was refused. With this intention it was further stated that 
he had his horses already selected for a long and hard ride, and the 
police urgently asked to be allowed to arrest him at once, as it would 
be a difficult matter to overtake him after he had once started. 

It was necessary to act immediately, and arrangements were made 
between Colonel Drum and Agent McLaughlin to attempt the arrest at 
daylight the next morning, December 15. The arrest was to be made 
by the Indian police, assisted, if necessary, by a detachment of troops, 
who were to follow within supporting distance. There were already 
twenty-eight police under command of Lieutenant Bull Head in the 
immediate vicinity of Sitting Bull’s camp on Grand river, about 40 


856 THE GHOST-DANCE RELICION (writ. ANN. 14 


miles southwest of the agency and Fort Yates, and couriers were at 
once dispatched to these and to others in that direction to concentrate 
at Sitting Bull’s house, ready to make the arrest in the morning. It 
was then sundown, but with loyal promptness the police mounted their 
ponies and by riding all night from one station to another assembled a 
force of 45 trained and determined Indian police, including four volun- 
teers, at the rendezvous on Grand river before daylight. In perform- 
ing this courier service Sergeant Red Tomahawk covered the distance 
of 40 miles between the agency and the camp, over an unfamiliar road, 


lic. 76—Red Tomahawk. 


in four hours and a quarter; and another, Hawk Man, made 100 miles, 
by a roundabout way, in twenty-two hours. In the meantime two 
troops of the Eighth cavalry, numbering 100 men, under command of 
Captain E.G. Fechet, and having with them a Hotehkiss gun, left Fort 
Yates at midnight, guided by Louis Primeau, and by a rapid night 
march arrived within supporting distance near Sitting Bull’s camp just 
before daybreak. It was afterward learned that Sitting Bull, in antici- 
pation of such action, had had a strong guard about his house for his 
protection for several nights previous, but on this particular night the 


MOONEY | DEATH OF SITTING BULL 857 


Indians had been dancing until nearly morning, and the house was con- 
sequently left unguarded. 

At daybreak on Monday morning, December 15, 1890, the police and 
volunteers, 43 in number, under command of Lieutenant Bull Head, 
a cool and reliable man, surrounded Sitting Bull’s house. He had 
two log cabins, a few rods apart, and to make sure of their man, eight 
of the police entered one house and ten went into the other, while the 
rest remained on guard outside. They found him asleep on the floor 
in the larger house. He was aroused and told that he was a prisoner 
and must go to the agency. He made no objection, but said All right; 
I will dress and go with you.” He then sent one of his wives to the 
other house for some clothes he desired to wear, and asked to have his 
favorite horse saddled for him to ride, which was done by one of the 
police. On looking about the room two rifles and several knives were 
found and taken by the police. While dressing, he apparently changed 
his mind and began abusing the police for disturbing him, to which 
they made no reply While this was going on inside, his followers, to 
the number of perhaps 150, were congregating about the house outside 
and by the time he was dressed an excited crowd of Indians had the 
police entirely surrounded and were pressing them to the wall. On 
being brought out, Sitting Bull became greatly excited and refused to 
go, and called on his followers to rescue him. Lieutenant Bull Head 
and Sergeant Shave Head were standing on each side of him, with 
Second Sergéant Red Tomahawk guarding behind, while the rest of 
the police were trying to clear the way in front, when one of Sitting 
Bull’s followers, Catch-the-Bear, fired and shot Lieutenant Bull Head 
in the side. Bull Head at once turned and sent a bullet into the body 
of Sitting Bull, who was also shot through the head at the same moment 
by Red Tomahawk. Sergeant Shave Head was shot by another of 
the crowd, and fell to the ground with Bull Head and Sitting Bull. 
Catech-the-Bear, who fired the first shot, was immediately shot and 
killed by Alone Man, one of the police, and it became a desperate hand- 
to-hand fight of less than 43 men against more than a hundred, The 
trained police soon drove their assailants into the timber near by, and 
then returned and carried their dead and wounded into the house and 
held it for about two hours, until the arrival of the troops under Cap- 
tain Fechét, about half past seven. The troops had been notified of 
the perilous situation of the police by Hawk Man, who had volunteered 
to carry the information from Sitting Bull’s camp. He succeeded in 
getting away, assisted by Red Tomahawk, although so closely pursued 
that several bullets passed through his clothing. In spite of the efforts 
of the hostiles, the police also held possession of the corral, which Sit- 
ting Bull had filled with horses in anticipation of his flight. When the 
cavalry came in sight over a hill, about 1,500 yards distant from the 
camp, the police at thecorral raised a white flag to show where they were, 
but the troops, mistaking them for hostiles, fired two shells at them from 


858 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


the Hotchkiss, when Sergeant Red Tomahawk, who had taken com- 
mand after the wounding of his superior officers, paraded his men in 
line and then rode out alone with a white flag to meet the troops. On 
the approach of the soldiers Sitting Bull’s warriors fled up Grand river 
a short distance and then turned south across the prairie toward Cherry 
creek and Cheyenne river. Not wishing to create such a panic among 
them as to drive them into the hostile camp in the Bad Lands, Captain 
Fechét pursued them only a short distance and then left them to be 
handled by the other detachments in that direction. Their wives and 
families, their property and their dead, were left behind in the flight. 


Fic. 77—Sitting Bull the Sioux medicine-man. 


As soon as possible Captain Fechét also sent word to them by some 
Indian women to return to their homes and they would not be molested. 
To further reassure them, the troops at once began their march back to 
the post. As a result of this sensible policy, very few of the Sitting 
Bull band joined the hostiles. They had made no resistance to the 
troops, but fled immediately on their appearance. 

The fight lasted only a few minutes, but with terribly fatal result. 
Six policemen were killed or mortally wounded, including the officers 
Bull Head and Shave Head, and one other less seriously wounded. 
The hostiles lost eight killed, including Sitting Bull and his son Crow 


MOONEY] FAITHFULNESS OF INDIAN POLICE 859 


Foot, 17 years of age, with several wounded. During the fight the 
women attacked the police with knives and clubs, but notwithstanding 
the excitement the police simply disarmed them and put them in one 
of the houses under guard. 


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The warmest praise is given the Indian police for their conduct on 
this occasion by those who are most competent to judge. Some who 
thus faced death in obedience to orders had near relatives among those 
opposed to them. Agent McLaughlin in one official letter says that he 


860 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


can not too strongly commend their splendid courage and ability in 
the action, and in another letter says: ‘The details of the battle show 
that the Indian police behaved nobly and exhibited the best of judg- 
ment and bravery, and a recognition by the government for their sery- 
ices on this oceasion is richly deserved. . . . I respectfully urge 
that the Interior Department cooperate with the War Department in 
obtaining Congressional action which will secure to these brave sur- 
vivors and to the families of the dead a full and generous reward.” 
Colonel Drum, under whose orders the arrest was made, after stating 
that Sitting Bull was not hurt until he began struggling to escape and 
until one of the police had been shot, adds: ‘It is also remarkable that 
no squaws or children were hurt. The police appear to have constantly 
warned the other Indians to keep away, until they were forced to fight 
in self-defense. It is hardly possible to praise their conduct too highly.” 
Notwithstanding the recommendation of the Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs, Congress has taken no action in recognition of their services 
on this occasion. 

Before the action orders had been sent to the police to have with 
them a wagon, in order to convey Sitting Bull quickly away from the 
camp, so as to avoid trouble, but in the excitement of preparation 
this was overlooked. The police returned to the agency late in the 
afternoon, bringing with them their dead and wounded, together with 
two prisoners and the body of Sitting Bull, which was turned over to 
the military authorities at Fort Yates. The four dead policemen were 
buried at the agency next day with military honors. Bull Head and 
Shave Head died in the hospital soon afterward, with the consolation 
of having their friends around them in their last moments. The agent 
states that the large majority of the Indians were loyal to the govern- 
ment, and expressed satisfaction at what they considered the termina- 
tion of the disturbance. Couriers were again sent after the fleeing 
Indians by MeLaughlin, warning them to return to the agency, where 
they would be safe, or suffer the consequences if found outside the res- 
ervation. Within a few days nearly 250 had come in and surrendered, 
leaving only about one-third still out. Most of these soon afterward 
surrendered with Hump on Cherry creek, while the remainder, about 
50, joined Big Foot or went on to Pine Ridge. (G. D., 36; War, 8.) 

Thus died Tata/nka I’yota/nke, Sitting Bull, the great medicine-man of 
the Sioux, on the morning of December 15, 1890, aged about 56 years. 
He belonged to the Unepapa division of the Teton Sioux. Although a 
priest rather than a chief, he had gained a reputation in his early years 
by organizing and leading war parties, and became prominent by his 
participation in the battle of Little Bighorn, in Montana, on June 25, 
1876, by which Custer’s command was wiped out of existence. Being 
pursued by General Terry, Sitting Bull and his band made their escape 
northward into Canada, where they remained until 1881, when he 
surrendered, through the mediation of the Canadian authorities, on a 


MOONEY] SITTING BULL S61 


promise of pardon. To obtain subsistence while in Canada, his people 
had been obliged to sell almost all they possessed, including their fire- 
arms, so that they returned to their old homes in an impoverished 
condition. After confinement as a prisoner of war until 1883, Sitting 
Bull took up his residence on Grand river, where he remained until he 
met his death. Here he continued to be the leader of the opposition to 
civilization and the white man, and his camp became the rallying point 
for the dissatisfied conservative element that clung to the old order 
of things, and felt that innovation meant destruction to their race. For 
seven years he had steadily opposed the treaty by which the great 
Sioux reservation was at last broken up in 1889. After the treaty had 
been signed by the requisite number to make it a law, he was asked by 
a white man what the Indians thought about it. With a burst of pas- 
sionate indignation he replied, ‘Indians! There are no Indians left 
now but me.” However misguided he may have been in thus continu- 
ing a losing fight against the inevitable, it is possible that from the 
Indian point of view he may have been their patriot as he was their 
high priest. He has been mercilessly denounced as a bad man and a 
liar; but there can be no doubt that he was honest in his hatred of the 
whites, and his breaking of the peace pipe, saying that he ‘‘ wanted to 
fight and wanted to die,” showed that he was no coward. But he rep- 
resented the past. His influence was incompatible with progress, and 
his death marks an era in the civilization of the Sioux. In the language 
of General Miles, ‘‘ His tragic fate was but the ending of a tragic life. 
Since the days of Pontiac, Tecumseh, and Red Jacket no Indian has 
had the power of drawing to him so large a following of his race and 
molding and wielding it against the authority of the United States, 
or of inspiring it with greater animosity against the white race and 
civilization.” (War, 9.) 

On December 15 the Indians who had already fled to the Bad Lands 
attacked a small party of men on Spring creek of Cheyenne river. 
Major Tupper with 100 men of Carr’s division was sent to their rescue, 
and a skirmish ensued with the Indians, who were concealed in the 
bushes along the creek. The government wagons, while crossing the 
creek, were also attacked by the hostiles, who were finally driven oft 
by reinforcements of cavalry under Captain Wells. On the same date 
over a thousand Indians returned to Pine Ridge. News was received 
that there were still about 1,500 fugitives camped on Cheyenne river in 
the neighborhood of Spring creek. (Colby, 7.) 

The most dangerous leader of dissatisfaction in the north after the 
death of Sitting Bull was considered to be Hump, on Cheyenne River 
reservation. The agent in charge had long before recommended his 
removal, but it was thought that it would now be next to impossible to 
arrest him. Hump with his band of about 400 persons, and Big Foot 
with nearly as many, had their camps about the junction of Cherry 
creek and Cheyenne river. For several weeks they had been dancing 


862 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [erH. ANN. 14 


almost constantly, and were very sullen and apparently very hostile. 
After serious consideration of the matter, the task of securing Hump 
was assigned to Captain BE, P. Ewers of the Fifth infantry, who had 
had charge of this chief and his band for seven years and had their 
full confidence and respect. He was then on duty in Texas, but was 
ordered forward and reported soon after at Fort Bennett on the border 
of the reservation. So dangerous was Hump considered to be that the 
civilagents did not think it possible even for the officer to communicate 
with him. However, Captain Ewers, without troops and attended only 
by Lieutenant Hale, at once left the fort and rode out 60 miles to Hump’s 
camp. ‘ Hump at the time was 20 miles away and a runner was sent 
for him. Immediately upon hearing that Captain Ewers was in the 
vicinity he came to him and was told that the division commander 
desired him to take his people away from the hostiles and bring them 
to the nearest military post. He replied that if General Miles sent for 
him, he would do whatever he desired. He immediately brought his 
people into Fort Bennett and complied with all the orders and instrue- 
tions given him, and subsequently rendered valuable service for peace. 
Thus an element regarded as among the most dangerous was removed.” 
After coming into the fort, Hump enlisted as a scout under Captain 
Ewers, and soon afterward, in connection with the same Lieutenant 
Hale, proved his loyalty by bringing about the surrender of the Sitting 
Bull fugitives. Subsequently Captain Ewers further distinguished him- 
self by conducting the northern Cheyenne—who were considered as 
particularly dangerous, but who regarded Captain Ewers with abso- 
lute affeetion—from Pine Ridge to Tongue river, Montana, a distance 
of 300 miles, and in the most rigorous of the winter season, without an 
escort of troops and without the loss of a single life or the commission 
by an Indian of a single unlawful act. (War, 10.) 

The Sitting Bull fugitives who had not come in at once had fled south- 
ward toward their friends and near relatives of Cheyenne River reser- 
vation, and were camped on Cherry creek a few miles above its junction 
with Cheyenne river at Cheyenne City. As their presence there could 
serve only to increase the unrest among the other Indians in that 
vicinity, and as there was great danger that they might attempt to join 
those already in the Bad Lands, Captain Hurst, of the Twelfth infantry, 
commanding at Fort Bennett, directed Lieutenant H. E. Hale on Decem- 
ber 18 to go out and bring them in. On arriving at Cheyenne City the 
officer found it deserted, all the citizens excepting one man having fled 
in alarm a short time before on the report of a half-blood that the Sit- 
ting Bull Indians were coming and had sworn to kill the first white 
man they met. Having succeeded in frightening the whole population, 
the half-blood himself, Narcisse Narcelle, left at once for the fort. 

After some difficulty in finding anyone to assist him, Hale sent a 
policeman to bring back Narcelle and sent out another Indian to learn 
the situation and condition of the Indian camp. His only interpreter 


MOONEY] AFTER SITTING BULL’S BAND 863 


for the purpose was Mr Angell, the single white man who had remained, 
and who had learned some of the Sioux language during his residence 
among them. While thus waiting, a report came that the Indians had 
raided a ranch about 10 miles up the creek. Not hearing from his 
scouts, the lieutenant determined to go alone and find the camp, and 
was just about to start, when Hump, the late dangerous hostile, but now 
an enlisted scout, rode in with the news that the Sitting Bull Indians 
were approaching only a short distance away, and armed. Although 
from the reports there was every reason to believe that they had just 
destroyed a ranch and were now coming to attack the town, the officer, 
with rare bravery, kept his determination to go out and meet them, 
even without an interpreter, in the hope of preventing their hostile pur- 
pose. Hump volunteered to go with him. The two rode out together 
and soon came up with the Indians, who received them in a friendly man- 
ner. There were 46 warriors in the party, besides women and children, 
wagons and ponies. Says the officer: ‘Tl appreciated the importance of 
the situation, but was absolutely powerless to communicate with the 
Indians. I immediately formed the opinion that they could be easily 
persuaded to come into the agency if I could but talk with them, 
While I was trying by signs to make them understand what I wanted, 
Henry Angell rode into the circle and took his place at my side. This 
generous man had not liked the idea of my going among these Indians, 
and from a true spirit of chivalry had ridden over to ‘see it out.” 
Verily, while such men as Ewers, Hale, and Angell live, the day of 
chivalry is not gone by. 

With Angell’s assistance as interpreter, the officer told the Indians 
that if they would stay where they were for one day, he would go back 
to the agency and return within that time with the chief (Captain 
J. H. Hurst) and an interpreter and no soldiers. They replied that 
they would not move, and, having directed Angell to kill a beef for 
them, as they were worn-out and well-nigh starving, and leaving Hump 
with them to reassure them, the lieutenant rode back to Fort Bennett, 
40 miles away, notified Captain Hurst, and returned with him, Sergeant 
Gallagher, and two Indian scouts as interpreters, the next day. Know- 
ing the importance of haste, they started out on this winter ride of 40 
miles without blankets or rations. 

On arriving Captain Hurst told them briefly what he had come for, 
and then, being exhausted from the rapid ride, and knowing that an 
Indian must not be hurried, he ordered some beef and a plentiful sup- 
ply of tobacco for them, and said that after he and they had eaten and 
rested they could talk the matter over. In the evening the principal 
men met him and told him over a pipe that they had left Standing 

tock agency forever; that their great chief and friend Sitting Bull 

had been killed there without cause; that they had come down to talk 

with their friends on Cherry creek about it, but had found them goue, 
14 ETH—PY® 2 15 


864 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


and were consequently undecided as to what they should do. The 
captain replied that he had come as a friend; that if they would sur- 
render their arms and go back with him to Fort Bennett, they would 
be provided for and would not be harmed; that he could make no 
promises as to their future disposition; that if they chose to join Big 
Foot’s camp, only a few miles up the river, the result would be their 
certain destruction. After deliberating among themselves until mid- 
night, they came in a body, delivered a number of guns, and said they 
would go back to the fort. Accordingly they broke camp next morn- 
ing and arrived at Fort Bennett on December 24. The entire body 
numbered 221, including 55 belonging on Cherry creek. These last 
were allowed to join their own people camped near the post. The 
Sitting Bull Indians, with some others from Standing Rock, number- 
ing 227 in all, were held at Fort Sully, a few miles below Fort Bennett, 
until the close of the trouble. Thirty-eight others of the Sitting Bull 
band had joined Big Foot and afterward fled with him. (War, 77.) 

After the death of Sitting Bull and the enlistment of Hump in the 
government service, the only prominent leader outside of the Bad 
Lands who was considered as possibly dangerous was Sitanka or Big 
Foot, whose village was at the mouth of Deep creek, a few miles below 
the forks of Cheyenne river. The duty of watching him was assigned to 
Lieutenant-Colonel E. V. Sumner of the Eighth cavalry, who had his 
camp just above the forks. Here he was visited by Big Foot and 
his head men, who assured the officer that they were peaceable and 
intended to remain quietly at home. Friendly relations continued until 
the middle of December, when Big Foot came to bid good bye, telling 
Sumner that his people were all going to the agency to get their annui- 
ties. A day or two later the order came to arrest Big Foot and send 
him as a prisoner to Fort Meade. Believing that the chief was acting 
in good faith to control his warriors, who might easily go beyond con- 
trol were he taken from them, Colonel Sumner informed General Miles 
that the Indians were already on their way to the agency; that if Big 
Foot should return he (Sumner) would try to get him, and that other- 
wise he could be arrested at the agency, if necessary. Soon after, 
however, the report came that Big Foot had stopped at Hump’s camp 
on the way to the agency, to meet the fugitives coming south from 
Sitting Bull’s camp. P 

On receipt of this information, Sumner at once marched down the 
river with the intention of stopping Big Foot. When about half way 
to Hump’s camp, Big Foot himself came up to meet him, saying that he 
was friendly, and that he and his men would obey any orders that the 
officer might give. He stated that he had with him 100 of his own 
Indians and 388 from Standing Rock (Sitting Bull’s band). When 
asked why he had received these last, knowing that they were refugees 
from their reservation, he replied that they were his brothers and rela- 
tions; that they had come to his people hungry, footsore, and almost 


MOONEY] BIG FOOT’S BAND 865 


naked: and that he had taken them in and fed them, and that no one 
with a heart could do any less. 

Sumner then directed one of his officers, Captain Hennisee, to go to 
the Indian camp with Big Foot and bring in all the Indians. That 
officer started and returned the next day, December 21, with 333 
Indians. This large number was a matter of surprise in view of Big 
Foot’s statement shortly before, but it is possible that in speaking of 
his party he intended to refer only to the warriors. They went into 
camp as directed, turned out their ponies to graze, and were fed, and on 
the next morning all started quietly back with the troops. As they had 
all along appeared perfectly friendly and compliant with every order, 
no attempt was made to disarm them. On arriving near their own vil 
lage, however, it became apparent that Big Foot could not control their 
desire to go to their homes. The chief came frankly to Sumner and 
said that he himself would go wherever wanted, but that there would 
be trouble to force the women and children, who were cold and hungry, 
away from their village. He protested also that they were now at 
home, where they had been ordered by the government to stay, and 
that none of them had done anything to justify their removal. As it 

vas evident that they would not go peaceably, Colonel Sumner de- 
termined to bring his whole force on the next day to compel them. In 
the meantime he sent a white man named Dunn, who had a friendly 
acquaintance with Big Foot, to tell him that the Indians must obey the 
order to remove. Dunn delivered the message and returned, being 
followed later by the interpreter, with the statement that the Indians 
had consented to go to the agency, and would start the next morning, 
December 23. That evening, however, scouts came in with the word 
that the Indians had left their village and were going southward. It 
was at first thought that they intended turning off on another trail to 
the agency, but instead of doing so they kept on in the direction of 
Pine Ridge and the refugees in the Bad Lands, taking with them only 
their ponies and tipi poles. 

The cause of this precipitate flight after the promise given by Big 
Foot is somewhat uncertain. The statement of the interpreter, Felix 
Benoit, would make it appear that the Indians were frightened by 
Dunn, who told them that the soldiers were coming in the morning to 
carry them off and to shoot them if they refused to go. While this 
doubtless had the effect of alarming them, the real cause of their flight 
was probably the fact that just at this critical juncture Colonel Merriam 
was ordered to move with his command up Cheyenne river to join 
forces with Sumner in compelling their surrender. Such is the opinion 
of General Ruger, who states officially that “Big Foot and adherents 
who had joined him, probably becoming alarmed on the movement of 
Colonel Merriam’s command from Fort Bennett and a rumor that 
Colonel Sumner would capture them, eluded Colonel Sumner’s com- 
mand and started for the Pine Ridge reservation.” This agrees with 


866 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


the statement of several of the survivors that they had been frightened 
from their homes by the news of Merriam’s approach. Sumner, in his 
report, calls attention to the fact that they committed no depredations 
in their flight, although they passed several ranches and at one time 
even went through a pasture filled with horses and cattle without 
attempting to appropriate them. He also expresses the opinion that 
Big Foot was compelled unwillingly to go with his people. The whole 
number of fugitives was at least 540, including a few from the bands 
of Sitting Bull and Hump. Immediately on learning of their flight 
Colonel Sumner notified General Carr, commanding in the direction of 
the Bad Lands. (War, 72.) 

The situation at this erisis is thus summed up by Indian Commis- 
sioner Morgan: 

Groups of Indians from the different reservations had commenced concentrating 
in the Bad Lands upon or in the vicinity of the Pine Ridge reservation. Killing of 
cattle and destruction of other property by these Indians, almost entirely within the 
limits of Pine Ridge and Rosebud reservations, occurred, but no signal fires were 
built, no warlike demonstrations were made, no violence was done to any white 
settler, nor was there cohesion or organization among the Indians themselves. Many 
of them were friendly Indians, who had never participated in the ghost dance, but 
had fled thither from fear of soldiers, in consequence of the Sitting Bull affair or 
through the overpersuasion of friends. The military gradually began to close in 


around them and they offered no resistance, and a speedy and quiet capitulation of 
all was confidently expected. (Comr., 34.) 


2 


Nearly 3,000 troops were now in the field in the Sioux country. This 
force was fully sufficient to have engaged the Indians with success, but 
as such action must inevitably have resulted in wholesale killing on 
both sides, with the prospect of precipitating a raiding warfare unless 
the hostiles were completely annihilated, it was thought best to bring 
about a surrender by peaceful means. 

The refugees in the Bad Lands who had fled from Pine Ridge and 
Rosebud had been surrounded on the west and north by a strong 
cordon of troops, operating under General Brooke, which had the effect 
of gradually forcing them back toward the agency. At the same time 
that officer made every effort to expedite the process by creating dis- 
sensions in the Indian camp, and trying in various ways to induce 
them to come in by small parties at atime. To this end the Indians 
were promised that if they complied with the orders of the military 
their rights and interests would be protected, so far as if was within 
the power of the military department to accomplish that result. 
Although they had about lost confidence in the government, these 
assurances had a good effect, which was emphasized by the news of 
the death of Sitting Bull, the arrest of Big Foot, and return of Hump to 
his agency, and the steady pressure of the troops from behind; and on 
December 27, 1890, the entire force broke camp and left their strong- 
hold in the Bad Lands and began moying in toward the agency at 
Pine Ridge. The several detachments of troops followed behind, 


MOONEY] SURRENDER OF BIG FOOT 867 


within supporting distance of one another, and so closely that the fires 
were still burning in the Indian camps when the soldiers moved in to 
occupy the same ground. (War, 13.) 

As early as December 6 a conference had been brought about at Pine 
Ridge, through the efforts of Father Jutz, the priest of the Catholic 
mission, between General Brooke and the leading chiefs of both friend- 
lies and “‘hostiles.” Ajthough no definite conclusion was reached, the 
meeting was a friendly one, ending with a feast and an Indian dance. 
The immediate effect was a division in the hostile camp, culminating in 
a quarrel between the two ‘actions, with the result that Two Strike and 
his party left the rest and moved in toward the agency, while Short Bull 
and Kicking Bear retreated farther into the Bad Lands. On learning 
of this condition of affairs, General Brooke sent out American Horse 
and Big Road with a large party of warriors to meet Two Strike and go 
back with him to persuade the others, if possible, to come in. At the 
same time the troops were moved up to intercept the flight of the hos- 
tiles. (Colby, 2; @. D., 37.) 

On Christmas day the Cheyenne scouts, camped on Battle creek 
north of the Bad Lands, were attacked by a party of hostiles led by 
Kicking Bear in person. The fight was kept up until after dark, several 
being killed or wounded on both sides, but the’ hostiles were finally 
driven off. (Colby, 3.) 

But the tragedy was near at hand. Orders had been given to inter- 
cept Big Foot’s party in its flight from Cheyenne river toward the 
Bad Lands. This was accomplished on December 28, 1890, by Major 
Whitside of the Seventh cavalry, who came up with him a short dis- 
tance west of the Bad Lands. Not having succeeded. in communicat- 
ing with the refugees who had fled there and who were already on their 
way to the agency, Big Foot had made no stop, but continued on also 
toward Pine Ridge. On sighting the troops he raised a white flag, 
advanced into the open country, and asked for a parley. This was 
refused by Major Whitside, who demanded an unconditional surrender, 
which was at once given, and the Indians moved on with the troops to 
Wounded Knee creek, about 20 miles northeast of Pine Ridge agency, 
where they camped as directed by Major Whitside. In order to make 
assurance complete, General Brooke sent Colonel Forsyth to join Major 
Whitside with four additional troops of the Seventh cavalry, which, 
with the scouts under Lieutenant Taylor, made up a force of eight 
troops of cavalry, one company of scouts, and four pieces of light artil- 
lery (Hotchkiss guns), with a total force of 470 men, as against a total 
of 106 warriors then present in Big Foot’s band. A scouting party of 
Big Foot’s band was out looking for the camp under Kicking Bear and 
Short Bull, but as these chiefs, with their followers, were already on 
their way to the agency, the scouting party was returning to rejoin big 
Foot when the fight occurred the next morning. It was the intention 
of General Miles to send Big Foot and his followers back to their own 


868 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH, ANN. 14 


reservation, or to remove them altogether from the country until the 
excitement had subsided. (War, 14.) 

At this time there were no Indians in the Bad Lands. Two Strike 
and Crow Dog had come in about a week before and were now camped 
close to the agency. Kicking Bear and Short Bull, with their follow- 
ers, had yielded to the friendly persuasions of American Horse, Little 
Wound, Standing Bear, and others who had gone out to them in the 
interests of peace, and both parties were now coming in together and 
had arrived at the Catholic mission, 5 miles from the agency, when the 
battle occurred. 

On the morning of December 29, 1590, preparations were made to 
disarm the Indians preparatory to taking them to the ageney and 
thence to the railroad. In obedience to instructions the Indians had 
pitched their tipis on the open plain a short distance west of the creek 
and surrounded on all sides by the soldiers. In the center of the camp 
the Indians had hoisted a white flag as a sign of peace and a guarantee 
of safety. Behind them was a dry ravine running into the creek, and 
on a slight rise in the front was posted the battery of four Hotchkiss 
machine guns, trained directly on the Indian camp. In front, behind, 
and on both flanks of the camp were posted the various troops of cayv- 
alry, a portion of two troops, together with the Indian scouts, being 
dismounted and drawn up in front of the Indians at the distance of 
only a few yards from them. Big Foot himself was ill of pneumonia in 
his tipi, and Colonel Forsyth, who had taken command as senior officer, 
had provided a tent warmed with a camp stove for his reception. 

Shortly after 8 oclock in the morning the warriors were ordered to 
come out from the tipis and deliver their arms. They came forward 
and seated themselves on the ground in front of the troops. They 
were then ordered to go by themselves into their tipis and bring out 
and surrender their guns. The first twenty went and returned in a 
short time with only two guns. It seemed evident that they were 
unwilling to give them up, and after consultation of the officers part of 
the soldiers were ordered up to within ten yards of the group of war- 
riors, while another detachment of troops was ordered to search the 
tipis. After a thorough hunt these last returned with about forty 
rifles, most of which, however, were old and of little value. The 
search had consumed considerable time and created a good deal of 
excitement among the women and children, as the soldiers found it 
necessary in the process to overturn the beds and other furniture of the 
tipis and in some instances drove out the inmates. <All this had its 
effect on their husbands and brothers, already wrought up to a high 
nervous tension and not knowing what might come next. While the 
soldiers had been looking for the guns Yellow Bird, a medicine-man, 
had been walking about among the warriors, blowing on an eagle-bone 
whistle, and urging them to resistance, telling them that the soldiers 
would become weak and powerless, and that the bullets would be 


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EXPLANATION OF PLATE XCVII 


Compiled trom map by Lieutenant ‘I. Q. Donaldson, Seventh United States cavalry, kindly loaned by 
Dr J.D. Glennan, United States Army. 


A and I. Seventy-six men from A and IT troops forming dismounted line of sentinels. 
. Troop B dismounted and in line. 

Troop C mounted and in line (sorrel troop). 

. Troop D mounted and in line (black troop). 

. Troop E mounted and in line (bay troop). 

G. Troop G mounted and in line (gray troop) 


Rol: 


Kk. Troop K dismounted and in line. 
S. Indian scouts. 

1. Tent from which «a hostile warrior shot two soldiers, 

2. Tent ocenpied by Big Foot and his wife and in front of which the former was 
killed. 

3. Tents put up for the use of Big Foot’s band. 

4. Council ring in or near which were General Forsyth, Major Whitside, Captain 
Varnum, Captain Hoff, Captain Wallace, Doctor Glennan, Lieutenant Robinson, 
Lientenant Nicholson, Lieutenant MeCormick, and the reporters. 

5. Officers’ tents, first battalion. 

. Enlisted mens’ tents, first battalion, 
. Bivouaec of second battalion on night of December 28, 1890. 


Ona 


. Four Hotchkiss guns and detachwent of First artillery, under Captain Capron, 
First artillery, and Lieutenant Hawthorne, Second artillery. 
9. Indian village. 
10. Indian ponies. 
11. Dismounted line of sentinels. 
12. Captains Isley and Moylan. 
13. Lieutenants Garlington and Waterman. 
14. Captain Godfrey and Lieutenant Tompkins, 
15. Captain Jackson and Lieutenant Donaldson. 
16. Lieutenant Taylor, Ninth cavalry, commanding Indian scouts (8). 
17. Captain Edgerly and Lieutenant Brewer. 
18. Captain Nowlan and Lientenant Gresham. 
19. Indian houses. 
20. Lieutenants Sickel and Rice. 


Just beyond the limit of the map, toward the west, the ravine forms a bend, in 
which a number of hostiles took refuge, and from which Lieutenant Hawthorne was 
shot. Captain Wallace was found near the center of the council ring. Big Foot 
was killed two or three yards in froutof his tent. Father Craft was near the ceater 
of the ring when stabbed. The Indians broke to the west through 1 and K troops. 
While in the council ring all the warriors had on blankets, with their arms, princi- 
pally Winchester rifles, concealed under them. Most of the warriors, including the 
medicine-man, were painted and wore ghost shirts. 


MOONEY] THE WOUNDED KNEE BATTLE 869 


unavailing against the sacred * ghost shirts,” which nearly every one 
of the Indians wore. As he spoke in the Sioux language, the officers 
did not at once realize the dangerous drift of his talk, and the climax 
came too quickly for them to interfere. It is said one of the searchers 
now attempted to raise the blanket of a warrior. Suddenly Yellow 
Bird stooped down and threw a handful of dust into the air, when, as 
if this were the signal, a young Indian, said te have been Black Fox 
from Cheyenne river, drew a rifle from under his blanket and fired at 
the soldiers, who instantly replied with a volley directly into the crowd 
of warriors and so near that their guns were almost touching. From 
the number of sticks set up by the Indians to mark where the dead 
fell, as seen by the author a year later, this one volley must have killed 
nearly half the warriors (plate xc1x). The survivors sprang to their feet, 
throwing their blankets from their shoulders as they rose, and for a few 
minutes there was a terrible hand to hand struggle, where every man’s 
thought was to kill. Although many of the warriors had no guns, nearly 
all had revolvers and knives in their belts under their blankets, together 
with some of the murderous warclubs still carried by the Sioux. The 
very lack of guns made the fight more bloody, as it brought the com- 
batants to closer quarters. 

At the first volley the Hotchkiss guns trained on the camp opened 
fire and sent a storm of shells and bullets among the women and chil- 
dren, who had gathered in front of the tipis to watch the unusual spee- 
tacle of military display. The guns poured in 2-pound explosive shells 
at the rate of nearly fifty per minute, mowing down everything alive. 
The terrible effect may be judged from the fact that one woman sur- 
vivor, Blue Whirlwind, with whom the author conversed, received four- 
teen wounds, while each of her two little boys was also wounded by 
her side. In a few minutes 200 Indian men, women, and children, with 
60 soldiers, were lying dead and wounded on the ground, the tipis had 
been torn down by the shells and some of them were burning above 
the helpless wounded, and the surviving handful of Indians were fly- 
ing in wild panic to the shelter of the ravine, pursued by hundreds of 
maddened soldiers and followed up by a raking fire from the Hotchkiss 
guns, which had been moved into position to sweep the ravine. 

There can be no question that the pursuit was simply a massacre, 
where fleeing women, with infants in their arms, were shot down after 
resistance had ceased and when almost every warrior was stretched 
dead or dying on the ground. On this point such a careful writer as 
Herbert Welsh says: ‘From the fact that so many women and chil- 
dren were killed, and that their bodies were found far from the scene 
of action, and as though they were shot down while flying, it would 
look as though blind rage had been at work, in striking contrast to the 
moderation of the Indian police at the Sitting Bull fight when they 
were assailed. by women.” (Welsh, 3.) The testimony of American 
Horse and other friendlies is strong inthe same direction. (See page 


870 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


$39.) Commissioner Morgan in his official report says that ‘Most of 
the men, including Big Foot, were killed around his tent, where he lay 
sick. The bodies of the women and children were scattered along a 
distance of two miles from the scene of the encounter.” (Comr., 35.) 

This is no reflection on the humanity of the officer in charge. On 
the contrary, Colonel Forsyth had taken measures to guard against 
such an occurrence by separating the women and children, as already 
stated, and had also endeavored to make the sick chief, Big Foot, as 
comfortable as possible, even to the extent of sending his own surgeon, 
Dr Glennan, to wait on him on the night of the surrender. Strict 
orders had also been issued to the troops that women and children were 
not to be hurt. The butchery was the work of infuriated soldiers whose 
comrades had just been shot down without cause or warning. In jus- 
tice to a brave regiment it must be said that a number of the men were 
new recruits fresh from eastern recruiting stations, who had never 
before been under fire, were not yet imbued with military discipline, 
and were probably unable in the confusion to distinguish between men 
and women by their dress. 

After examining all the official papers bearing on the subject in the 
files of the War Department and the Indian Office, together with the 
official reports of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs and of the Secre- 
tary of War and the several officers engaged; after gathering all that 
might be obtained from unofficial printed sources and from conversation 
with survivors and participants in the engagement on both sides, and 
after going over the battle-ground in company with the interpreter of 
the scouts engaged, the author arrives at the conclusion that when the 
sun rose on Wounded Knee on the fatal morning of December 29, 1890, 
no trouble was anticipated or premeditated by either Indians or troops; 
that the Indians in good faith desired to surrender and be at peace, 
and that the officers in the same good faith had made preparations to 
receive their surrender and escort them quietly to the reservation; that 
in spite of the pacific intent of Big Foot and his band, the medicine- 
man, Yellow Bird, at the critical moment urged the warriors to resist- 
ance and gave the signal for the attack; that the first shot was fired by 
an Indian, and that the Indians were responsible for the engagement; 
that the answering volley and attack by the troops was right and justi- 
fiable, but that the wholesale slaughter of women and children was 
unnecessary and inexcusable. 

Authorities differ as to the number of Indians present and killed at 
Wounded Knee. General Ruger states that the band numbered about 
340, including about 100 warriors, but Major Whitside, to whom they 
surrendered, reported them officially as numbering 120 men and 250 
women and children, a total of 870. (War, 15; G. D., 38.) This agrees 
almost exactly with the statement made to the author by Mr Asay, a 
trader who was present at the surrender. General Miles says that there 
were present 106 warriors, a few others being absent at the time in 


MOONEY] THE KILLED AT WOUNDED KNEE 871 


search of the party under Kicking Bear and Short Bull. (War, 16.) 
Among those who surrendered were about 70 refugees from the bands 
of Sitting Bulland Hump. (G@.D.,39.) No exact account of the dead 
could be made immediately after the fight, on account of a second attack 
by another party of Indians coming up from the agency. Some of the 
dead and wounded left on the field were undoubtedly carried off by 
their friends before the burial party came out three days later, and of 
those brought in alive a number afterward died of wounds and expos- 
ure, but received no notice in the official reports. The Adjutant- 
General, in response to a letter of inquiry, states that 128 Indians were 
killed and 35 wounded. Commissioner Morgan, in his official report, 
makes the number killed 146. (Comr., 36.) Both these estimates are 
evidently too low. General Miles, in his final report, states that about 
200 men, women, and children were killed. (War, 17.) General Colby, 
who commanded the Nebraska state troops, says that about 100 men 
and over 120 women and children were found dead on the field, a total 
of about 220. (Colby, 4.) Agent Royer telegraphed immediately after 
the fight that about 500 Indians had been killed, and General Miles, 
telegraphing on the same day, says, “I think very few Indians have 
escaped.” (G@. D., 40.) Fifty-one Indians were brought in the same 
day by the troops, and a few others were found still alive by the burial 
party three days later. A number of these afterward died. No con- 
siderable number got away, being unable to reach their ponies after 
the fight began. General Miles states that 98 warriors were killed on 
the field. (War, 78.) The whole number killed on the field, or who 
later died from wounds and exposure, was probably very nearly 300. 

According to an official statement from the Adjutant-General, 31 
soldiers were killed in the battle. About as many more were wounded, 
one or two of whom afterward died. <All of the killed, excepting 
Hospital Steward Pollock and an Indian scout named High Backbone, 
belonged to the Seventh cavalry, as did probably also nearly all of the 
wounded. The only commissioned officer killed was Captain Wallace. 
He received four bullet wounds in his body and finally sank under a 
hatchet stroke upon the head. Lieutenant E. A. Garlington, of the 
Seventh cavalry, and Lieutenant H. L. Hawthorne, of the Second artil- 
lery, were wounded. (War, 19.) The last-named officer owed his life 
to his wateh, which deflected the bullet that otherwise would have 
passed through his body. 

Below is given a complete list of officers and enlisted men who were 
killed, or died of wounds or exposure, in connection with the Sioux 
campaign. The statement is contained in an official letter of reply 
from the Adjutant-General’s office dated May 26, 1894. Unless other- 
wise noted all were of the Seventh cavalry and were killed on Decem- 
ber 29, the date of the battle of Wounded Knee. In addition to these, 
two others, Henry Miller, a herder, and George Wilhauer, of the 
Nebraska militia, were killed in the same connection. With the 6 


872 


THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION 


(ETH. ANN. 14 


Indian police killed in arresting Sitting Bull, this makes a total of 49 
deaths on the government side, including 7 Indians and a negro: 


Adams, William. 


Bone, Albert 8S. (corporal, died of 
wounds). 
Casey, Edward W. (first lieutenant 


Twenty-second infantry, January 7). 

Coffey, Dora 8. (first sergeant). 

Cook, Ralph L. 

Corwine, Richard W. (sergeant major). 

Costello, John. 

Cummings, Pierce. 

De Vreede, Jan. 

Dyer, Arthur C. (sergeant). 

Elliott, George (died of wounds, Janu- 
ary 13). 

Francischetti, Dominic (December 30). 

Forrest, Harry R. (corporal). 

Frey, Henry. 

Grauberg, Herman (died of wounds, De- 
cember 30). 

Haywood, Charles (Ninth cavalry, col- 
ored, December 30). 

High Backbone (Indian scout). 

Hodges, William T. (sergeant). 

Howard, Henry (sergeant,died of wounds, 
January 23). 

Johnson, George P. 


Kelley, James E. 

Kellner, August. 

Korn, Gustav (blacksmith), 

Logan, James. 

MeClintock, William F. 

McCue, John M. 

Mann, James D. (first lieutenant, died of 
wounds, January 15). 

Meil, John W. (killed in railroad acci- 
dent, January 26). 

Mezo, William 8. 

Murphy, Joseph. 

Nettles, Robert H. (sergeant), 

Newell, Charles H. (corporal, died of 
wounds). 

Pollock, Oscar (hospital steward). 

Regan, Michael. 

Reinecky, Frank T. 

Schartel, Thomas (First artillery, killed 
in railroad accident, January 26). 

Schwenkey, Philip. 

Stone, Harry B. (died of wounds, Janu- 
ary 12). 

Twohig, Daniel. 

Wallace, George B. (captain). 

Zehnder, Bernhard (died of wounds). 


The heroic missionary priest, Father Craft, who had given a large 


part of his life to work among the Sioux, by whom he was loved and 
respected, had endeavored at the beginning of the trouble to persuade 
the stampeded Indians to come into the agency, but without success, 
the Indians claiming that no single treaty ever made with them had 
been fulfilled in all its stipulations. Many of the soldiers being of his 
own faith, he accompanied the detachment which received the surren- 
der of Big Foot, to render such good oftices as might be possible to 
either party. In the desperate encounter he was stabbed through the 
lungs, but yet, with bullets flying about him and hatchets and warclubs 
circling through the air, he went about his work, administering the 
last religious consolation to the dying until he fell unconscious from 
loss of blood. He was brought back to the agency along with the 
other wounded, and although his life was despaired of for some time, 
he finally recovered. In talking about Wounded Knee with one of the 
friendly warriors who had gone into the Bad Lands to urge the hostiles 
to come in, he spoke with warm admiration of Father Craft, and I 
asked why it was, then, that the Indians had tried to kill him. He 
replied, ‘They did not know him. Father Jutz {the priest at the 
Drexel Catholic mission, previously mentioned] always wears his black 
robe, but Father Craft on that day wore a soldier’s cap and overcoat. 
If he had worn his black robe, no Indian would have hurt him.” On 


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inquiring afterward I learned that this was not correct, as Father 
Craft did have on his priestly robes. From the Indian statement, how- 
ever, and the well-known affection in which he was held by the Sioux, 
it is probable that the Indian who stabbed him was too much excited 
at the moment to recognize him. 

The news of the battle was brought to the agency by Lieutenant 
Guy Preston, of the Ninth cavalry, who, in company with a soldier and 
an Indian scout, made the ride of 16 or 18 miles in a little over an hour, 
one horse falling dead of exhaustion on the way. There were then at 
the agency, under command of General Brooke, about 300 men of the 
Second infantry and 50 Indian police. 

The firing at Wounded Knee was plainly heard by the thousands of 
Indians camped about the agency at Pine Ridge, who had come in 
from the Bad Lands to surrender. They were at once thrown into 
great excitement, undoubtedly believing that there was a deliberate 
purpose on foot to disarm and massacre them all, and when the fugi- 
tives—women and children, most of them—began to come in, telling 
the story of the terrible slaughter of their friends and showing their 
bleeding wounds in evidence, the camp was divided between panie and 
desperation. A number of warriors mounted in haste and made all 
speed to the battle-ground, only about two hours distant, where they 
met the troops, who were now scattered about, hunting down the fugi- 
tives who might have escaped the first killing, and picking up the 
dead and wounded. The soldiers were driven in toward the center, 
where they threw up entrenchments, by means of which they were 
finally able to repel the attacking party. With the assistance of a 
body of Indian scouts and police, they then gathered up the dead and 
wounded soldiers, with some of the wounded Indians and a few other 
prisoners to the number of 51, and came into the agency. Inthe mean- 
time the hostiles under Two Strike had opened fire on the agency from 
the neighboring hills and endeavored to approach, by way of a deep 
ravine, near enough to set fire to the buildings. General Brooke, desir- 
ing to avoid a general engagement, ordered out the Indian police—a 
splendidly drilled body of 50 brave men—who gallantly took their 
stand in the center of the agency inclosure, in full view of the hostiles, 
some of whom were their own relatives, and kept them off, returning 
the fire of besiegers with such good effect as to kill two and wound 
several others. The attacking party, as well as those who rode out to 
help their kinsmen at Wounded Knee, were not the Pine Ridge Indians 
(Ogalala) but the Brulé from Rosebud under the lead of Two Strike, 
Kicking Bear, and Short Bull. On the approach of the detachment 
returning from Wounded Knee almost the entire body that had come 
in to surrender broke away and fell back to a position on White Clay 
creek, where the next day found a camp of 4,000 Indians, and including 
more than a thousand warriors now thoroughly hostile. On the even- 
ing of the battle General Miles telegraphed to military headquarters, 


874 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


“Last night everything looked favorable for getting all the Indians 
under control; since report from Forsyth it looks more serious than at 
any other time.” (@. D.,41.) It seemed that all the careful work of 
the last month had been undone. 

At the first indication of coming trouble in November all the out- 
lying schools and mission stations on Pine Ridge reservation had been 
abandoned, and teachers, farmers, and missionaries had fled to the 
agency to seek the protection of the troops, all but the members of the 
Drexel Catholic mission, 5 miles northwest from the agency. Here the 
two or three priests and five Franciscan sisters remained quietly at 
their post, with a hundred little children around them, safe in the assur- 
ance of the “hostiles” that they would not be molested. While the 
fighting was going on-at Wounded Knee and hundreds of furious war- 
riors were firing into the agency, where the handful of whites were 
shivering in spite of the presence of troops and police, these gentle 
women and the kindly old German priest were looking after the chil- 
dren, feeding the frightened fugitive women, and tenderly caring for 
the wounded Indians who were being brought in from Wounded Knee 
and the agency. Throughout all these weeks of terror they went calmly 
about the duties to which they had consecrated their lives, and kept 
their little flock together and their school in operation, without the 
presence of a single soldier, completely cut off from the troops and the 
agency and surrounded by thousands of wild Indians. 

Some time afterward, in talking with the Indians about the events 
of the campaign, the warrior who had spoken with such admiration of 
Father Craft referred with the same affectionate enthusiasm to Father 
Jutz, and said that when the infuriated Indians attacked the agency on 
hearing of the slaughter at Wounded Knee they had sent word to the 
mission that no one there need be afraid. ‘We told him to stay where 
he was and no Indian would disturb him,” said the warrior. He told 
how the priest and the sisters had fed the starving refugees and bound 
up the wounds of the survivors who escaped the slaughter, and then 
after a pause he said: ‘‘He is a brave man; braver than any Indian.” 
Curious to know why this man had not joined the hostiles, among whom 
were several of his near relatives, I asked him the question. His reply 
was simple: “I had a little boy at the Drexel mission. He died and 
Father Jutz put a white stone over him. That is why I did not join 
the hostiles.” 

While visiting Pine Ridge in 1891 I went out to see the Drexel school 
and found Father John Jutz, a simple, kindly old German from the 
Tyrol, with one or two other German Jay brothers and five Franciscan 
sisters, Americans. Although but a recent establishment, the school 
was in flourishing condition, bearing in everything the evidences of 
orderly industry. Like a true German of the Alps, Father Jutz had 
already devised a way to make jelly from the wild plums and excellent 
wine from the chokecherry. While talking, the recess hour arrived and 


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MOONEY] HOSTILITY RENEWED 875 


a bevy of small children came trooping in, pushing over one another in 
the effort to get hold of a finger of the good father, or at least to hold 
on to his robe while he led them into another room where one of the 
sisters gave to each a ginger cake, hot from the oven. The room was 
filled with the shouts and laughter of the children and the father 
explained, ‘Children get hungry, and we always have some cakes for 
the little ones at recess. I let the boys be noisy in the playroom as 
long as they don’t fight. Itis good for them.” Looking at the happy, 
noisy crowd around the black-gowned missionary and sister, if was easy 
to see how they had felt safe in the affection of the Indians through all 
the days and nights when others were trembling behind breastworks 
and files of soldiers. Referring to what the Indians had told me, I 
asked Father Jutz if it was true that the hostiles had seut word to 
them not to be afraid. He replied,‘ Yes; they had sent word that no 
one in the mission need be alarmed,” and then, with a gentle smile, 
he added, “But it was never our intention to leave.” It was plain 
enough that beneath the quiet exterior there burned the old missionary 
fire of Jogues and Marquette. 

The conflict at Wounded Knee bore speedy fruit. On the same day, 
as has been said, a part of the Indians under Two Strike attacked the 
agency and the whole body of nearly 4,000 who had come in to sur- 
render started back again to intrench themselves in preparation for 
renewed hostilities. On the morning of December 30, the next day 
after the fight, the wagon train of the Ninth cavalry (colored) was 
attacked within 2 miles of the agency while coming in with supplies. 
One soldier was killed, but the Indians were repulsed with the loss of 
several of their number. 

On the same day news came to the agency that the hostiles had 
attacked the Catholic mission 5 miles out, and Colonel Forsyth with 
eight troops of the Seventh cavalry and one piece of artillery was 
ordered by General Brooke to go out and drive them off. It proved 
that the hostiles had set fire to several houses between the mission and 
the agency, but the mission had not been disturbed. As the troops 
approached the hostiles fell back, but Forsyth failed to occupy the 
commanding hills and was consequently surrounded by the Indians, 
who endeavored to draw him into a canyon and pressed him so closely 
that he was obliged to send back three times for reinforcements. 
Major Henry had just arrived at the agency with a detachment of the 
Ninth cavalry, and on hearing the noise of the firing started at once to 
the relief of Forsyth with four troops of cavalry and a Hotchkiss gun, 
On arriving on the ground he occupied the hills and thus succeeded 
in driving off the hostiles without further casualty, and rescued the 
Seventh from its dangerous position. In this skirmish, known as the 
“mission fight,” the Seventh lost one officer, Lieutenant Mann, and a 
private, Dominic Francischetti, killed, and seven wounded. (War, 20; 
G. D., 42.) 


876 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


The conduet of the colored troops of the Ninth calvary on this ocea- 
sion deserves the highest commendation. At the time of the battle at 
Wounded Knee, the day before, they were in the Bad Lands, about 80 
or 90 miles out from Pine Ridge, when the order was sent for them to 
come in to aid in repelling the attack on the agency. By riding all 
night they arrived at the agency at daylight, together with two Hotch- 
kiss guns, in charge of Lieutenant John Hayden of the First artillery. 
Hardly had they dismounted when word arrived that their wagon train, 
coming on behind, was attacked, and they were obliged to go out again 
to its relief, as already described. On coming in again they lay down 
to rest after their long night ride, when they were once more called 
out to go to the aid of the Seventh at the mission. Jumping into the 
saddie they rode at full speed to the mission, 5 miles out, repelled 
the hostiles and saved the command, and returned to the agency, after 
having ridden over 100 miles and fought two engagements within thirty 
hours. Lieutenant Hayden, with his Hotchkiss, who had come in with 
them from the Bad Lands, took part also with them in the mission fight. 

On the same evening Standing Soldier, an Indian scout, arrived at 
the agency with a party of 65 Indians, including 18 men. These were 
a part of Big Foot’s or Short Bull’s following, who had lost their way 
during the flight from Cheyenne river and were hunting for the rest of 
the band when captured by the scouts. They were not aware of the 
death of Big Foot and the extermination of his band, but after having 
been disarmed and put under guard they were informed of it, but only 
in a mild way, in order not to provoke undue excitement. (@. D., 43.) 

Immediately after the battle of Wounded Knee, in consequence of the 
panic among the frontier settlers of Nebraska, the Nebraska state troops 
were called out under command of General L. W. Colby. They were 
stationed at the most exposed points between the settlements and the 
reservation and remained in the field until the surrender of the hostiles 
two weeks later. The only casualty among them was the death of 
private George Wilhauer, who was accidentally shot by a picket. 
(Colby, 5.) 

On New Year’s day of 1891, three days after the battle, a detachment 
of troops was sent out to Wounded Knee to gather up and bury the 
Indian dead and to bring in the wounded who might be still alive on 
the field. In the meantime there had been a heavy snowstorm, culmi- 
nating in a blizzard. The bodies of the slaughtered men, women, and 
children were found lying about under the snow, frozen stiff and covered 
with blood (plate xcvii1). Almost all the dead warriors were found 
lying near where the fight began, about Big Foot’s tipi, but the bodies of 
the women and children were found scattered along for 2 miles from the 
scene of the encounter, showing that they had been killed while trying 
to escape. (Comr., 37; Colby, 6.) A number of women and children 
were found still alive, but all badly wounded or frozen, or both, and 
most of them died after being brought in. Four babies were found 


Qv3d0 3H1 ONIAYNA 


= S 
Hees 


Ce 
GWOOMIN WHISK 


ADOIONHL3 4O NvaHNS 


9 Id LYOd3Y TVNNNY HLN331LuN04 


MOONEY] SURVIVORS OF WOUNDED KNEE 877 


alive under the snow, wrapped in shawls and lying beside their dead 
mothers, whose last thought had been of them. They were all badly 
frozen and only one lived, The tenacity of life so characteristic of wild 


Fie. 79—Survivors of Wounded Knee—Blue Whirlwind and children (1891). 


people as well as of wild beasts was strikingly illustrated in the case 
of these wounded and helpless Indian women and children who thus 
lived three days through a Dakota blizzard, without food, shelter, or 
attention to their wounds. It isa commentary on our boasted Christian 


878 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH ANN. 14 


civilization that although there were two or three salaried missionaries 
at the agency not one went out to say a prayer over the poor mangled 
bodies of these victims of war. The Catholic priests had reasons for not 
being present, as one of them, Father Craft, was lying in the hospital 
with a dangerous wound received on the battlefield while bravely admin- 
istering to the dying wants of the soldiers in the heat of the encounter, 
and the other, Father Jutz, an old man of 70 years, was at the mission 
school 5 miles away, still attending to his little tlock of 100 children 


F1G. 80—Survivors of Wounded Knee—Marguerite Zitkala-noni (1891). 


as before the trouble began, and unaware of what was transpiring at 
the agency. 

A long trench was dug and into it were thrown all the bodies, piled 
one upon another like so much cordwood, until the pit was full, when 
the earth was heaped over them and the funeral was complete (plate C). 
Many of the bodies were stripped by the whites, who went out in order 
to get the “ ghost shirts,” and the frozen bodies were thrown into the 
trench stiff and naked, 'They were only dead Indians. As one of the 
burial party said, ‘It was a thing to melt the heart of a man, if it was 


33NyM G30NNOM LY Gv3d AHL 4O 3AVHD 


19 Id 1LYOd3Y IWANNY HIN33LuNOS ADOTONH1L3 30 Nva"NE 


MOONEY] SURVIVORS OF WOUNDED KNEE 879 


of stone, to see those little children, with their bodies shot to pieces, 
thrown naked into the pit.” The dead soldiers had already been 
brought in and buried decently at the agency, When the writer visited 
the spot the following winter, the Indians had put up a wire fence 
around the trench and smeared the posts with sacred red medicine 
paint (plate CI). 

A baby girl of only three or four months was found under the snow, 
carefully wrapped up in a shawl, beside her dead mother, whose body 
was pierced by two bullets. On her head was a little cap of buckskin, 


Fic. 81—Survivors of Wounded Knee—Jennie Sword (1891). 


upon which the American flag was embroidered in bright beadwork. 
She had lived through all the exposure, being only slightly frozen, and 
soon recovered after being brought in to the agency. Her mother being 
killed, and, in all probability, her father also, she was adopted by Gen- 
eral Colby, commanding the Nebraska state troops. The Indian women 
in camp gave her the poetic name of Zitkala-noni, “Lost Bird,” and by 
the family of her adoption she was baptized under the name of Mar- 
guerite (figure 80), She is now (1896) living in the general’s family at 
Washington, a chubby little girl 6 years of age, as happy with her dolls 
and playthings as a little girl of that age ought to be. 
14 ErH—pT 2——16 


880 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


Another little girl about 5 years of age was picked up on the battle- 
field and brought in by the Indian police on the afternoon of the fight. 
She was adopted by George Sword, captain of the Indian police, and is 
now living with him under the name of Jennie Sword, a remarkably 
pretty little girl, gentle and engaging in her manners (figure 81). 

A little boy of four years, the son of Yellow Bird, the medicine-man, 
was playing on his pony in front of a tipi when the firing began. As 


FG. 82—Survivors of Wounded Knee—Herbert Zitkalazi (1892). 


he described it some time ago in lisping Hnglish: ‘My father ran and 
fell down and the blood came out of his mouth [he was shot through 
the head], and then a soldier put his gun up to my white pony’s nose and 
shot him, and then Iran and a policeman got me.” As his father was 
thus killed and his mother was already dead, he was adopted by Mrs 
Lucey Arnold, who had been a teacher among the Sioux and knew his 


QuYVvZZI1d S3HL Y¥31sv O139ls35 Live 


9 Id LYOd3Y IWANNY HLN33LHNOS 


MOONEY] LOYALTY OF THE SCOUTS 881 


family before the trouble began. She had already given him his name, 
Herbert Zitkalazi, the last word being the Sioux form of his father’s 
name, “Yellow Bird.” She brought him back with her to Washington, 
where he soon learned English and became a general favorite of all 
who knew him for his affectionate disposition and unusual intelligence, 
with genuine boyish enthusiasm in all he undertook. His picture here 
given (figure 82) is from a photograph made in Lafayette park, Wash- 
ington, in 1892. His adopted mother having resumed her school work 
among his tribe, he is now back with her, attending school under her 
supervision at Standing Rock, where, as in Washington, he seems to 
be a natural leader among those of his own age. When we think of 
these children and consider that only by the merest accident they 
escaped the death that overtook a hundred other children at Wounded 
Knee, who may all have had in themselves the same possibilities of 
affection, education, and happy usefulness, we can understand the 
sickening meaning of such affairs as the Chivington massacre in Colo- 
rado and the Custer fight on the Washita, where the newspaper reports 
merely that “the enemy was surprised and the Indian camp destroyed.” 

The Indian scouts at Wounded Knee, like the Indian police at Grand 
river and Pine Ridge, were brave and loyal, as has been the almost 
universal rule with Indians when enlisted in the government service, 
even when called on, as were these, to serve against their own tribe and 
relatives. The prairie Indian is a born soldier, with all the soldier’s 
pride of loyalty to duty, and may be trusted implicitly after he has once 
consented to enter the service. The scouts at Wounded Knee were 
Sioux, with Philip Wells as interpreter. Other Sioux scouts were 
ranging the country between the agency and the hostile camp in the 
Bad Lands, and acted as mediators in the peace negotiations which led 
to the final surrender. Fifty Cheyenne and about as many Crow scouts 
were also employed in the same section of country. Throughout the 
entire campaign the Indian scouts and police were faithful and received 
the warmest commendation of their officers. 

On New Year’s day, 1891, Henry Miller, a herder, was killed- by 
Indians a few miles from the agency. This was the cnly noncombatant 
killed by the Indians during the entire campaign, and during the same 
period there was no depredation committed by them outside of the 
reservation. On the next day the agent reported that the school build- 
ings and Episcopal church on White Clay creek had been burned by 
hostiles, who were then camped to the number of about 3,000 on Grass 
creek, 15 miles northeast of the agency. They had captured the goy- 
ernment beef herd and were depending on it for food, Red Cloud, 
Little Wound, and their people were with them and were reported as 
anxious to return, but prevented by the hostile leaders, Two Strike, 
Short Bull, and Kicking Bear, who threatened to kill the first one who 
made a move tocomein. (G.D., 44.) A few days later a number of 


882 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Red Cloud’s men came in and surrendered and reported that the old 
chief was practically a prisoner and wanted the soldiers to come and 
rescue him from the hostiles, who were trying to force him into the war. 
They reported further that there was much suffering from cold and hun- 
ger in the Indian camp, and that all the Ogalala (Red Cloud’s people 
of Pine Ridge) were intending to come in at once in a body. 

On the 3d of January General Miles took up his headquarters at Pine 
Ridge and directed General Brooke to assume immediate command of 
the troops surrounding the hostile camp. Brooke’s men swung out to 
form the western and northern part of a circle about the hostiles, eut- 
ting them off from the Bad Lands, while the troops under General Carr 
closed in on the east and northeast in such a way that the Indians were 
hemmed in and unable to make a move in any direction excepting 
toward the agency. 

On January 3 a party of hostiles attacked a detachment of the Sixth 
cavalry under Captain Kerr on Grass creek, a few miles north of the 
agency, but were quickly repulsed with the loss of four of their number, 
the troops having been reinforced by other detachments in the vicinity. 
In this engagement the Indian scouts again distinguished themselves. 
(War, 21.) The effect of this repulse was to check the westward move- 
ment of the hostiles and hold them in their position along White Clay 
creek until their passion had somewhat abated. 

On January 5 there was another encounter on Wounded Knee creek. 
A small detachment which had been sent out to meet a supply train 
coming into the agency found the wagons drawn up in a square to 
resist an attack made by a band of about 50 Indians. The soldiers 
joined forces with the teamsters, and by firing from behind the protection 
of the wagons sueceeded in driving off the Indians and killing a num- 
ber of their horses. The hostiles were reinforced, however, and a hard 
skirmish was kept up for several hours until more troops arrived from 
the agency about dark, having been sent in answer to a courier who 
managed to elude the attacking party. The troops charged on a gallop 
and the Indians retreated, having lost several killed and wounded, 
besides a number of their horses. (Colby, 7.) 

Amid all these warlike alarms the gentle muse Calliope hovered over 
the field and inspired W. H. Prather, a colored private of troop I of the 
Ninth cavalry, to the production of the ballad given below, one of the 
few good specimens of American ballad poetry, and worthy of equal 
place with “ Captain Lovewell’s Fight,” ‘Old Quebec,” or anything that 
originated in the late rebellion. It became a favorite among the troops 
in camp and with the scattered frontiersmen of Dakota and Nebraska, 
being sung to a simple air with vigor and expression and a particularly 
rousing chorus, and is probably by this time a classic of the barracks, 
It is here reproduced verbatim from the printed slip published for dis- 
tribution among the soldiers during the campaign. 


MOONEY) A GHOST-DANCE BALLAD 883 


Tur INptan Guost DANCE AND WAR 


The Red Skins left their Agency, the Soldiers left their Post, 
Allon the strength of an Indian tale about Messiah’s ghost 
Got up by savage chieftains to lead their tribes astray ; 
But Uncle Sam wouldn't have it so, for he ain’t built that way. 
They swore that this Messiah came to them in visions sleep, 
And promised to restore their game and Butialos a heap, 
So they must start a big ghost dance, then all would join their band, 
And may be so we lead the way into the great Bad Land. 

Chorus : 
They claimed the shirt Messiah gave, no bullet could go throngh, 
But when the Soldiers fired at them they saw this was not true. 
The Medicine man supplied them with their great Messiah’s grace, 
And he, too, pulled his freight and swore the 7th hard to face, 


About their tents the Soldiers stood, awaiting one and all, 
That they might hear the trumpet clear when sounding General call 
Or Boots and Saddles in a rush, that each and every man 
Might mount in haste, ride soon and fast to stop this devilish band 
But Generals great like Miles and Brooke don’t do things up that way, 
For they know an Indian like a book, and let him have his sway 
Until they think him far enough and then to John they'll say, 
“You had better stop your fooling or we'll bring our guns to play.’ 
Chorus.—They claimed the shirt, ete. 


The 9th marched out with splendid cheer the Bad Lands to explo’e— 

With Col. Henry at their head they never fear the foe; 

So on they rode from Xmas eve ’till dawn of Xmas day ; 

The Red Skins heard the 9th was near and fled in great dismay ; 

The 7th is of courage bold both officers and men, 

But bad luck seems to follow them and twice has took them in; 

They came in contact with Big Foot’s warriors in their fierce might 

This chief made sure he had a chance of vantage in the fight. 
Chorus.—They claimed the shirt, ete. 


A fight took place, ‘twas hand to hand, unwarned by trumpet call, 

While the Sioux were dropping man by man—the 7th killed them all, 

And to that regiment be said ‘‘ Ye noble braves, w ell done, 

Although yon lost some gallant men a glorious fight you ‘ve won.’ 

The 8th was there, the sixth rode miles to swell that great command 

And waited orders night and day to round up Short Bull’s li and. 

The Infantry marched up in mass the Cavalry’s support, 

Aud while the latter rounded up, the former held the fort. 
Chorus.—They claimed the shirt, ete. 


E battery of the 1st stood by and did their duty well, 
For every time the Hotchkiss barked they say a hostile fell. 
Some Indian soldiers chipped in too and helped to quell the fray, 
And now the campaign’s ended and the soldiers marched away. 
So all have done their share, you see, whether it was thick or thin, 
And all helped break the ghost dance up and drive the hostiles in. 
The settlers in that region now can breathe with better grace; 
They only ask and pray to God to make John hold his base. 
“Chorus. —They claimed the shirt, ete. 
(W..H. Prather, I, 9th Cavalry). 


884 THE GHOS'T-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


APPENDIX—THE INDIAN STORY OF WOUNDED KNEE 


[From the Report of the Commissioner of Indian Affairs for 1891, volume 1, pages 179-181. Extracts 
from verbatim stenographic report of council held by delegations of Sioux with Commissioner of Indian 
Affairs, at Washington, February 11, 1891.} 

TurninG Hawk, Pine Ridge (Mr Cook, interpreter). Mr Commissioner, my pur- 
pose to-day is to tell you what I know of the condition of affairs at the agency where 
I live. <A certain falsehood came to our agency from the west which had the effect 
of a fire upon the Indians, and when this certain fire came upon our people those 
who had farsightedness and could see into the matter made up their minds to stand 
up against it and fight it. The reason we took this hostile attitude to this fire was 
because we believed that you yourself would not be in favor of this particular mis- 
chief-making thing; but just as we expected, the people in authority did not like 
this thing and we were quietly told that we must give up or have nothing to do with 
this certain movement. Though this is the advice from our good friends in the east, 
there were, of course, many silly young men who were longing to become identified 
with the movement, although they knew that there was nothing absolutely bad, 
nor did they know there was anything absolutely good, in connection with the 
movement, 

In the course of time we heard that the soldiers were moving toward the scene of 
trouble. After awhile some of the soldiers finally reached our place and we heard 
that a number of them also reached our friends at Rosebud, Of course, when a 
large body of soldiers is moving toward a certain direction they inspire a more or 
less amount of awe, andit is natural that the women and children who see this large 
moving mass are made afraid of it and be put in a condition to make them run away. 
At first we thought that Pine Ridge and Rosebud were the only two agencies where 
soldiers were sent, but finally we heard that the other agencies fared likewise. We 
heard and saw that about half our friends at Rosebud agency, from fear at seeing 
the soldiers, began the move of running away from their agency toward ours (Pine 
Ridge), and when they had gotten inside of our reservation they there learned that 
right ahead of them at our agency was another large crowd of soldiers, and while 
the soldiers were there, there was constantly a great deal of false rumor flying back 
and forth, The special rumor I have in mind is the threat that the soldiers had 
come there to disarm the Indians entirely and to take away all their horses from 
them. That was the oft-repeated story. 

So constantly repeated was this story that our friends from Rosebud, instead of 
going to Pine Ridge, the place of their destination, veered off and went to some 
other direction toward the ‘Bad Lands.” We did not know definitely how many, 
but understood there were 300 lodges of them, about 1,700 people. Eagle Pipe, 
Turning Bear, High Hawk, Short Bull, Lance, No Flesh, Pine Bird, Crow Dog, Two 
Strike, and White Horse were the leaders. 

Well, the people after veering off in this way, many of them who believe in peace 
and order at our agency, were very anxious that some influence should be brought 
upon these people. In addition to our love of peace we remembered that many of 
these people were related to us by blood. So we sent out peace commissioners to the 
people who were thus running away from their agency. 

I understood at the time that they were simply going away from fear becanse of 
so many soldiers. So constant was the word of these good men from Pine Ridge 
agency that finally they succeeded in getting away half of the party from Rosebud, 
from the place where they took refuge, and finally were brought to the agency at 
Pine Ridge. Young-Man-Afraid-of-his-Horses, Little Wound, Fast Thunder, Louis 
Shangreau, John Grass, Jack Red Cloud, and myself were some of these peace- 
makers. 

The remnant of the party from Rosebud not taken to the agency finally reached 
the wilds of the Bad Lands. Seeing that we had succeeded so well, once more we 
sent to the same party in the Bad Lands and succeeded in bringing these very Indians 


MOONEY] INDIAN STORY OF WOUNDED KNEE 885 


out of the depths of the Bad Lands and were being brought toward the agency. 
When we were about a day’s journey from our agency we heard that a certain party 
of Indians (Big Foot’s band) from the Cheyenne River agency was coming toward 
Pine Ridge in flight. 

CAPTAIN Sworp. Those who actually went off of the Cheyenne River agency 
probably number 303, and there were a few from the Standing Rock reserve with 
them, but as to their number I do not know. There were a number of Ogalallas, 
old men and several school boys, coming back with that very same party, and one of 
the very seriously wounded boys was a member of the Ogalalla boarding school at 
Pine Ridge agency. He was not on the warpath, but was simply returning home to 
his agency and to his school after a summer visit to relatives on the Cheyenne river. 

TurninG Hawk. When we heard that these people were coming toward our 
agency we also heard this. These people were coming toward Pine Ridge agency, 
and when they were almost on the agency they were met by the soldiers and sur- 
rounded and finally taken to the Wounded Knee creek, and there at a given time 
their guns were demanded. When they had delivered them up, the men were sepa- 
rated from their families, from their tipis, and taken to a certain spot. When the 
guns were thus taken and the men thus separated, there was a crazy man, a young 
man of very bad influence and in fact a nobody, among that bunch of Indians fired 
his gun, and of course the firing of a gun must have been the breaking of a military 
rule of some sort, because immediately the soldiers returned fire and indiscriminate 
killing followed. 

Sportep Horse. This man shot an officer in the army; the first shot killed this 
officer. I was a voluntary scout at that encounter and I saw exactly what was done, 
and that was what I noticed; that the first shot killed an officer. As soon as this 
shot was fired the Indians immediately began drawing their knives, and they were 
exhorted from all sides to desist, but this was not obeyed. Consequently the firing 
began immediately on the part of the soldiers. 

TurninGc Hawk. All the men who were in a bunch were killed right there, and 
those who escaped that first fire got into the ravine, and as they went along up the 
ravine for a long distance they were pursued on both sides by the soldiers and shot 
down, as the dead bodies showed afterwards. The women were standing off at a 
different place from where the men were stationed, and when the firing began, those 
of the men who escaped the fizst onslaught went in one direction up the ravine, and 
then the women, who were bunched together at another place, went entirely in a 
different direction through an open field, and the women fared the same fate as the 
men who went up the deep ravine. 

AmeERICAN Horse. The men were separated, as has already been said, from the 
women, and they were surrounded by the soldiers. Then came next the village of 
the Indians and that was entirely surrounded by the soldiers also. When the firing 
began, of course the people who were standing immediately around the young man 
who fired the first shot were killed right together, and then they turned their guns, 
Hotehkiss guns, etc., upon the women who were in the lodges standing there under 
a flag of truce, and of course as soon as they were fired upon they fled, the men flee- 
ing in one direction and the women running in two different directions. So that 
there were three general directions in which they took flight. 

There was a women with an infant in her arms who was killed as she almost 
touched the flag of truce, and the women and children of course were strewn all 
along the circular village until they were dispatched. Right near the flag of truce 
a mother was shot down with her infant; the child not knowing that its mother 
was dead was still nursing, and that especially was a very sad sight. The women 
as they were fleeing with their babes were killed together, shot right through, and 
the women who were very heavy with child were also killed. All the Indians fled 
in these three directions, and after most all of them had been killed a ery was made 
that all those who were not killed or wounded should come forth and they would 
be safe. Little boys who were not wounded came out of their places of refuge, and 


886 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ern ANN. 14 


ag soon as they came in sight a number of soldiers surrounded them and butchered 
them there. 

Of course we all feel very sad about this affair. I stood very loyal to the govern- 
ment all through those troublesome days, and believing so much in the government 
and being so loyal to it, my disappointment was very strong, and I have come to 
Washington with a very great blame on my heart. Of course it would have been 
all right if only the men were killed; we would feel almost grateful for it. But the 
fact of the killing of the women, and more especially the killing of the young boys 
and girls who are to go to make up the future strength of the Indian people, is the 
saddest part of the whole affair and we feel it very sorely. 

I was not thereat the time before the burial of the bodies, but I did go there with 
some of the police and the Indian doctor and a great many of the people, men from 
the agency, and we went through the battlefield and saw where the bodies were 
from the track of the blood. 

Turninc Hawk. I had just reached the point where I said that the women were 
killed. We heard, besides the killing of the men, of the onslanght also made upon 
the women and children, and they were treated as roughly and indiscriminately as 
the men and boys were. 

Of course this affair brought a great deal of distress upon all the people, but 
especially upon the minds of those who stood loyal to the government and who did 
all that they were able to do in the matter of bringing about peace. They espe- 
cially have suffered much distress and are very much hurt at heart. These peace- 
makers continued on in their good work, but there were a great many fickle young 
men who were ready to be moved by the change in the events there, and conse- 
quently, in spite of the great fire that was brought upon all, they were ready to 
assume any hostile attitude. These young men got themselves in readiness and 
went in the direction of the scene of battleso they might be of service there. They 
got there and finally exchanged shots with the soldiers, This party of young men 
was made up from Rosebud, Ogalalla (Pine Ridge), and members of any other 
agencies that happened to be there at the time. While this was going on in the 
neighborhood of Wounded Knee— the Indians and soldiers exchanging shots —the 
ageney, our home, was also fired into by the Indians. Matters went on in this strain 
until the evening cameon, and then the Indians went off down by White Clay creek. 
When the agency was fired upon by the Indians from the hillside, of course the shots 
were returned by the Indiau police who were guarding the agency buildings. 

Although fighting seemed to have been in the air, yet those who believed in peace 
were still constant at their work. Young-Man-Afraid-of-his-Horses, who had been 
on a visit to some other agency in the north or northwest, returned, and immediately 
went out to the people living about White Clay creek, on the border of the Bad 
Lands, and brought his people out. He succeeded in obtaining the consent of the 
people to come out of their place of refuge and return to the agency. Thus the 
remaining portion of the Indians who started from Rosebud were brought back into 
the agency. Mr Commissioner, during the days of the great whirlwind out there, 
those good men tried to hold up a counteracting power, and that was ‘Peace.” We 
have now come to realize that peace has prevailed and won the day. While we were 
engaged in bringing about peace our property was left behind, of course, and most 
of us have losteverything, even down to the matter of guns with which to kill ducks, 
rabbits, ete, shotguns, and guns of that order. When Young-Man-Afraid brought 
the people in and their guns were asked for, both men who were called hostile and 
men who stood loyal to the government delivered up their guns. 


CHAPTER XIV 


CLOSE OF THE OUTBREAK—THE GHOST DANCE IN THE 
SOUTH 


In the meantime overtures of peace had been maae py General Miles 
to the hostiles, most of whose leaders he knew personally, having 
received their surrender on the Yellowstone ten years before, at the 
close of the Custer war. On the urgent representations of himself 
and others Congress had also appropriated the necessary funds for car- 
rying out the terms of the late treaty, by the disregard of which most 
of the trouble had been caused, so that the commander was now able 
to assure the Indians that their rights and necessities would receive 
attention. They were urged to come in and surrender, with a guaranty 
that the general himself would represent their case with the govern- 
ment. At the same time they were informed that retreat was cut off 
and that further resistance would be unavailing. As an additional 
step toward regaining their confidence, the civilian agents were removed 
from the several disturbed agencies, which were then put in charge of 
military officers well known and respected by the Indians. Cheyenne 
River agency was assigned to Captain J. H. Hurst, and Rosebud ageney 
to Captain J. M. Lee, while Royer, at Pine Ridge, was superseded on 
January 8 by Captain I’. E. Pierce. The last-named officer was after- 
ward relieved by Captain Charles G. Penney, who is now in charge. 
(War, 22; Comr., 88; G. D., 45.) 

The friendly overtures made by General Miles, with evidences that 
the government desired to remedy their grievances, and that longer 
resistance was hopeless, had their effect on the hostiles. Little Wound, 
Young-man-afraid-of-his-horses (more properly, ‘¢ Young-man-of-whose- 
horses-they-are-afraid), Big Road, and other friendly chiefs, also used 
their persuasions with such good effect that by January 12 the whole 
body of nearly 4,000 Indians had moved in to within sight of the 
agency and expressed their desire for peace. The troops closed in 
around them, and on the 16th of January, 1891, the hostiles surren- 
dered, and the outbreak was at an end. ‘They complied with every 
order and direction given by the commander, and gave up nearly 200 
rifles, which, with other arms already surrendered, made a total of 
between 600 and 700 guns, more than had ever before been surrendered 
by the Sioux at one time. As a further guaranty of good faith, the 
commander demanded the surrender of Kicking Bear and Short Bull, 
the principal leaders, with about twenty other prominent warriors, as 

887 


888 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


hostages. The demand was readily complied with, and the men desig- 
nated came forward voluntarily and gave themselves up as sureties for 
the good conduct of their people. They were sent to Fort Sheridan, 
Illinois, near Chicago, where they were kept until there was no further 
apprehension, and were then returned to their homes. (War, 23; Colby, 
8.) After the surrender the late hostiles pitched their camp, number- 
ing in all 742 tipis, in the bottom along White Clay creek, just west of 
the agency, where General Miles had supplies of beef, coffee, and sugar 
issued to them from the commissary department, and that night they 
enjoyed the first full meal they had known in several weeks. 

Thus ended the so-called Sioux outbreak of 1890-91. It might be 
better designated, however, as a Sioux panic and stampede, for, to 
quote the expressive letter of MeGillyeuddy, writing under date of 
January 15, 1891, “Up to date there has been neither a Sioux out- 
break or war. No citizen in Nebraska or Dakota has been killed, 
molested, or can show the scratch of a pin, and no property has been 
destroyed off the reservation.” (Colby, 9.) Only a single noncombatant 
was killed by the Indians, and that was close to the agency. The 
entire time occupied by the campaign, from the killing of Sitting Bull 
to the surrender at Pine Ridge, was only thirty-two days. The late 
hostiles were returned to their homes as speedily as possible. The 
Brulé of Rosebud, regarded as the most turbulentof the hostiles, were 
taken back to the agency by Captain Lee, for whom they had respect, 
founded on an acquaintance of several years’ standing, without escort 
and during the most intense cold of winter, but without any trouble or 
dissatisfaction whatever. The military were returned to their usual 
stations, and within a few weeks after the surrender affairs at the vari- 
ous agencies were moving again in the usual channel. 

An unfortunate event occurred just before the surrender in the killing 
of Lieutenant E. W. Casey of the Twenty-second infantry by Plenty 
Horses, a young Brulé, on January 7. Lieutenant Casey was in com- 
mand of a troop of Cheyenne scouts, and was stationed at the mouth 
of White Clay creek, charged with the special duty of watching the 
hostile camp, which was located 8 miles farther up the creek at No 
Water’s place. On the day before his death several of the hostiles had 
visited him and held a friendly conference. The next morning, in com- 
pany with two scouts, he went out avowedly for the purpose of obsery- 
ing the hostile camp more closely. He rode up to within a short distance 
of the camp, meeting and talking with several of the Indians on the 
way, and had stopped to talk with a half-blood relative of Red Cloud, 
when Plenty Horses, a short distance away, deliberately shot him 
through the head, and he fell from his horse dead. His body was not 
disturbed by the Indians, but was brought in by some of the Cheyenne 
scouts soon after. Plenty Horses was arraigned before a United States 
court, but was acquitted on the ground that as the Sioux were then at 
war and the officer was practically a spy upon the Indian camp, the act 


MOONEY] THE FEW-TAILS AFFAIR 889 


was not muraer in the legal sense of tne word, Lieutenant Casey had 
been for a year in charge of the Cheyenne scouts and had taken great 
interest in their welfare and proficiency, and his death was greatly 
deplored by the Indians as the insane act of a boy overcome by the 
excitement of the times. (War, 24; Comr., 39; Colby, 10; G. D., 46.) 

On January 11 an unprovoked murder was committed on a small 
party of peaceable Indians on Belle Fourche, or North fork of Cheyenne 
river, by which the Indians who had come in to surrender were once 
more thrown into such alarm that for a time it seemed as if serious 
trouble might result. A party of Ogalala from Pine Ridge, consisting 
of Few Tails, a kindly, peaceable old man, with his wife, an old woman, 
and One Feather, with his wife and two children—one a girl about 13 
years of age and the other an infant—had been hunting in the Black 
Hills under a pass from the agency. They had had a successful hunt, and 
were returning with their two wagons well loaded with meat, when they 
camped for the night at the mouth of Alkali creek. During the even- 
ing they were visited by some soldiers stopping at a ranch a few miles 
distant, who examined their pass and pronounced it all right. In the 
morning, after breakfast, the Indians started on again toward the agency, 
but had gone only a few hundred yards when they were fired upon by 
a party of white men concealed near the road. The leaders of the 
whites were three brothers named Culbertson, one of whom had but 
recently returned from the penitentiary. One of the murderers had 
visited the Indians in their camp the night before, and even that very 
morning. At the first fire Few Tails was killed, together with both 
ponies attached to the wagon. His wife jumped out and received two 
bullets, which brought her tothe ground. The murderers rode past her, 
however, to get at the other Indian, who was coming up behind in the 
other wagon with his wife and two children. As soon as he saw his 
companion killed, One Feather turned his wagon in the other direction, 
and, telling his wife, who had also been shot, to drive on as fast as she 
could to save the children, he jumped upon one of the spare ponies and 
held off the murderers until his family had had time to make some dis- 
tance. He then turned and joined his family and drove on for some 8 or 
10 miles until the pursuers came up again, when he again turned and 
fought them off, while his wife went ahead with the wagon and the 
children. The wounded woman bravely drove on, while the two little 
children lay down in the wagon with their heads covered up in the 
blankets. As they drove they passed near a house, from which several 
other shots were fired at the flying mother, when her husband again 
rode up and kept off the whole party until the wagon could get ahead. 
Finally, as the ponies were tired out, this heroic man abandoned the 
wagon and put the two children on one of the spare ponies and his 
wounded wife and himself upon another and continued to retreat until 
the whites gave up the pursuit. He finally reached the agency with the 
wife and children. 


890 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


The wife of Few Tails, after falling wounded by two bullets beside the 
wagon in which was her dead husband, lay helpless and probably uncon- 
scious upon the ground through all the long winter night until morning, 
when she revived, and finding one of the horses still alive, mounted it 
and managed by night to reach a settler’s house about 15 miles away. 
Instead of meeting help and sympathy, however, she was driven off by 
the two men there with loaded rifles, and leaving her horse in her fright, 
she hurried away as well as she could with a bullet in her leg and 
another in her breast, passing by the trailof One Feather’s wagon with 
the tracks of his pursuers fresh behind it, until she came near a trader’s 
store about 20 miles farther south. Afraid to go near it on account of 
her last experience, the poor woman circled around it, and continued, 
wounded, cold, and starving as she was, to travel by night and hide 
by day until she reached the Bad Lands. The rest may be told in her 
own words: 

After that I traveled every night, resting daytime, until I got here at the beef cor- 
ral. Then I was very tired, and was near the military camp, and early in the morn- 
ing a soldier came out and he shouted something back, and in a few minutes fifty 
men were there, and they got a blanket and took me to atent. I had no blanket 
and my feet were swelled, and I was about ready to die. After I got to the tent a 
doctor came in—a soldier doctor, because he had straps on his shoulders—and 
washed me and treated me well. 

A few of the soldiers camped near the scene of the attack had joined 
in the pursuit at the beginning, on the representations of some of the 
murderers, but abandoned it as soon as they found their mistake. 
According to all the testimony, the killing was a wanton, unprovoked, 
and deliberate murder, yet the criminals were acquitted in the local 
courts. The apathy displayed by the authorities of Meade county, 
South Dakota, in which the murder was committed, cailed forth some 
vigorous protests. Colonel Shafter, in his statement of the case, con- 
cludes, referring to the recent killing of Lieutenant Casey: ‘So long as 
Indians are being arrested and held for killing armed men under condi- 
tions of war, it seems to me that the white murderers of a part of a 
band of peaceful Indians should not be permitted to escape punish- 
ment.” The Indians took the same view of the ease, and when General 
Miles demanded of Young-man-afraid-of-his-horses the surrender of 
the slayers of Casey and the herder Miller, the old chief indignantly 
replied: “No; I willnot surrender them, but if you will bring the white 
men who killed Few Tails, I will bring the Indians who killed the white 
soldier and the herder; and right out here in front of your tipi I will 
havemy young men shoot the Indians and you have your soldiers shoot 
the white men, and then we will be done with the whole business.” 

In regard to the heroic conduct of One Feather, the officer then in 
charge of the agency says: “The determination and genuine courage, 
as well as the generalship he manifested in keeping at a distance the 
six men who were pursuing him, and the devotion he showed toward 
his family, risking his life against great odds, designate him as entitled 
te a place on the list of heroes.” (War, 25; Comr., 40; G. D., 47.) 


MOONEY] THE RESULTS OF THE TROUBLE 891 


On the recommendation of General Miles, a large delegation of the 
principal leaders of both friendly and hostile parties among the Sioux 
was allowed to visit Washington in February, 1891, to present their 
grievances and suggest remedies for dissatisfaction in the future. 
Among the principal speakers were: From Pine Ridge, American 
Horse, Captain George Sword, Big Road, and He Dog; from Rosebud, 
White Bird and Turning Hawk; from Cheyenne River, Little No Heart 
and Straight Head; from Standing Rock, John Grass and Mad Bear. 
The interpreters were Reverend ©. S, Cook, David Zephier, Louis 
Primeau, Louis Richard, Clarence Three Stars, and Louis Shangreau. 
Their visit was eminently satisfactory and resulted in the inauguration 
of a more efficient administration of Sioux aftairs for the future. Steps 
were taken to reimburse those whose ponies had been confiscated at the 
time of the Custer war in 1876, and additional appropriations were 
made for rations, so that before the end of the year the Indians were 
receiving half as much more as before the outbreak. (War, 26.) On 
returning to their homes the Indians of the various Sioux agencies 
went to work in good faith putting in their crops and caring for their 
stock, and ina short time all further apprehension was at an end. 

The discussion of Indian affairs in connection with the outbreak led 
to the passage by Congress of a bill which enacted that all future 
vacancies in the office of Indian agent should be filled by military 
officers selected by the Indian office and detailed for the purpose from 
thearmy. At the same time a plan was originated to enlist Indians as 
a component part of the regular army. Small parties from various 
tribes had long been attached to various posts and commands in an 
irregular capacity as scouts. These bodies of scouts were now reduced 
in number or disbanded altogether, and in their stead were organized 
Indian troops or companies to be regularly attached to the different 
cavalry or infantry regiments. In the spring of 1891 officers were sent 
out to various western reservations, and succeeded in thus recruiting a 
number of regular troops from among the most warlike of the tribes, 
a considerable part of these coming from the late hostile Sioux. 

Although the campaign lasted only about a month the destruction 
of life was great, for an Indian war, and the money loss to the govern- 
ment and to individuals was something enormous. Three officers and 
28 privates were killed or mortally wounded during the campaign, and 
4 officers and 38 privates were less seriously, wounded, several of these 
dying later on. (War, 27.) The Indian loss can not be stated exactly. 
In the arrest of Sitting Bull there were killed or mortally wounded 8 
of Sitting Bull’s party and 6 police, a total of 14. Those killed in the 
Wounded Knee fight, or who afterward died of wounds or exposure, 
numbered, according to the best estimates, at least 250. Those after- 
ward killed in the various small skirmishes, including the Few Tails 
affair, may have numbered 20 or 30. In all, the campaign cost the 
lives of 49 whites and others on the government side and about 300 or 
more Indians. 


892 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


The direct or incidental expenses of the campaign were as follows: 
Expenses of the Department of Justice for defending Plenty Horses and 
prosecuting the murderers of Few Tails, unknown; appropriation by 
Congress to reimburse Nebraska national guard for expense of service 
during the campaign, $43,000; paid out under act of Congress to reim- 
burse friendly Indians and other legal residents on the reservations for 
property destroyed by hostiles, $97,646.85 (Comr., 41); extra expense 
of Commissary department of the army, $37,764.69; extra expense of 
the Medical department of the army, $1,164, besides extra supplies pur- 
chased by individuals; extra expenses of Ordnance department of the 
army, for ammunition, not accounted for; total extra expense of Quar- 
termaster’s department of the army, $915,078.81, including $120,634.17 
for transportation of troops over bonded railroads. (A. G@.0.,8.) The 
total expense, public or private, was probably but little short of 
$1,200,000, or nearly $40,000 per day, a significant commentary on the 
bad poliey of breaking faith with Indians. 

According to the report of the agency farmer sent out after the 
trouble to learn the extent of property of the friendly Indians destroyed 
by the hostiles on Pine Ridge agency, there were burned 53 Indian 
dwellings, 1 church, 2 schoolhouses, and a bridge, ail on White Clay 
creek, while nearly every remaining house along the creek had the win- 
dows broken out. A great deal of farming machinery and nearly all 
of the hay were burned, while stoves were broken to pieces and stock 
killed. A few of the friendly Indians had been so overcome by the 
excitement that they had burned their own houses and run their 
machinery down high hills into the river, where it was found frozen 
in the ice several months later. (G@. D., 48.) 

In view of the fact that only one noncombatant was killed and no 
depredations were committed off the reservation, the panic among the 
frontier settlers of both Dakotas, Nebraska, and Iowa was something 
ludicrous. The inhabitants worked themselves into such a high panic 
that ranches and even whole villages were temporarily abandoned and 
the people flocked into the railroad cities with vivid stories of murder, 
sealping, and desolation that had no foundation whatever in fact. A 
reliable authority who was on the ground shortly after the scare had 
subsided gives this characteristic instance among others: 

In another city, a place of 3,000 inhabitants, 75 miles from any Indians and 150 
miles from any hostiles, word came about 2 o’cloeck Sunday morning for the militia 
to be in readiness. The company promptly assembled, were instructed and drilled. 
In an evening church service one of the pastors broke out in prayer: ‘‘O Lord, pre- 
pare us for what awaits us. We have just been listening to the sweet sounds of 
praise, but ere the morning sun we may hear the war whoop of the red man.” The 
effect on children and neryous persons may be imagined. The legislature was in 
session and the impression upon that body was such as to lead it to make an appro- 
priation for the benefit of the state militia at the expense of one to the state agricul- 
tural fair. (Comr., 42.) 

The crisis produced the usual crop of patriots, all ready to serve their 
country—usually for a consideration. Among these was a lady of Utica, 


MOONEY] PATRIOTIC OFFERS OF AID 893 


New York, claiming to be of the renowned Iroquois blood, and styling 
herself the Doctor Princess Viroqua,” who, with her sister ‘* Wynima,” 
wrote to the Indian Office for a commission to go out to try the effect of 
moral suasion on the belligerent Sioux, representing that by virtue of 
her descent from a long line of aboriginal princes she would be wel- 
comed with enthusiasm and accomplish her mission of peace. (@.D., 49.) 
As a matter of fact, neither of the names Viroqua or Wynima could 
be pronounced by a genuine Iroquois knowing only his own tongue, and 
the second one, Wynima, is borrowed from Meacham’s sensational his- 
tory of the Modoe war in California. 

The proprietor of a ‘wild west” show in New York, signing himself 
Texas Ben, wrote also volunteering his services and submitting as 
credentials his museum letter-head, stating that he had served with 
Quantrell, and had the written indorsement of Cole Younger. An old 
veteran of the Iowa soldiers’ home wrote to Secretary Noble, with a 
redundance of capitals and much bad spelling, offering his help against 
the hostiles, saying that he had been “ RAZeD” among them and could 
“ToLK The TUN” and was ready to “Do eneThin FoR mY CunthY,” 
(G. D., 50.) 

A band of patriots in Minnesota, whose early education appears to 
have been somewhat neglected, wrote to the Secretary of the Interior 
offering to organize a company of 50 men to put down the outbreak, 
provided the government would look after a few items which they 
enumerated: ‘*The government to Furnish us with Two good Horses 
Each a good Winchester Rifle, Two good Cotes Revolvers and give us 
$300.00 Bounty and say a Salary of Fifty Per Month, Each and our 
own judgment and we will settel this Indian question For Ever, and 
Rations and Ammunition. We Should Have in addition to this say 
Five dollars a Head.” (G. D., 51.) 

A man named Albert Hopkins appeared at Pine Ridge in December, 
1890, wearing a blanket and claiming to be the Indian messiah, and 
announced his intention of going alone into the Bad Lands to the 
Indians, who were expecting his arrival, with the ‘* Pansy Banner of 
Peace.” His claims were ridiculed by Red Cloud and others, and he 
was promptly arrested and put off the reservation. However, he was 
not dead, but only sleeping, and on March, 1895, having come to Wash- 
ington, he addressed an urgent letter to Secretary Noble requesting 
official authority to visit the Sioux reservations and to preach to the 
Indians, stating that ‘with the help of the Pansy and its motto and 
manifest teaching, ‘Union, Culture, and Peace,’ and the star-pansy 
banner, of which I inclose an illustration, I hope to establish the per- 
manent peace of the border.” He signs himself ‘Albert C. Hopkins, 
Pres. Pro. tem. The Pansy Society of America.” 

The letter was referred to the Indian Office, which refused permission. 
This brought a reply from Hopkins, who this time signs himself ‘‘ The 
Indian Messiah,” in which he states that as the Indians were expecting 
the messiah in the spring, “in accordance with the prophecy of Sitting 


894 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Bull,” it was necessary that he should go to them at once, so that they 
might “aecept the teaching of the pansy and its motto, which now 
they only partially or very doubtfully accept.” 

Receiving no answer, he wrote again about the end of March, both 
to the Secretary and to the Indian Commissioner, stating that messiahs, 
being human, were subject to human limitations, of which fact the 
Indians were well aware, but warning these officials that if these limi- 
tations were set by the government it would be held responsible for 
his nonappearance to the Indians, as he had promised, ‘before the 
native pansies blossom on the prairies.” He ends by stating that he 
would leave on Easter Sunday for the Sioux country, but as nothing was 
heard of him later, it is presumed that he succumbed to the limitations, 
(G. D., 52.) 


The first direct knowledge of the messiah and the Ghost dance came 
to the northern Arapaho in Wyoming, through Nakash, “Sage,” who, 
with several Shoshoni, visited the messiah in the early spring of 1889, 
and on his return brought back to his people the first songs of the 
dance, these being probably some of the original Paiute songs of the 
messiah himself. The Ghost dance was at once inaugurated among 
the Shoshoni and northern Arapaho. In the summer of the same year 
the first rumors of the new redeemer reached the southern Arapaho 
and Cheyenne in Oklahoma, through the medium of letters written by 
returned pupils of eastern government schools. 

Fresh reports of wonderful things beyond the mountains were con- 
stantly coming to the northern prairie tribes, and the excitement grew 
until the close of the year 1889, when a large delegation, including 
Sioux, northern Cheyenne, and northern Arapaho, crossed the moun- 
tains to the Paiute country to see and talk with the messiah. Among 
the Sioux delegates were Short Bull, Fire Thunder, and Kicking Bear, 
as already stated. Among the Cheyenne were Porcupine and several 
others, including one woman. The Arapaho representatives were Sit- 
ting Bull (Hiinii/chii-thi/ak) and Friday. The delegates from the differ- 
ent tribes met at Wind River reservation, in Wyoming, which they left 
about Christmas, and after stopping a short time among the Bannock 
and Shoshoni at Fort Hall, went on to Walker lake, in Nevada. They 
were gone some time and returned to Wyoming in March of 1890, the 
Sioux and Cheyenne continuing on to their homes farther east. Accord- 
ing to the statement of Nakash they had a five days’ conference with the 
messiah, who at one time went into a trance, but his visitors did not. 

Before their return the southern Arapaho, in Oklahoma, had sent up 
Wa'tiin-ga/a, “Black Coyote,” an officer of the Indian police, and 
Washee, a scout at Fort Reno, to their relatives in Wyoming to learn 
definitely as to the truth or falsity of the rumors. Washee went on to 
Fort Hall, where his faith failed him, and he came back with the report 
that the messiah was only a half-blood. This was not correct, but 
Washee himself afterward acknowledged that he had based his report 


INIMOTOS DNIMOHS LMHS TSOHDS OHVdVay 


=| 


(190 Td “LHYOdaYd IWANNV HIN33LYNO4 ADOIONHLS AO NVSYHNSG 


MOONEY] SITTING BULL THE ARAPAHO 895 


on hearsay. Black Coyote remained until the other delegates returned. 
from the Paiute country with the announcement that all that had been 
said of the messiah and the advent of a new earth was true. He listened 
eagerly to all they had to tell, took part with the rest in the dance, 
learned the songs, and returned in April, 1890, and inaugurated the 
first Ghost dance in the south among the Arapaho. 

The Cheyenne, being skeptical by nature, were unwilling to trust 
entirely to the report of Black Coyote and so sent up two delegates of 
their own, Little Chief and Bark, to investigate the story in the north. 
Somewhat later White Shield, another Cheyenne, went up alone on the 
sameerrand. Their report being favorable, the Cheyenne also took up 
the Ghost dance in the summer of 1890. They never went into it with 
the same fervor, however, and although they had their separate dance 
with songs in their own language, they more commonly danced together 
with the Arapaho and sang with them the Arapaho songs. For several 
years the old Indian dances had been nearly obsolete with these tribes, 
but as the new religion meant a revival of the Indian idea they soon 
became common again, with the exception of the war dance and others 
of that kind which were strictly prohibited by the messiah. 

From this time the Ghost dance grew in fervor and frequency among 
the Arapaho and Cheyenne. In almost every camp the dance would be 
held two or three times a week, beginning about sunset and often con- 
tinuing until daylight. The excitement reached fever heat in September, 
1890, when Sitting Bull came down from the northern Arapaho to 
instruct the southern tribes in the doctrine and ceremony. 

At a great Ghost dance held on South Canadian river, about 2 miles 
below the agency at Darlington, Oklahoma, it was estimated that 3,000 
Indians were present, including nearly all of the Arapaho and 
Cheyenne, with a number of Caddo, Wichita, Kiowa, and others. The 
first trances of the Ghost dance among the southern tribes occurred 
at this time through the medium of Sitting Bull. One informant states 
that a leader named Howling Bull had produced trances at a dance on 
the Washita some time before, but the statement lacks confirmation. 

As Sitting Bull was the great apostle of the Ghost dance among the 
southern tribes, being regarded almost in the same light as the mes- 
siah himself, he merits special notice. He is now about 42 years of 
age and at the beginning of his apostleship in 1890 was but 36, He is 
a full-blood Arapaho, although rather light in complexion and color of 
eyes, and speaks only his native language, but converses with ease in 
the universal sign language of the plains. It was chiefly by means of 
this sign language that he instructed his disciples among the Caddo, 
Wichita, and Kiowa. He is about 5 feet 8 inches tall, dignified but 
plain in his bearing, and with a particularly winning smile. His power 
over those with whom he comes in contact is evident from the report of 
Lieutenant (now Captain) Scott, who had been ordered by the War 
Department to investigate the Ghost dance, and who for weeks had 

14 ETH—P? 2 17 


896 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


been denouncing him asa humbug, but who, on finally meeting him for 
the first time, declares that the opinion formed before seeing him 
began to change in his favor almost immediately. (@.D., 53.) In con- 
versation with the author Sitting Bull stated that he was originally a 
southern Arapaho, but went up to live with the northern branch of the 
tribe, in Wyoming, about 1876. When a boy in the south he was 
known as Bitiiye, “Captor,” but on reaching manhood his name was 
changed, in conformity with acommon Indian custom, to Haind’chi-thi/ak, 
“Sitting Bull.” On returning to the south, after having visited the 
messiah, he found his brother known under the same name, and to 
avoid confusion the brother then adopted the name of Scabby Bull, 
by which he is now known. It should be mentioned that an Indian 


FG. 83—Sitting Bull the Arapaho apostle. 


“brother” may be only a cousin, as no distinetion is made in the Indian 
system. On removing to the south he fixed his abode near Cantonment, 
Oklahoma, where he now resides. 

With regard to the reverence in which he was held by his disciples 
at this time, and of his own sincerity, Captain Scott says: 

It was very difficult to get an opportunity to talk with him quietly on account of 
the persistent manner in which he was followed about. All sorts of people wanted 
to touch him, men and women would come in, rub their hands on him, and cry, which 
demonstration he received with a patient fortitude that was rather Indicrous at 
times. While he by no means told us everything he knew, it was easy to believe 
that he was not the rank impostor that I had before considered him, He makes no 
demands for presents while at these camps. This trip entailed a ride of 200 miles in 


PL. CIV 


FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


ARAPAHO GHOST SHIRT—REVERSE 


MOONEY] BLACK COYOTE 897 


the winter season, at the request of the Wichitas, for which I understand they paid 
him $50 before starting, but everything that was given him while at this camp 
was a voluntary gift, prompted entirely by the good wishes of the giver. He took 
but little property away when he left, and I saw but one horse that I thought he 
had not brought down with him. 

Upon being asked concerning his religion, he said that all I had heard must not 
be attributed to him, as some of it was false; that he does not believe that he saw 
the veritable ‘‘ Jesus” alive in the north, but he did see a man there whom ‘ Jesus” 
had helped or inspired. This person told him that if he persevered in the dance it 
would cause sickness and death to disappear. He avoided some of the questions 
about the coming of the buffalo, etc, and under the circumstances it was not possi- 
ble to draw him out further, and the subject of religion was then dropped, with the 
intention of taking it up at a more favorable time, but this time never came. A 
great many of the doings seen at these dances are the afterthoughts of all kinds of 
people. I have seen some of them arise and have watched their growth. These are 
not the teachings of Sitting Bull, although he refrains from interfering with them 
through policy. He took no part in the humbuggery going on, but danced and 
sang like the humblest individual there. These things, taken in connection with 
Apiatan’s letter, would make it seem that Sitting Bull has been a dupe himself 
partly, and there is a possibility that he is largely sincere in his teachings. Thereis 
this to be said in his favor, that he has given these people a better religion than they 
ever had before, taught them precepts which if faithfully carried out will bring 
them into better accord with their white neighbors, and has prepared the way for 
their final Christianization. For this he is entitled to no little credit. (G. D., 54.) 

He made no claim to be a regular medicine-man, and so far as known 
never went into a trance himself. Since the failure of lis predictions, 
especially with regard to the recovery of the ceded reservation, he has 
fallen from his high estate. Truth compels us also to state that, in spite 
of his apostolic character, he is about as uncertain in his movements as 
the average Indian. 

After Sitting Bull, the principal leader of the Ghost dance among the 
southern Arapaho is Wa/tiin-ga’a or Black Coyote, from whom the 
town of Watonga, in Canadian county, derives its name. Black Coyote 
is aman of considerable importance both in his tribe and in his own esti- 
mation, and aspires to be a leader in anything that concerns his people. 
With a natural predisposition to religious things, it is the dream of his 
life to be a great priest and medicine-man. At the same time he keeps 
a sharp lookout for his temporal affairs, and has managed to accu- 
mulate considerable property in wagons and livestock, including three 
wives. Although still a young man, being but little more than 40 years 
of age, he has had his share of the world’s honors, being not only a 
leader in the Ghost dance and other Indian ceremonies, tribal delegate 
to Washington, and captain of the Indian police, but also, in his new 
character of an American citizen, deputy sheriff of Canadian county. 
He is a good-natured fellow, and vain of his possessions and titles, but 
at the same time thoroughly loyal and reliable in the discharge of his 
duties, and always ready to execute his orders at whatever personal 
risk. His priestly ambition led him to make the journey to the north, 
in which he brought back the first songs of the Ghost dance, and thus 
became a leader, and a year later he headed a delegation from Okla- 


898 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


homa to the messiah of Walker lake. He has repeatedly asked me to 
get for him a permanent license from the government to enable him to 
visit the various reservations at will as a general evangel of Indian 
medicine and ceremony. Black Coyote in full uniform, with official 
badge, a Harrison mecal, and an immense police overcoat, which he pro- 
cured in Washington, and riding with his three wives in his own double- 
seated coach, is a spectacle magnificent and impressive. Black Coyote 
in breecheloth, paint, and feathers, leading the Ghost dance, or sitting 
flat on the ground and beating the earth with his hand in excess 
of religious fervor, is equally impressive. It was this combination of 
vanity of leadership and sense of duty as a government officer that 
made him my first and most willing informant on the Ghost dance, 
and enabled me through him to do so much with the Arapaho. 

In his portrait (plate Cv) a number of sears will be noticed on his 
chest and arms. The full number of these scars is seventy, arranged 
in various patterns of lines, circles, crosses, etc, with a long figure of 
the sacred pipe on one arm. According to his own statement they were 
made in obedience to a dream as a sacrifice to save the lives of his 
children. Several of his children had died in rapid succession, and in 
accordance with Indian custom he undertook a fast of four days as an 
expiation to the overruling spirit. During this time, while lying on his 
bed, he heard a voice, somewhat resembling the ery of an owl or the 
subdued bark of a dog. The voice told him thatif he wished to save 
his other children he must cut out seventy pieces of skin and offer them 
to the sun. He at once cut out seven pieces, held them out to the sun 
and prayed, and then buried them. But the sun was not satisfied, and 
soon after he was warned ina vision that the full number of seventy 
must be sacrificed if he would save his children. He then did as 
directed, cutting out the pieces of skin in the various patterns indicated, 
offering each in turn to the sun with a prayer for the health of his 
family, and then burying them. Since then there has been no death 
in his family. In eutting out the larger pieces, some of which were 
several inches long and nearly half an inch wide, the skin was first 
lifted up with an awl and then sliced away with a knife. This had to 
be done by an assistant, and Black Coyote was particular to show me 
by signs, sitting very erect and bracing himself firmly, that he had not 
flinched during the process. 

As has been stated, the first trances in the southern Ghost dance 
occurred at the great dance held near the Cheyenne and Arapaho 
agency under the auspices of Sitting Bull in September, 1890. On 
this oceasion Cheyenne and Arapaho, Caddo, Wichita, Kiowa, and 
Apache tothe number of perhaps 3,000 assembled, and remained together 
for about two weeks, dancing every night until daylight. This was the 
largest Ghost dance ever held in the south. After dances had been held 
for two or three nights Sitting Bull announced that at the next one he 
would perform a great wonder in the sight of all the people, after 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL, CV 


Mary IRVIN WRIGHT 


BLACK COYOTE 


MOONEY] HYPNOTISM IN THE DANCE 899 


which they would be able to make songs for themselves. He said no 
more, but dismissed them to their tipis, wondering what this miracle 
could be. On the next night he appeared wearing a wide-brim hat 
with a single eagle feather, the same hat in which he is generally seen. 
Nearly all of the two tribes of Cheyenne and Arapaho were present, 
and probably 600 or 800 were in the dance circle at one time. Nothing 
unusual occurred for several hours until the dancers had gradually 
worked themselves up to a high state of excitement, when Sitting Bull 
stepped into the circle, and going up close in front of a young Arapaho 
woman, he began to make hypnotic passes before her face with the 
eagle feather. In a few seconds she became rigid and then fell to the 
ground unconscious. Sitting Bull then turned his attention to another 
and another, and the same thing happened to each in turn until nearly 
a hundred were stretched out on the ground at once. As usual in the 
trances some lay thus for a long time, and others recovered sooner, but 
none were disturbed, as Sitting Bull told the dancers that these were 
now beholding happy visions of the spirit world. When next they 
came together those who had been in the trance related their experiences 
in the other world, how they had met and talked with their departed 
friends and joined in their oldtime amusements. Many of them 
embodied their visions in songs, which were sung that night and after- 
ward in the dance, and from that time the Ghost dance was vaturalized 
in the south and developed rapidly along new lines. Each succeeding 
dance resulted in other visions and new songs, and from time to time 
other hypnotists arose, until almost every camp had its own. 

About this time a commission arrived to treat with the Cheyenne 
and Arapaho for the sale of their reservation. The Indians were 
much divided in opinion, the great majority opposing any sale what- 
soever, even of their claim in the Cherokee strip, which they believed 
was all that the agreement was intended to cover. While the debate 
was in progress Left Hand, chief of the Arapaho, went to Sitting 
Bull and asked his opinion on the matter. Sitting Bull advised him 
to sell for what they could get, as they had need of the money, and 
in a short time the messiah would come and restore the land to them. 
On this advice Left Hand signed the agreement, in the face of threats 
from those opposed to it, and his example was followed by nearly all of 
his tribe. This incident shows how thoroughly Sitting Bull and the 
other Arapaho believed in the new doctrine. In view of the misery 
that has come on these tribes from the sale of their reservation, it is 
sad to think that they could have so deceived themselves by false 
hopes of divine interposition. A large party of the Cheyenne refused 
to have anything to do with the sale or to countenance the transaction 
by accepting their share of the purchase money, even after the whites 
had taken possession of the lands. 

The troubles in the Sioux country now began to attract public atten- 
tion, and there was suggestion of military interference. The news- 


900 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (PTH. ANN. 1 


paper liar has reached an abnormal development in Oklahoma, and 
dispatches from Guthrie, El Reno, and Oklahoma City were filled 
with vivid accounts of war dances, scalping parties, and imminent out- 
breaks, mingled with frantic appeals for troops. A specimen dispatch 
stated that a thousand Kickapoo were dancing, whereas in fact the 
whole tribe numbers only 325, very few of whom were in any way con: 
cerned with the Ghost dance. Indian Commissioner Morgan was at this 
time (November, 1890) on a tour of inspection among the western tribes 
of Oklahoma, and satisfied himself that all such sensational reports 
were false, and that there was no danger to be apprehended from the 
dance. (G@.D., 55.) At the same time the War Department commis- 
sioned Lieutenant (now Captain) H. L. Scott, of the Seventh cavalry, 
then and now stationed at Fort Sill, Oklahoma, to investigate the mean- 
ing of the excitement and the possibility of an outbreak. Captain 
Scott was eminently fitted for the work by his intimate acquaintance 
with the Indians and his perfect knowledge of the sign language. In 
the course of December, 1890, and January and February, 1891, he vis- 
ited the various camps of the western tribes of the territory, attended 
a number of dances, and talked with the leaders. His reports on the 
Ghost dance are most valuable, and confirmed the War Department in 
its previous opinion that no danger was to be apprehended, and that 
the true policy was one of noninterference. 

The dance constantly gathered strength among the Arapaho .and 
Cheyenne, in spite of the failure of the first prediction, and spread 
rapidly to the neighboring tribes, Sitting Bull himself being the high 
priest and chief propagandist. The adverse report brought back by 
A’piatan, the Kiowa, in the spring of 1891 had no effect outside of his 
own tribe. In the early part of that year the Arapaho and Cheyenne 
sent a delegation, including one woman, to visit the messiah in Nevada 
and bring back the latest news from heaven. They were gone a consid- 
erable time and returned with some of the sacred medicine paint given 
them by Wovoka, after having taken part with the Paiute in a Ghost 
dance under his leadership at the regular dance ground near Mason 
valley. Tall Bull, captain of the Cheyenne police, was one of this party, 
and Arnold Woolworth, a Carlisle student, acted as interpreter. 

In August, 1891, another delegation went out, consisting of Black 
Coyote, Little Raven, Red Wolf, Grant Left Hand, and Casper Edson 
(Arapaho), and Black Sharp Nose and Standing Bull (Cheyenne). 
Grant Left Hand and Casper Edson, Carlisle students, acted as inter- 
preters, wrote down the words of the messiah, and delivered his message 
to their people on their return. This message, as written down at the 
time by Casper Edson, is given in the preceeding chapter on the doctrine 
of the Ghost dance. In accord with the messiah’s instructions the two 
tribes now changed their manner of dancing from frequent small dances 
at each camp at irregular intervals to larger dances participated in by 
several camps together at regular intervals of six weeks, each dance 


MOONEY] A VISIT TO THE MESSIAH 901 


continuing for five consecutive days. The Caddo and Wichita also 
adopted the new rule in agreement with instructions brought back by 
a delegation sent out about the same time. The change was opposed 
by Sitting Bull and some others, but the delegates, having the authority 
of the messiah for the innovation, succeeded in carrying their point, 
and thereafter assumed a leadership on equal terms with Sitting Bull, 
who from that time lost much of his interest in the dance. They were 
gone about two weeks, and brought back with them a quantity of the 
sacred paint and a large number of magpie feathers, the kind commonly 
worn by the Paiute in the Ghost dance. This started a demand for 
magpie feathers, and the shrewd traders soon turned the fact to their 
own advantage by importing selected crow feathers, which they sold to 
the unsuspecting Indians for the genuine article at the rate of two 
feathers for a quarter. While in the land of the Paiute the delegates 
took part in the Ghost dance at Mason valley, and were thrown into a 
trance by Woyoka, as related in chapter IX. 

The Ghost dance practically superseded all other dances among the 
Cheyenne and Arapaho, and constantly developed new features, nota- 
bly the auxiliary “crow dance,” which was organized by Grant Left 
Hand. This was claimed as a dance seen in a trance vision of the spirit 
world, but is really only a modification of the ““Omaha dance,” common 
to the northern prairie tribes. The opening of the reservation and 
the influx of the whites served to intensify the religious fervor of the 
Indians, who were now more than ever made to feel their dependent 
and helpless condition. It was impossible, however, that the intense 
mental strain could endure forever, and after the failure of the predic- 
tions on the appointed dates the wild excitement gradually cooled and 
crystallized into a fixed but tranquil expectation of ultimate happiness 
under the old conditions in another world. 

In October, 1892, another delegation, consisting of Sitting Bull and 
his wife, with Washee and two other Arapaho, and Edward Guerrier, a 
half-blood Cheyenne, visited the messiah. They brought back a very 
discouraging report, which was in substance that the messiah was 
tired of so many visitors and wanted them to go home and tell their 
tribes to stop dancing. Although the Indians generally refused to 
accept the message as genuine, the effect was naturally depressing. 
A year later, in October, 1893, Black Coyote and several others dictated 
through me a letter to Wovoka, asking him to send them some of the 
sacred paint or anything else that wouid make them think of him, 
with “some good words to help us and our children,” aud requesting 
to know whether he had been truthfully reported by the delegates of 
the preceding year. To one who knows these people their simple 
religious faith is too touching to be a subject of amusement. 


The messiah doctrine never gained many converts among the Coman- 
che, excepting those of the Peniité’/ka division and a few others living 


902 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


on the Little Washita and other streams on the northern boundary of 
the reservation, adjoining the tribes most interested in the Ghost dance. 
These Comanche held a few Ghost dances and made a few songs, but the 
body of the tribe would have nothing to do with it. This lack of interest 
was due partly to the general skeptical temperament of the Comanche, 
evinced in their carelessness in regard to ceremonial forms, and partly 
to their tribal pride, which forbade their following after the strange gods 
of another people, as they considered their own meseal rite sufficient to 
all their needs. Quanah Parker, their head chief, a shrewd half-blood, 
opposed the new doctrine and prevented its spread among his tribe. 


The Ghost dance was brought to the Pawnee, Ponea, Oto, Missouri, 
Kansa, Iowa, Osage, and other tribes in central Oklahoma by delegates 
from the Arapaho and Cheyenne in the west. The doctrine made slow 
progress for some time, but by February, 1892, the majority of the 
Pawnee were dancing in confident expectation of the speedy coming of 
the messiah and the buffalo. Of all these tribes the Pawnee took most 
interest in the new doctrine, becoming as much devoted to the Ghost 
dance as the Arapaho themselves. The leader among the Pawnee was 
Frank White, and among the Oto was Buffalo Black. The agent in 
charge took stringent measures against the dance, and had the Oto 
prophet arrested and confined in the Wichita jail, threatening at the 
same time to cut off supplies from the tribe. As the confederated Oto 
and Missouri number only 362 in all, they were easily brought into sub- 
jection, and the dance was abandoned. The same method was pursued 
with the Pawnee prophet and his people, but as they are stronger in 
number than the Oto, they were proportionately harder to deal with, 
but the final result was the same. (Comr., 43.) The Osage gave but 
little heed to the story, perhaps from the fact that, as they are the 
wealthiest tribe in the country, they feel no such urgent need of a 
redeemer as their less fortunate brethren. The Sauk, Fox, Kickapoo, 
and Potawatomi engaged in the dance only to a limited extent, for the 
reason that a number of the natives of these tribes, particularly the 
Potawatomi, are under Catholic influences, while most of the others 
adhere to the doctrine of Kiinakik, the Potawatomi prophet mentioned 
in chapter Vv. 


The Ghost dance doctrine was communicated directly to the Caddo, 
Wichita, Kichai, Delaware, and Kiowa by the Arapaho and Cheyenne, 
their neighbors on the north. We shall speak now of the tribes first 
mentioned, leaving the Kiowa until the last. The Caddo, Wichita, 
Kichai, and several remnants of cognate tribes, with a small band of 
the Delaware, numbering in all about a thousand Indians, occupy a 
reservation between the Washita and the South Canadian in western 
Oklahoma, having the Arapaho and Cheyenne on the north and west, 
the Kiowa on the south, and the whites of Oklahoma and the Chick- 
asaw nation on the east. The Caddo are the leading tribe, numbering 


MOONEY] OTHER MESSIAH DELEGATIONS 903 


more than half of the whole body. They were the first of these to take 
up the dance, and have manifested the greatest interest in it from the 
time it was introduced among them. 

A number of Caddo first attended the great Ghost dance held by the 
Cheyenne and Arapaho on the South Canadian in the fall of 1890 on 
the occasion when Sitting Bull came down from the north and inaugu- 
rated the trances. On returning to their homes they started the Ghost 
dance, which they kept up, singing the Arapaho songs as they had heard 
them on the Canadian, until Sitting Bull came down about December, 
1890, to give them further instruction in the doctrine and to * give the 
feather” to the seven persons selected to lead the ceremony. From this 
time the Caddo had songs and trances of their own, the chief priest 
and hypnotist of the dance being Nishki/ntu, ‘‘Moon Head,” or John 
Wilson. The Caddo and the Delaware usually danced together on 
Boggy creek. The Wichita and the Kichai, who took the doctrine 
from the Caddo, usually danced together on Sugar creek about 15 miles 
from the agency at Anadarko, but manifested less interest in the 
matter until Sitting Bull came down about the beginning of February, 
1891, and ‘gave the feather” to the leaders. From this time all these 
tribes went into the dance heart and soul, on some occasions dancing 
for days and nights together from the middle of the afternoon until the 
sun was well up in the morning. The usual custom was to continue 
until about midnight. Cold weather had no deterrent effect, and they 
kept up the dance in the snow, the trance subjects sometimes lying 
unconscious in the snow for half an hour at a time, At this time it was 
confidently expected that the great change would occur in the spring, 
and as the time drew near the excitement became most intense. The 
return of the Kiowa delegate, A/piatan, in the middle of February, 1891, 
with a report adverse to the messiah, produced no effect on the Caddo 
and their confederates, who refused to put any faith in his statements, 
claiming that he had not seen the real messiah or else had been bribed 
by the whites to make a false report. 

About the time that Black Coyote and the others went out to see the 
messiah in the fall of 1891 the Caddo and their confederates sent out a 
delegation for the same purpose. The delegates were Billy Wilson and 
Squirrel (Caddo), Nashtowi and Lawrie Tatum (Wichita), and Jack 
Harry (Delaware). Tatum was a schoolboy and acted as interpreter 
for the party. Like the Arapaho they came back impressed with rey- 
erence for the messiah, and at once changed the time and method of the 
dancing, in accordance with his instructions, to periodical dances at 
intervals of six weeks, continuing for five consecutive days, the dance 
on the last night being kept up until daylight, when all the participants 
went down to bathe in the stream and then dispersed to their homes. 
They were dancing in this fashion when last visited in the fall of 1893. 

The principal leader of the Ghost dance among the Caddo is Nish- 
ki/ntu, “Moon Head,” known to the whites as John Wilson. Although 
considered a Caddo, and speaking only that language, he is very much 


904 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


of a mixture, being half Delaware, one-fourth Caddo, and one-fourth 
French. One of his grandfathers was a Frenchman. As the Caddo 
lived originally in Louisiana, there is a considerable mixture of French 
blood among them, which manifests itself in his case in a fairly heavy 
beard. He is about 50 years of age, rather tall and well built, and 
wears his hair at full length flowing loosely over his shoulders. With 
a good head and strong, intelligent features, he presents the appear- 
ance of a natural leader. He is also prominent in the mescal rite, 
which has recently come to his tribe from the Kiowa and Comanche, 
He was one of the first Caddo to go into a trance, the occasion being 
the great Ghost dance held by the Arapaho and Cheyenne near 
Darlington agency, at which Sitting Bull presided, in the fall of 1890, 
On his return to consciousness he had wonderful things to tell of his 
experiences in the spirit world, composed a new song, and from that 
time became the high priest of the Caddo dance. Since then his 
trances have been frequent, both in and out of the Ghost dance, and 
in addition to his leadership in this connection he assumes the occult 
powers and authority of a great medicine-man, all the powers claimed 
by him being freely conceded by his people. 

When Captain Scott was investigating the Ghost dance among the 
Caddo and other tribes of that section, at the period of greatest excite- 
ment, in the winter of 1890-91, he met Wilson, of whom he has this 
to say: 

John Wilson, a Caddo man of much prominence, was especially affected, perform- 
ine a series of gyrations that were most remarkable. At all hours of the day and 
night his ery could be heard all over camp, and when found he would be dancing in 
the ring, possibly upon one foot, with his eyes closed and the forefinger of his right 
hand pointed upward, or in some other ridiculous posture. Upon being asked his 


reasons for assuming these attitudes he replied that he could not help it; that it 
eame over him just like cramps. 


Somewhat later Captain Scott says: 


John Wilson had progressed finely, and was now a full-fledged doctor, a healer of 
diseases, and a finder of stolen property through supernatural means. One day, 
while we were in his tent, a Wichita woman entered, led by the spirit. It was 
explained to us that she did not even know who lived there, but some force she 
could not account for brought her. Having stated her case to John, he went off 
into a fit of the jerks, in which his spirit went up and saw “his father” [i.e., God], 
who directed him how to cure this woman. When he came to, he explained the cure 
to her, and sent her away rejoicing. Soon afterwards a Keechei fhan came in, who 
was blind of one eye, and who desired to have the vision restored. John again 
consulted his father, who informed him that nothing could be done for that eye 
because that man held aloof from the dance. 


While the author was visiting the Caddo on Sugar creek in the fall 
of 1893, John Wilson came down from his own camp to explain his part 
in the Ghost dance. He wore a wide-brim hat, with his hair flowing 
down to his shoulders, and on his breast, suspended from a cord about 
his neck, was a curious amulet consisting of the polished end of a 
buffalo horn, surrounded by a cirelet of downy red feathers, within 
another circle of badger and owl claws. He explained that this was the 


MOONEY] A NATIVE BLESSING 905 


source of his prophetic and clairvoyant inspiration. The buffalo horn 
was “God’s heart,” the red feathers contained his own heart, and the 
circle of claws represented the world. When he prayed for help, his 
heart communed with ‘“God’s heart,” and he learned what he wished to 
know. He had much to say alsoof the moon, Sometimes in his trances 
he went to the moon and the moon taught him secrets. It must be 
remembered that sun, moon, stars, and almost every other thing in 
nature are considered by the Indians as endowed with life and spirit. 
He claimed an intimate acquaintance with the other world and asserted 
positively that he could tell me ‘just what heaven is like.” Another 
man who accompanied him had a yellow sun with green rays painted on 
his forehead, with an elaborate rayed crescent in green, red, and yellow 
on his chin, and wore a necklace from which depended a erucifix and a 
brass clock-wheel, the latter, as he stated, representing the sun. 

On entering the room where I sat awaiting him, Nishki/ntn ap- 
proached and performed mystic passes in front of my face with his 
hands, after the manner of the hypnotist priests in the Ghost dance, 
blowing upon me the while, as he afterward explained to blow evil 
things away from me before beginning to talk on religious subjects. 
He was good enough to state also that he had prayed for light before 
coming, and had found that my heart was good. Laying one hand on 
my head, and grasping my own hand with the other, he prayed silently 
for some time with bowed head, and then lifting his hand from my 
head, he passed it over my face, down my shoulder and arm to the 
hand, which he grasped and pressed slightly, and then released the 
fingers with a graceful upward sweep, as in the minuet. The first 
part of this—the laying of the hands upon the head, afterward draw- 
ing them down along the face and chest or arms—is the regular 
Indian form of blessing, reverential gratitude, or prayerful entreaty, 
and is of frequent occurrence in connection with the Ghost dance, 
when the believers ask help of the priests or beg the prayers of the 
older people. The next day about twenty or more Caddo came by on 
their way to the agency, all dressed and painted for a dance that was 
to be held that night. They stopped awhile to see us, and on entering 
the room where we were the whole company, men, women, and children, 
went through the same ceremony, with each one of the inmates in 
turn, beginning with Wilson and myself, and ending with the members 
of the family. The ceremony occupied a considerable time, and was 
at once beautiful and impressive. Not a word was said by either 
party during the while, excepting as someone in excess of devotion 
would utter prayerful exclamations aloud like the undertone of a 
litany. Every face wore a look of reverent solemnity, from the old 
men and women down to little children of 6 and 8 years. Several of 
them, the women especially, trembled while praying, as under the 
excitement of the Ghost dance. The religious greeting being over, 
the women of the family, with those of the party, went out to prepare 
the dinner, while the rest remained to listen to the doctrinal discussion. 


906 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


The Kiowa were predisposed to accept the doctrine of the Ghost 
dance. No tribe had made more desperate resistance to the encroach- 
ments of the whites upon their hunting grounds, and even after the 
failure of the last effort of the confederated tribes in 1874-75, the 
Kiowa were slow to accept the verdict of defeat. The result of this 
unsuccessful struggle was to put an end to the boundless freedom of 
the prairie, where they had roamed unquestioned from Dakota almost 
to central Mexico, and henceforth the tribes were confined within the 
narrow limits of reservations. Within five years the great southern 
buffalo herd was extinct and the Indians found themselves at once 
prisoners and paupers. The change was so swift and terrible in its 
effects that they could not believe it real and final. It seemed to them 
like a dream of sorrow, a supernatural cloud of darkness to punish 
their derelictions, but which could be lifted from them by prayer and 
sacrifice. Their old men told of years when the buffalo was scarce or 
had gone a long way off, but never since the beginning of the world of 
a time when there was no buffalo. The buffalo still lived beyond their 
horizon or in caves under the earth, and with its return would come 
back prosperity and freedom. Before we wonder at their faith we 
must remember that the disappearance of these millions of buffalo in 
the space of a few years has no parallel in the annals of natural history. 

In 1881 a young Kiowa named Da/tekan, ‘ Keeps-his-name-always,” 
began to “make medicine” to bring back the buffalo. He set up a 
sacred tipi, in front of which he erected a pole with a buffalo skin at the 
top, and made for himself a priestly robe of red color, trimmed with 
rows of eagle feathers. Then standing in front of his tipi he called the 
people around him and told them that he had been commanded and 
empowered in a dream to bring back the buffalo, and if they observed 
strictly the prayers and ceremonies which he enjoined the great herds 
would once more cover the prairie. His hearers believed his words, 
promised strict obedience, and gave freely of their blankets and other 
property to reward his efforts in their behalf. Da‘tekan retired to his 
sacred tipi, where, in his feathered robe of oftice, he continued to 
prophesy and make buffalo medicine for a year, when he died without 
seeing the realization of his hopes. The excitement caused by his pre- 
dictions came to the notice of the agent then in charge, who mentions 
it in his annual report, without understanding the cause. On a Kiowa 
calendar obtained by the author the event is recorded in a pictograph 
which represents the medicine-man in his tipi, with his scarlet robe 
over his shoulders and a buffalo beneath his feet (figure 54). 

About six years later, in 1887, another prophet, named Pa/-ingya, 
“In the Middle,” revived the prophecy, claiming to be heir to all the 
supernatural powers of his late predecessor. He amplified the doctrine 
by asserting, logically enough, that as the whites were vesponsible 
for the disappearance of the buffalo, the whites themselves would be 
destroyed by the gods when the time was at hand for the return of 


MOONEY] A KIOWA PREDICTION 907 


the buffalo. He preached also his own invulnerability and claimed 
the power to kill with a look those who might offend him, as far as 
his glance could reach. He fixed his headquarters on Elk creek, near 
the western limit of the reservation, where he inaugurated a regular 
series of ritual observances, under the management of ten chosen 
assistants. Finally he announced that the time was at hand when the 
whites would be removed and the buffalo would return. He ordered 
all the tribe to assemble on Elk creek, where after four days he would 
bring down fire from heaven which would destroy the agency, the 
schools, and the white race, with the Indian unbelievers all together. 
The faithful need not fear pursuit by the troops, for the soldiers who 
might follow would 
wither before his glance ] 
and their bullets would | 

have no effect on the 
Indians. On the same 
Kiowa calendar this 
prediction isrecordedin 
another pictograph in- 
tended to represent tly- 
ing bullets. The whole 
Kiowa tribe caught the 
infection of his words. 
Every camp was aban- 
doned, parents took 
their children from the 
schools, and all fled to 
the rendezvous on Elk 
creek. Here they waited 
patiently for their de- 
liverance till the pre- 
dicted day came and | sg 
passed without event, Fic. 8i—T wo Kiowa prophecies (from a Kiowa calendar). 
when they returned 

with sadness to their camps and their government rations of white 
maw’s beef. Pa/-ingya still lives, but the halo of prophecy no longer 
surrounds him. To account for the disappointment he claimed that his 
people had violated some of the ordinances and thereby postponed the 
destined happiness. In this way their minds were kept dwelling on 
the subject, and when at last the rumor of a messiah came from the 
north he hailed it as the fulfillment of the prediction. 

Early in the summer of 1890 the news of the advent of the messiah 
reached the Kiowa, and in June of that year they sent a delegation of 
about twenty men under the leadership of Pa/tadal, ‘Poor Buffalo,” to 
Cheyenne and Arapaho agency at Darlington to learn more about the 
matter. They brought back a favorable report and also a quantity of 


908 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


the sacred red paint procured origimally from the country of the messiah. 
Soon after there was a great gathering of the Kiowa and Apache at the 
agency at Anadarko to receive a payment of “grass money” due from 
the cattlemen for the lease of pasturage on the reservation. On this 
oceasion the Ghost dance was formally inaugurated among the Kiowa, 
Poor Buffalo assuming direction of the ceremony, and painting the 
‘principal participants with the sacred red paint with his own hands. The 
dance was carried back 
totheir various camps and 
became a part of the tribal 
life. 

About this time a Sioux 
chief, High Wolf, came 
down from the north to 
visit the Cheyenne, Arap- 
aho, IKiowa, and other 
tribes in that section. He 
remained sometime among 
them, and on his return to 
the north invited a young 
Kiowa named <A/piatan, 
“Wooden Lance,” whose 
grandmother had been a 
Sioux captive, to come up 
and visit his relatives at 
Pine Ridge. Theinvitation 
was accepted by A/piatan, 
partly for the pleasure of 
seeing a new tribe and 
meeting his mother’s kin- 
dred, but chiefly for the 
purpose of investigating 
for himself and for the 
Kiowa the truth of the 
messiah story. Apiatan, 
who speaks but little Eng- 
lish, and who was then about 30 years of age, had recently lost a child 
to whom he had been very much attached. He brooded over his loss 
until the new doctrine came with its promise of a reunion with departed 
friends and its possibility of seeing and talking with them in visions of 
the trance. Moved by parental affection, which is the ruling passion 
with an Indian, he determined on this long journey in search of the 
messiah, who was vaguely reported to be somewhere in the north, to 
learn from his own lips the wonderful story, and to see if it were possi- 
ble to talk again with his child. He discussed the matter with the 
chiefs, who decided to send him as a delegate to find the messiah and 


——— 


Fie. 85—Poor Buffalo, 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CVI 


BI’ANK'!, THE KIOWA DREAMER 


MOONEY] KIOWA CALENDAR RECORDS 909 


learn the truth or falsity of the reports, in order that the Kiowa might 
be guided by the result on his return. A sufficient sum of money was 
raised for his expenses, and he left for the north in September, 1890. 
Almost the whole tribe had assembled at the agency to witness his 
departure, and each in turn of the prit cipal men performed over him 
a ceremony of blessing, such as has al eady been described. His going 
and return are both recorded on the calendar previously mentioned, 

In October, 1890, shortly after A’/piatan’s departure, Sitting Bull, the 
Arapaho prophet of the Ghost dance, came down from his tribe and 
gave new impetus to the excitement among the Kiowa, This event also 
is recorded on the same Kiowe calendar in a well-drawn picture repre- 
senting a buffalo standing beside the figure of a man (figure 86). It is 
also indicated less definitely on another calendar obtained from the tribe. 
Sitting Bull cor firmed, as by personal knowledge, all that had been told 
of the messiah, 
and predicted 
that the new 
earth would ar- 
rive in the follow- 
ing spring, 1891 
The Kiowa as- 
sembled on the 
Washita, at the 
mouth of Rainy 
Mountain creek, 
and here, at the 
largest Ghost 
dance ever held 3 
by the tribe, Sit- lg 
ting Bull conse- 
crated seven men 
and women as leaders of the dance and teachers of the doctrine by giv- 
ing to each one a sacred feather to be worn in the dance as the badge of 
priesthood. Until the Ghost dance came to the prairie tribes their 
women had never before been raised to such dignity as to be allowed 
to wear feathers in their hair. After ‘‘ giving the feather” to the 
leaders thus chosen, they were taught the songs and ritual of the 
dance. At first the songs were all in the Arapaho language, but after 
the trances, which now began to be frequent, the Kiowa composed 
songs of their own. 

Among the dreamers and prophets who now came to the front was one 
who merits more than a passing notice. His original name was Bifiiki, 
“Kater,” but on account of his frequent visits to the spirit world he is 
now known as Asa/tito/la, which may be freely rendered “The Messen- 
ger.” For along time he had been in the habit of going alone upon the 
mountain, there to fast and pray until visions came to him, when he would 


Fic. 86—Sitting Bull comes down (from a Kiowa calendar). 


910 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


return and give to his people the message of inspiration. Frequently 
these vigils were undertaken at the request of friends of sick people 
to obtain spiritual knowledge of the proper remedies to be applied, or 
at the request of surviving relatives who wished to hear from their 
departed friends in the other world. He is now about 55 years of age, 
quiet and dignified in manner, with a thoughtful cast of countenance 
which accords well with his character as a priest and seer. His intel- 
lectual bent is further shown by the fact that he has invented a system 
of ideographie writing which is nearly as distinet from the ordinary 
Indian pictograph system as it is from our own alphabet. It is based 
on the sign language of the plains tribes, the primary effort being to 
convey the idea by a pictured representation of the gesture sign; but, 
as in the evolution of the alphabet, a part is frequently put for the 
whole, and numerous arbitrary or auxiliary characters are added, until 
the result is a well-developed germ of an alphabetic system. He has 
taught the system to his sons, and by this means was able to keep up a 
correspondence with them while they were attending Carlisle school. 
It is unintelligible to the rest of the tribe. I have specimens of this 
curious graphic method, obtained from the father and his sons, which 
may be treated at length at some future time. In the picture of Asa‘ti- 
tola (plate Cy1), he holds in one hand a ,paper on which is depicted 
one of his visions, while in the other is the pointer with which he 
explains its meaning. 

Plate Cvi1 herewith represents this vision. On this oceasion, after 
reaching the spirit world he found himself on a vast prairie covered 
with herds of buffalo and ponies, represented respectively in the 
picture by short black and green lines at the top. He went on through 
the buffalo, the way being indicated by the dotted green lines, until he 
came to a large Kiowa camp, in which, according to their old custom, 
nearly every tipi had its distinctive style of painting or ornamentation 
to show to what family it belonged, all these families being still repre- 
sented in the tribe. He went on to the point indicated by the first 
heavy blue mark, where he met four young women, whom he knew as 
having died years before, returning on horseback with their saddle- 
pouches filled with wild plums. After some conversation he asked 
them about two brothers, his relatives, who had died some time ago. 
He went in the direction pointed out by the young women and soon 
met the two young men coming into camp with a load of fresh buffalo 
meat hung at their saddles. Their names were Emanki’na, ‘ Can’t- 
hold-it,” a policeman, and E/pea, “ Afraid-of-him,” who had died 
while held as a prisoner of war in Florida about fifteen years before. 
It will be noted that they are represented in the picture as armed only 
with bows and arrows, in agreement with the Ghost-dance doctrine of 
a return to aboriginal things. After proceeding some distance he 
retraced his steps and met two curious beings, represented in the 
picture by green figures with crosses instead of heads. These told him 


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BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


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MOONEY] A‘PIATAN’S PILGRIMAGE 911 


to go on, and on doimg so he came to an immense circle of Kiowa dane- 
ing the Ghost dance around a cedar tree, indicated by the black circle 
with a green figure resembling a tree in the center. He stood for a 
while near the tree, shown by another blue mark, when he saw a woman, 
whom he knew, leave the dance. He hurried after her until she reached 
her own tipi and went into it—shown by the blue mark beside the red 
tipi with red flags on the ends of the tipi poles—when he turned around 
and came back. She belonged to the family of the great chief Set- 
tainti, ‘* White Bear,” as indicated by the red tipi with red flags, no 
other warrior in the tribe having such a tipi. On inquiring for his 
own relatives he was directed to the other side of the camp, where he 
met a man—represented by the heavy black mark—who told him his 
own people were inside of the next tipi. On entering he found the 
whole family, consisting of his father, two brothers, two sisters, and 
several children, feasting on fresh buffalo beef from a kettle hung 
over the fire. They welcomed him and offered him some of the meat, 
which for some reason he was afraid to taste. To convince him that it 
was good they held it up for him to smell, when he awoke and found 
himself lying alone upon the mountain. 


A’piatai went on first to Pine Ridge, where he was well received by 
the Sioux, who had much to say of the new messiah in the west. He 
was urged to stop and join them in the Ghost dance, but refused and 
hurried on to Fort Washakie, where he met the northern Arapaho and 
the Shoshoni, whom he called the “northern Comanches.” Here the new 
prophecy was the one topic of conversation, and after stopping only 
long enough to learn the proper route to the Paiute country, he went 
on over the Union Pacific railroad to Nevada. On arriving at the 
agency at Pyramid lake the Painte furnished him a wagon and an 
Indian guide across the country to the home of Wovoka in the upper 
end of Mason valley. The next day he was admitted to his presence. 
The result was a complete disappointment. A single interview con- 
vineed him of the utter falsity of the pretensions of the messiah and the 
deceptive character of the hopes held out to the believers. 

Saddened and disgusted, A’piatan made no stay, but started at once 
on his return home. On his way back he stopped at Bannock agency 
at Fort Hall, Idaho, and from there sent a letter to his people, stating 
briefly that he had seen the messiah and that the messiah was a fraud. 
This was the first intimation the Kiowa had received from an Indian 
source that their hopes were not well grounded. The author was pres- 
ent when the letter was received at Anadarko and read to the assem- 
bled Indians by A’piatan’s sister, an educated woman named Laura 
Dunmoi, formerly of Carlisle school. The result was a division of 
opinion. Some of the Indians, feeling that the ground had been taken 
from under them, at once gave up all hope and accepted the inevitable 
of despair. Others were disposed to doubt the genuineness of the let- 
ter, as it had come through the medium of a white man, and decided 


14 ETH pr2 18 


912 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. Lf 


to withhold their decision until they could hear directly from the dele- 
gate himself. A’piatan returned in the middle of February, 1891. The 
agent sent notice to the various camps on the reservation for the Indians 


Fig. 8T—A’piatan. 


to assemble at the agency to hear his report, and also sent a request to 
Cheyenne and Arapaho agency to have Sitting Bull come down at the 
same time so that the Indians might hear both sides of the story. 


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IAD "Id LHOd34 IVANNY HIN33LYNOS 


MOONEY] A’PIATAN’S RETURN 913 


The council was held at the agency at Anadarko, Oklahoma, on leb- 
ruary 19, 1891, the author being among those present on the o¢casion. 
It was a great gathering, representing every tribe on the reservation, 
there being also in attendance a number of Arapaho who had accom- 
panied Sitting Bull from the other agency. Everything said was inter- 
preted in turn into English, Kiowa, Comanche, Caddo, Wichita, and 
Arapaho. This was a slow process, and tiecessitated frequent repetition, 
so that the talk oceupied allday. A/piatai first made his report, which 
vas interpreted into the various languages. Questions were asked by 
the agent, Mr Adams, and by leading Indians, and after the full details 
had been obtained in this manner Sitting Bull, the Arapaho, was called 
on to make his statement. The scene was dramatic in the highest 
degree. Although in a certain sense Sitting Bull himself was on trial, 
it meant more than that to the assembled tribe. Their power, pros- 
perity, and happiness had gone down, their very race was withering 
away before the white man. The messiah doctrine promised a restora- 
tion of the old conditions through supernatural assistance. If this 
hope was without foundation, the Indian had no future and his day 
was forever past. 

After some preliminaries A’/piatan arose and told his story. He had 
gone on as related until he arrived at the home of Wovoka in Mason 
valley. Here he was told that the messiah could not be seen until the 
next day. On being finally admitted to his presence he found him lying 
down, his face covered with a blanket, and singing to himself. When 
he had finished the song the messiah uncovered his face and asked 
A‘piatan, through an interpreter, what he wanted. As A’piatan had 
approached with great reverence under the full belief that the messiah 
was omniscient, able to read his secret thoughts and to speak all lan- 
guages, this question was a great surprise to him, and his faith at once 
began to waver. However, he told who he was and why he had come, 
and then asked that he be permitted to see some of his dead relatives, 
particularly his little child. Wovoka replied that this was impossible, 
and that there were no spirits there to be seen. With their mixture of 
Christian and aboriginal ideas many of the Indians had claimed that 
this messiah was the veritable Christ and bore upon his hands and feet 
the scars of the crucifixion. Not seeing these scars, A/piata expressed 
some doubt as to whether Wovoka was really the messiah he had come 
so far to see, to which Wovoka replied that he need go no farther for 
there was no other messiah, and went on to say that he had preached to 
Sitting Bull and the others and had given them a new dance, but that 
some of them, especially the Sioux, had twisted things and made 
trouble, and now A/piatan had better go home and tell his people to quit 
the whole business. Discouraged and sick at heart A’/piatan went out 
from his presence, convinced that there was no longer a god in Israel. 

After the story had been told and interpreted to each of the tribes, 
Sitting Bull was called on for his statement. He told how he had 
visited the messiah a year before and what the messiah had said to 


914 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


him. The two versions were widely different, and there can be little 
question that Woyoka made claims and prophecies, supported by 
hypnotic performances, from which he afterward receded when he 
found that the excitement had gone beyond his control and resulted 
in an Indian outbreak. Sitting Bull insisted on the truth of his 
own representations, and when accused by A’piatan of deceiving the 
Indians in order to obtain their property he replied that he had never 
asked them for the ponies which they had given him, and that if they 
did not believe what he had told them they could come and take their 
ponies again. A’piatan replied that that was not the Kiowa road; 
what had once been given was not taken back. Sitting Bull spoke in 
a low musical voice, and the soft Arapaho syllables contrasted pleas- 
antly with the choking sounds of the Kiowa and the boisterous loud- 
ness of the Wichita. I could not help a feeling of pity for him when at 
the close of the council he drew his blanket around him and went out 
from the gathering to cross the river to the Caddo camp, attended 
only by his faithful Arapahos. For his services in reporting against 
the dance A’piatan received a medal from President Harrison. 

This was for some time the end of the Ghost dance among the Kiowa, 
for while some few of the tribes were disposed to doubt the honesty or 
correctness of the report, the majority accepted it as final, and from 
that time the dance became a mere amusement for children. The other 
tribes, however—the Caddo, Wichita, and their allies—refused to accept 
the report, claiming that A’piatan had been hired by white men to lie 
to the Indians, and that he had never really seen the messiah, as he 
claimed, Even the Apache, although in close tribal connection with 
the Kiowa, continued to hold to the doctrine and the dance. 


NovrE.—Since the above was written and while awaiting publication 
there has been a revival of the Ghost dance among the Kiowa, brought 
about chiefly through the efforts of Bi/iink i, Pa/tadal, and others of its 
former priests. After several times dispersing the dancers and threat- 
ening them with severe penalties if they persisted, the agent was finally 
obliged to give permission, on the earnest request of a delegation of 
chiefs and head men of the tribe, with the result that in September, 
1894, the Kiowa publicly revived the ceremony in a great dance on the 
Washita, which lasted four days and was attended by several thousand 
Indians from all the surrounding tribes. 


PLC 


FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


ON BUCKSKIN 


PAINTING 


ye 


DAN ( 


GHOST 


EXPLANATION OF PLATE CIX 


The original of this picture was drawn in colored inks on buckskin by Yellow 
Nose, a Ute captive among the Cheyenne, in 1891. It was obtained from him by the 
author and is now deposited in the National Museum at Washington. Besides being 
a particularly fine specimen of Indian pictography, it gives an excellent idea of tbe 
ghost dance as if was at that time among the Cheyenne and Arapaho. The dancers 
are in full costume, with paint and feathers. The women of the two tribes are 
plainly distinguished by the arrangement of their hair, the Cheyenne women having 
the hair braided at the side, while the Arapaho women wear it hanging loosely. Two 
of the women earry children on their backs. One of the men carries the bd qgati wheel, 
another a shinny stick, and a woman holds out the sacred crow, while several wave 
handkerchiets which aid in producing the hypnotic effect. In the center are several 
persons with arms outstretched and rigid, while at one side is seen the medicine- 
man hypnotizing a subject who stretches out toward him a blue handkerchief. The 
spotted object on the ground behind the medicine-man is a shawl which bas fallen 
from the shoulders of the woman standing near. 


CHAPTER XV 
THE CEREMONY OF THE GHOST DANCE 


In chapter xt we have spoken of the Ghost dance as it existed among 
the Paiute, Shoshoni, Walapai, and Cohonino, west of the mountains. 
We shall now give a more detailed account of the ceremony and con- 
nected ritual among the prairie tribes. 


AMONG THE NORTHERN CHEYENNE 


According to Dr Grinnell the Ghost dance among the northern 
Cheyenne had several features not found in the south. Four fires 
were built outside of the dance circle and about 20 yards back from it, 
toward each of the cardinal points. These fires were built of long 
poles set up on end, so as to form a rude cone, much as the poles of a 
tipi are erected. The fires were lighted at the bottom, and thus made 
high bonfires, which were kept up as long as the dance continued. 
(Seg eas D's) 

AMONG THE SIOUX 


Perhaps the most important feature in connection with the dance 
among the Sioux was the “ghost shirt,” already noticed and to be 
described more fully hereafter. On account of the scarcity of buck- 
skin, these shirts were almost always made of white cloth cut and 
figured in the Indian fashion. The Sioux wore no metal of any kind 
in the danee, differing in this respect from the southern tribes, who 
wore on such oceasions all their finery of German silver ornaments. 
The Sioux also began the dance sometimes in the morning, as well as 
in the afternoon or evening. Another important feature not found 
among the southern tribes, excepting the Kiowa, was the tree planted 
in the center of the circle and decorated with feathers, stuffed animals, 
and strips of cloth. 

Ata Ghost dance at No Water’s camp, near Pine Ridge, as described 
by J. F. Asay, formerly a trader at the agency, the dancers first stood 
in line facing the sun, while the leader, standing facing them, made a 
prayer and waved over their heads the ‘‘ghost stick,” a staff about 6 
feet long, trimmed with red cloth and feathers of the same color. After 
thus waving the stick over them, he faced the sun and made another 
prayer, after which the line closed up to form a circle around the tree 
and the dance began. During the prayer a woman standing near the 
tree held out a pipe toward the sun, while another beside her held out 


several (four?) arrows from which the points had been removed. On 
915 


916 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (PTH. ANN. 14 


another occasion, at a Ghost dance at the same camp, four arrows, 
headed with bone in the olden fashion, were shot up into the air from 
the center of the circle and afterward gathered up and hung upon the 
tree, together with the bow, a gaming wheel and sticks, and a staff of 
peculiar shape (ghost stick?). See plate cxt. The ceremonies of fast- 
ing, painting, and the sweat-bath in connection with the Ghost dance 
among the Sioux have been already described. 

The best acgount of the dance itself and of the ghost shirt is given 
by Mrs Z. A. Parker, at that time a teacher on the Pine Ridge reserva- 
tion, writing of a Ghost dance observed by her on White Clay creek, 
on June 20, 1890. We quote at length from her description: 


We drove to this spot about 10.30 oclock on a delightful October day. We came 
upon tents scattered here and there in low, sheltered places long before reaching the 
dance ground. Presently we saw over three hundred tents placed in a circle, with a 
large pine tree in-the center, which was covered with strips of cloth of various 
colors, eagle feathers, stuffed birds, claws, and horns—all offerings to the Great 
Spirit. The ceremonies had just begun. In the center, around the tree, were 
gathered their wedicine-men; also those who had been so fortunate as to have had 
visions and in them had seen and talked with friends who had died. A company of 
fifteen had started a chant and were marching abreast, others coming in behind as 
they marched. After marching around the circle of tents they turned to the center, 
where many had gathered and were seated on the ground. 

I think they wore the ghost shirt or ghost dress for the first time that day. I 
noticed that these were all new and were worn ly about seventy men and forty 
women. The wife of aman called Return-from-scout had seen in a vision that her 
friends all wore a similar robe, and on reviving from her trance she called the women 
together and they made a great number of the sacred garments. They were of white 
cotton cloth. The women’s dress was cut like their ordinary dress, a loose robe with 
wide, flowing sleeves, painted blue in the neck, in the shape of a three-cornered 
handkerchief, with moon, stars, birds, etc, interspersed with real feathers, paimted 
on the waist and sleeves. While dancing they wound their shawls about their 
waists, letting them fall to within 3 inches of the ground, the fringe at the bottom. 
Tn the hair, near the crown, a feather was tied. I noticed an absence of any manner 
of bead ornaments, and, as I knew their vanity and fondness for them, wondered 
why it was. Upon making inquiries I found they discarded everything they could 
which was made by white men. 


The ghost shirt for the men was made of the same material—shirts and leggings 
painted in red. Some of the leggings were painted in stripes running up and down, 
others running around, ‘The shirt was painted blue around the neck, and the whole 
garment was fantastically sprinkled with figures of birds, bows and arrows, sun, 
moon, and stars, and everything they saw in nature. Down the outside of the 
sleeve were rows of feathers tied by the quill ends and left to tly in the breeze, and 
also a row around the neck and up and down the outside of the leggings. I noticed 
that a number had stuffed birds, squirrel heads, ete, tied in their long hair. The 
faces of all were painted red with a black half-moon on the forehead or on one 
cheek. 

As the crowd gathered about the tree the high priest, or master of ceremonies, 
began his address, giving them directions as to the chant and other matters. After 
he had spoken for about fifteen minutes they arose and formed in a circle. As nearly 
as I could count, there were between three and four hundred persons. One stood 
directly behind another, each with his hands on his neighbor’s shoulders. After 
walking about a few times, chanting, “ Father, | come,” they stopped marching, but 


FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPOR?T, PL. CX 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


~ pie 


DLN" 


GHOST DANCE 


SACRED OBJECTS FROM THE SIOUX 


MOONEY THE SIOUX GHOST DANCE O17 


remained in the circle, and set up the most fearful, heart-piercing wails I ever 
heard—erying, moaning, groaning, and shrieking out their grief, and naming over 
their departed friends and relatives, at the same time taking up handfuls of dust at 
their feet, washing their hands in it, and throwing it over their heads. Finally, they 
raised their eyes to heaven, their hands clasped high above their heads, and stood 
straight and perfectly still, invoking the power of the Great Spirit to allow them to 
see and talk with their people who had died. This ceremony lasted about fifteen 
minutes, when they all sat down where they were and listened to another address, 
which I did not understand, but which I afterwards learned were words of encour- 
agement and assurance of the coming messiah. 

When they arose again, they enlarged the circle by facing toward the center, tak- 
ing hold of hands, and moving around in the manner of school children in their play 
of ‘needle’s eye.” And now the most intense excitement began. They would go as 
fast as they could, their hands moving from side to side, their bodies swaying, their 
arms, with hands gripped tightly in their neighbors’, swinging back and forth with 
all their might. If one, more weak and frail, came near falling, he would be jerked 
up and into position until tired nature gave way. The ground had been worked and 
worn by many feet, until the fine, flour-like dust lay light and loose to the depth of 
two or three inches. The wind, which had increased, would sometimes take it up, 
enveloping the dancers and hiding them from view. In the ring were men, women, 
and children; the strong and the robust, the weak consumptive, and those near to 
death’s door. They believed those who were sick would be cured by joining in the 
dance and losing consciousness. From the beginning they chanted, to a monotonous 
tune. the words— 


y 
o 


Father, I come; 

Mother, I come; 

Brother, I come; 

Father, give us back our arrows. 


All of which they would repeat over and over again until first one and then 
another would break from the ring and stagger away and fall down. One woman 
fell a few feet from ne. She came toward us, her hair flying over her face, which 
was purple, looking as if the blood would burst through; her hands and arms moy- 
ing wildly; every breath a pant and a groan; and she fell on her back, and went 
down like a log. I stepped up to her as she lay there motionless, but with every 
muscle twitching and quivering. She seemed to be perfectly unconscious. Some 
of the men and a few of the women would run, stepping high and pawing the air 
ina frightful manner. Some told me afterwards that they had a sensation as if the 
ground were rising toward them and would strike them in the face. Others would 
drop where they stood, One woman fell directly into the ring, and her husband 
stepped out and stood over her to prevent them from trampling upon her. No one 
ever disturbed those who fell or took any notice of them except to keep the crowd 
away. 

They kept up dancing until fully 100 persons were lying unconscious. Then they 
stopped and seated themselves in a circle, and as each one recovered from his trance 
he was brought to the center of the ring to relate his experience. Each told his 
story to the medicine-man and he shouted it to the crowd. Not one in ten claimed 
that he saw anything. I asked ohe Indian—a tall, strong fellow, straight as an 
arrow—what his experience was. He said he saw an eagle coming toward him. It 
flew round and round, drawing nearer and nearer until he put out his hand to take 
it, when it was gone. I asked him what he thought of it. ‘ Big lie,” he replied. 
I found by talking to them that not one in twenty believed it. After resting fora 
time they would go through the same performance, perhaps three times a day. 
They practiced fasting, 


obliged to immerse themselves in the creek. (Comr., 44.) 


and every morning those who joined in the dance were 


918 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. L4 


SONG REHEARSALS 


As with church choirs, the leaders, both men and women, frequently 
assembled privately in a tipi to rehearse the new or old songs for the 
next dance. During the first winter spent among the Arapaho I had 
frequent opportunity of being present at these rehearsals, as for a long 
time the snow was too deep to permit dancing outside. After having 
obtained their confidence the Arapaho police invited me to come up to 
their camp at night to hear them practice the songs in anticipation of 
better weather for dancing. Thenceforth rehearsals were held in Black 
Coyote’s tipi almost every night until the snow melted, each session 
usually lasting about three hours. 

On these occasions from eight to twelve persons were present, sitting 
in a circle on the low beds around the fire in the center. Black Coyote 
acted as master of ceremonies aud opened proceedings by filling and 
lighting the redstone pipe, offering the first whiff to the sun, then 
reversing the stem in offering to the earth, next presenting the pipe to 
the fire, and then to each of the four cardinal points. He then took a 
few putts himself, after which he passed the pipe to his next neighbor, 
who went through the same preliminaries before smoking, and thus the 
pipe went round the circle, each one taking only a few puffs before 
passing it on. The pipe was then put back into its pouch, and Black 
Coyote, standing with his face toward the northwest, the messiah’s 
country, with eyes closed and arms outstretched, made a fervent prayer 
for help and prosperity to his tribe, closing with an earnest petition 
to the messiah to hasten his coming. The others listened in silence 
with bowed heads. The prayer euded, they consulted as to the song 
to be sung first, which Black Coyote then started in a clear musical 
bass, the others joining. From time to time explanations were made 
where the meaning of the song was not clear. They invited me to eall 
for whatever songs I wished to hear, and these songs were repeated 
over and over again to give me an opportunity to write them down, but 
they waived extended discussion until another time. Usually the men 
alone were the singers, but sometimes Black Coyote’s wives or other 
women who were present joined in the songs. It was noticeable that 
even in these rehearsals the women easily fell under the excitement of 
the dance. Finally, about 10 oclock, all rose together and sang the 
closing song, Ni/ninitubi’na Huhu, The Crow has given the signal,” and 
the rehearsal was at an end. On one occasion, before I had obtained 
this song, I called for it in order that I might write it down, but they 
explained that we must wait awhile, as it was the closing song, and if 
they sung it then they must quit for the night. 


PREPARATIONS FOR THE DANCE 


On several occasions the dance ground was consecrated before the 
performance, one of the leaders going all about the place, sprinkling 
some kind of sacred powder over the ground and praying the while. 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CX! 


SACRED OBJECTS FROM THE SIOUX GHOST DANCE 


a, Staff; b, c, Bow and bone-head arrows + d, Gaming wheel and sticks 


MOONEY] PAINTING OF THE DANCERS 919 


Frequently in the dance one or more of the leaders while sitting within 
the circle would beat upon the earth with his extended palm, then lay 
his hand upon his head, afterward blow into his hand, and then repeat 
the operation, praying all the time. Sometimes the hypnotist would 
beat the ground in the same way and then lay his hand on the head of 
the subject (plate cxyv). No satisfactory explanation of this ceremony 
was obtained beyond the general idea that the earth, like the sun, tie 
fire, and the water, is sacred. 


GIVING THE FEATHER 


The ceremony of “giving the feather” has been already noticed. 
This was an official ordination of the priests in the dance, conferred 
on them by the apostle who first brought the ceremony to the tribe. 
Among the Arapaho, Caddo, Kiowa, and adjoining tribes in the south 
the feather was conferred by Sitting Bull himself. The feather was 
thus given to seven leaders, or sometimes to fourteen, that is, seven 
men and seven women, the number seven being sacred with most tribes 
and more particularly in the Ghost dance. The feather, which was worn 
upou the head of the dancers, was either that of the crow, the sacred 
bird of the Ghost dance, or of the eagle, sacred in all Indian religions. 
If from the crow, two feathers were used, being attached at a slight 
angle to a small stick which was thrust into the hair. (See Arapaho 
song 8.) The feathers were previously consecrated by the priest with 
prayer and ceremony. The chosen ones usually reciprocated with pres- 
ents of ponies, blankets, or other property. After having thus received 
the feather the tribe began to make songs of its own, having previously 
used those taught them by the apostle from his own language. 

Besides the seven leaders who wear the sacred crow feathers as 
emblems of their leadership, nearly all the dancers wear feathers vari- 
ously painted and ornamented, and the preparation of these is a matter 
of much concern. The dancer who desires instruction on this point 
usually takes with him six friends, so as to make up the sacred number 
of seven, and goes with them to one who has been in a trance and has 
thus learned the exact method in vogue in the spirit world. At their 
request this man prepares for each one a feather, according to what he 
has seen in some trance vision, for which they return thanks, usually 
with a small present. The feathers are painted in several colors, each 
larger feather usually being tipped with a small down feather painted 
in a different color. On certain occasions a special day is set apart for 
publicly painting and preparing the feathers for all the dancers. the 
work being done by the appointed leaders of the ceremony. 


THE PAINTING OF THE DANCERS 


The painting of the dancers is done with the same ceremonial exact- 
ness of detail, each design being an iuspiration from a trance vision. 
Usually the dancer adopts the particular style of painting which, while 


920 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [erH. ANN. 14 


in the trance, he has seen worn by some departed relative. If he has 
not yet been in a trance, the design is suggested by a vision of one who 
does the painting. In making the request the dancer lays his hands 
upon the head of the leader and says, ‘My father, I have come to be 
painted, so that I may see my friends; have pity on me and paint me,” 
the sacred paint being held to sharpen the spiritual vision as well as to 
be conducive to physical health. The painting consists of elaborate 
designs in red, yellow, green, and blue upon the face, with a red or 
yellow line along the parting of the hair. Suns, crescents, stars, crosses, 
and birds (crows) are the designs in most common use. 


THE CEREMONY 


The dance commonly begins about the middle of the afternoon or 
later, after sundown, When it begins in the afternoon, there is always 
an intermission of an hour or fo for supper. The announcement is 
made by the criers, old men who assume this office apparently by tacit 
understanding, who go about the camp shouting in a loud voice to the 
people to prepare for the dance, The preliminary painting and dressing 
is usually a work of about two hours. When all is ready, the leaders 
walk out to the dance place, and facing inward, join hands so as to form 
a sinall circle, Then, without moving from their places they sing the 
opening song, according to previous agreement, in a soft undertone. 
Having sung it through once they raise their voices to their full 
strength and repeat it, this time slowly circling around in the dance. 
The step is different from that of most other Indian dances, but very 
simple, the dancers moving from right to left, following the course of 
the sun, advancing the left foot and following it vith the right, hardly 
lifting the feet from the ground. For this reason it is called by 
the Shoshoni the “dragging dance.” All the songs are adapted to 
the simple measure of the dance step. As the song rises and swells the 
people come singly and in groups from the several tipis, and one after 
another joins the circle until any number from fifty to five hundred 
men, women, and children are in the dance. When the circle is small, 
each song is repeated through a number of circuits. If large, it is 
repeated only through one circuit, measured by the return of the lead- 
ers to the starting point. Each song is started in the same manner, 
first in an undertone while the singers stand still in their places, and 
then with full voice as they begin to circle around, At intervals 
between the songs, more especially after the trances have begun, the 
dancers unclasp hands and sit down to smoke or talk for a few minutes. 
At such times the leaders sometimes deliver short addresses or ser- 
mons, or relate the recent trance experience of the dancer. In holding 
pach other’s hands the dancers usually intertwine the fingers instead 
of grasping the hand as with us. Only an Indian could keep the 
blanket in place as they do under such circumstances. Old people 
hobbling along with stieks, and little children hardly past the toddling 
period sometimes form a part of the circle, the more vigorous dancers 


S1OYID TIWWS—3ONVG LSOHD 3SHL 


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MOONEY] CHARACTERISTICS OF THE DANCE 921 


accommodating the movement to their weakness. Frequently a woman 
will be seen to join the cirele with an infant upon her back and dance 
with the others, but should she show the least sign of approaching 
excitement watchful friends lead her away that no harm may come to 
thechild. Dogs are driven off from the neighborhood of the circle lest 
they should run against any of those who have fallen into a trance and 
thus awaken them. The dancers themselves are careful not to disturb 
the trance subjects while their souls are in the spirit world, Full 
Indian dress is worn, with buekskin, paint, and feathers, but among 
the Sioux the women discarded the belts ornamented with disks of 
German silver, because the metal had come from the white man, 
Among the southern tribes, on the contrary, hats were sometimes worn 
in the dance, although this was not considered in strict accordance with 
the doctrine. 

No drum, rattle, or other musical instrament is used in the dance, 
excepting sometimes by an individual dancer in imitation of a trance 
vision. In this respect particularly the Ghost dance differs from every 
other Indian dance. Neither are any fires built within the circle, se 
far as known, with any tribe excepting the Walapai. The northern 
Cheyenne, however, built four fires in a peculiar fashion outside of the 
circle, as already described. With most tribes the dance was performed 
around a tree or pole planted in the center and variously decorated. 
In the southern plains, however, only the Kiowa seem ever to have 
followed this method, they sometimes dancing around a cedar tree, On 
breaking the circle at the end of the dance the performers shook their 
blankets or shawls in the air, with the idea of driving away all evil 
influences. On later instructions from the messiah all then went 
down to bathe in the stream, the men in one place and the women in 
another, before going to their tipis. The idea of washing away evil 
things, spiritual as well as earthly, by bathing in running water is too 
natural and universal to need comment. 

The peculiar ceremonies of prayer and invocation, with the laying on 
of hands and the stroking of the face and body, have several times 
been described and need only be mentioned here. As trance visions 
became frequent the subjects strove to imitate what they had seen 
in the spirit world, especially where they had taken part with their 
departed friends in some of the old-time games. In this way gaming 
wheels, shinny sticks, hummers, and other toys or implements would be 
made and carried in future dances, accompanied with appropriate 
songs, until the dance sometimes took on the appearance of an exhibr 
tion of Indian curios on a small scale. 


THE CROW DANCE 


Within the last few years the southern Arapaho and Cheyeune have 
developed an auxiliary dance called the “crow dance,” which is per- 
formed in the afternoon as a preliminary to the regular Ghost dance at 
night. Asitis no part of the original Ghost dance and is contined to 


922 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (BIH, ANN, MM 


these two tribes, it deserves no extended notice in this connection, 
Although claimed by its inventors as a direct inspiration from the 
other world, where they saw it performed by ‘ crows,” or spirits of 
departed friends, it is really only a modification of the picturesque 
Omaha dance of the prairie tribes, with the addition of religious fea 
tures borrowed from the new doctrine, The men participating are 
stripped to the breecheloth, with their whole bodies painted as in the 
Omaha dance, and wear elaborate pendants of varicolored feathers 
hanging down behind from the waist. An immense drum is an upor- 
tant feature. Men and women take part, and the songs refer to the 
general subject of the crow and the messiah, but are set to a variety of 
dance steps and evolutions performed by the dancers. As the leaders, 
who are chiefly young men, are constantly studying new features, the 
crow dance has become one of the most attractive ceremonies among 
the prairie tribes. Hypnotism and trances form an essential feature of 
this as of the Ghost dance proper. (See plate CXIX.) 


THE HYPNOTIC PROCESS 


The most important feature of the Ghost dance, and the secret of 
the trances, is hypnotism. It has been hastily assumed that hypnotie 
knowledge and ability belong only to an overripe civilization, such as 
that of India and ancient Egypt, or to the most modern period of scien- 
tific investigation. The fact is, however, that practical knowledge, if 
not understanding, of such things belongs to people who live near to 
nature, and many of the stories told by reliable travelers of the strange 
performances of savage shamans can be explained only on this theory. 
Numerous references in the works of the early Jesuit missionaries, of 
the Puritan writers of New England and of English explorers farther 
to the south, would indicate that hypnotie ability no less than sleight- 
ofhand dexterity formed part of the medicine-man’s equipment from 
the Saint Lawrence to the Gulf! Enough has been said in the chapters 
on Smoholla and the Shakers to show that hypnotism exists among the 
tribes of the Columbia, and the author has had frequent opportunity 
to observe and study it in the Ghost dance on the plains. It can not 
be said that the Indian priests understand the phenomenon, for they 
aseribe it to a supernatural cause, but they know how to produce the 
effect, as I have witnessed hundreds of times. In treating of the 
subject in connection with the Ghost dance the author must be under- 
stood as speaking from the point of view of an observer and not as a 
psychologic expert. 

Immediately on coming among the Arapaho and Cheyenne in 1590, 
[heard numerous stories of wonderful things that occurred in the Ghost 
danece—how people died, went to heaven and came back again, and how 
they talked with dead friends and brought back messages from the other 
world. Quite a number who had thus died” were mentioned and their 
adventures in the spirit Jand were related with great particularity of 


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MOONEY] HYPNOTISM AND THE DANCE 923 


detail, but as most of the testimony came from white men, none of whom 
had seen the dance for themselves, I preserved the scientific attitude of 
skepticism. So far as could be ascertained, none of the intelligent peo- 
ple of the agency had thought the subject sufficiently worthy of serious 
consideration to learn whether the reports were true or false. On talk- 
ing with the Indians I found them unanimous in their statements as to 
the visions, until I began to think there might be something in it. 

The first clew to the explanation came from the statement of his 
own experience in the trance, given by Paul Boynton, a particularly 
bright Carlisle student, who acted as my interpreter. His brother had 
died some time before, and as Paul was anxious to see and talk with 
him, which the new doctrine taught was possible, he attended the next 
Ghost dance, and putting his hands upon the head of Sitting Bull, accord- 
ing to the regular formula, asked him to help him see his dead brother. 
Paul is of an inquiring disposition, and, besides his natural longing to 
meet his brother again, was actuated, as he himself said, by a desire to 
try ‘every Indian trick.” He then told how Sitting Bull had hypno- 
tized him with the eagle feather and the motion of his hands, until he 
fell unconscious and did really see his brother, but awoke just as he was 
about to speak to him, probably because one of the dancers had acei- 
dentally brushed against him as he lay on the ground. He embodied 
his experience in a song which was afterward sungin the dance. From 
his account if seemed almost certain that the secret was hypnotism. 
The explanation might have occurred to me sooner but for the fact that 
my previous Indian informants, after the manner of some other wit- 
nesses, had told only about their trance visions, forgetting to state how 
the visions were brought about. 

This was in winter and the ground was covered deeply with snow, 
which stopped the dancing for several weeks. In the meantime [ 
improved the opportunity by visiting the tipis every night to learn the 
songs and talk about the new religion. When the snow melted, the 
dances were renewed, and as by this time I had gained the confidence 
of the Indians I was invited to be present and thereafter on numerous 
occasions was able to watch the whole process by which the trances 
were produced. From the outside hardly anything can be seen of what 
goes on within the cirele, but being a part of the circle myself [ was 
able to see all that occurred inside, and by fixing attention on one 
subject at a time I was able to note all the stages of the phenomenon 
from the time the subject first attracted the notice of the medicine-man, 
through the staggering, the rigidity, the unconsciousness, and back 
again to wakefulness. On two occasions my partner in the dance, each 
time a woman, came under the influence and I was thus enabled to note 
the very first nervous tremor of her hand and mark it as it increased 
in violence until she broke away and staggered toward the medicine- 
man within the circle. 

Young women are usually the first to be affected, then older women, 
and lastly men, Sometimes, however, aman proves as sensitive as the 


924 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


average woman. In particular I have seen one young Arapaho become 
rigid in the trance night after night. He was a Carlisle student, speak- 
ing good Engiish and employed as clerk in a store. He afterward 
took part in the sun dance, dancing three days and nights without 
food, drink, or sleep. He is of a quiet, religious disposition, and if of 
white parentage would perhaps have become a minister, but being an 
Indian, the same tendency leads him into the Ghost dance and the sun 
dance. The fact that he could endure the terrible ordeal of the sun 
dance would go to show that his physical organization is not frail, asis 
frequently the case with hypnotic or trance subjects. So far as per- 
sonal observation goes, the hypnotic subjects are usually as strong and 
healthy as the average of their tribe. It seems to be a question more 
of temperament than of bodily condition or physique. After having 
observed the Ghost dance among the southern tribes at intervals during 
a period of about four years, it is apparent that the hypnotic tendeney 
is growing, although the original religious excitement is dying out. 
The trances are now more numerous among the same number of dancers. 
Some begin to tremble and stagger almost at the beginning of the dance, 
without any effort on the part of the medicine-man, while formerly 
it was usually late in the night before the trances began, although the 
medicine-inen were constantly at work to produce such result. In 
many if not in most cases the medicine-men themselves have been in 
trances produced in the same fashion, and must thus be considered sen- 
sitives as well as those hypnotized by them. 

Not every leader in the Ghost dance is able to bring about the hyp- 
notice sleep, but anyone may try who feels so inspired. Excepting 
the seven chosen ones who start the songs there is no priesthood in the 
dance, the authority of such men as Sitting Bull and Black Coyote 
being due to the voluntary recognition of their superior ability or 
interest in the matter. Any man or woman who has been in a trance, 
and has thus derived inspiration from the other world, is at liberty to 
go within the cirele and endeavor to bring others to the trance. Even 
when the result is unsatisfactory there is no interference with the per- 
former, it being held that he is but the passive instrument of a higher 
power and therefore in no way responsible. A marked instance of this 
is the case of Cedar Tree, an Arapaho policeman, who took much inter- 
est in the dance, attending nearly every performance in his neighbor- 
hood, consecrating the ground and working within the cirele to hypnotize 
the dancers. He was in an advanced stage of consumption, nervous 
and excitable to an extreme degree, and perhaps it was for this reason 
that those who came under his influence in the trance constantly com- 
plained that he led them on the ‘devil's road” instead of the ‘straight 
road;” that he made them see monstrous and horrible shapes, but never 
the friends whom they wished to see. On this account they all dreaded 
to see him at work within the circle, but no one commanded him to 
desist as it was held that he was controlled by a stronger power and 
was to be pitied rather than blamed for his ill suecess. A similar idea 


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AIKD "Id = 1HOd3Y TWANNVY H1IN331uNO4 ADOIONH13 30 Nv3aHNE 


MOONEY] THE HYPNOTIC PROCESS 925 


exists in Europe in connection with persons reputed to possess the evil 
eye. Cedar Tree himself deplored the result of his efforts and expressed 
the hope that by earnest prayer he might finally be able to overcome the 
evil influence. 

We shall now describe the hypnotic process as used by the operators, 
with the various stages of the trance. The hypnotist, usually a man, 
stands within the ring, holding in his hand an eagle feather or a scarf 
or handkerchief, white, black, or of any other color. Sometimes he 
holds the feather in one hand and the searf in the other. <As the 
dancers circle around singing the songs in time with the dance step 
the excitement increases until the more sensitive ones are visibly 
affected. In order to hasten the result certain songs are sung to 
quicker time, notably the Arapaho song beginning Nw/nanii/naatani/na 
Hwhu. We shall assume that the subject isa woman. The first indi- 
eation that she is becoming affected is a slight muscular tremor, dis- 
tinetly felt by her two partners who hold her hands on either side. The 
medicine-man is on the watch, and as soon as he notices the woman’s 
condition he comes over and stands immediately in front of her, look- 
ing intently into her face and whirling the feather or the handkerchief, 
or both, rapidly in front of her eyes, moving slowly around with the 
dancers at the same time, but constantly facing the woman. <All this 
time he keeps up a series of sharp exclamations, Hu! Hu! Hu! like 
the rapid breathing of an exhausted runner. From time to time he 
changes the motion of the feather or handkerchief from a whirling to 
arapid up-and-down moyement in front of her eyes. For a while the 
woman continues to move around with the circle of dancers, singing 
the song with the others, but usually before the circuit is completed 
she loses control of herself entirely, and, breaking away from the part- 
ners who have hold of her hands on either side, she staggers into the 
ring, while the circle at once closes up again behind her. She is 
now standing before the medicine-man, who gives his whole attention 
to her, whirling the feather swiftly in front of her eyes, waving his 
hands before her face as though fanning her, and drawing his hand 
slowly from the level of her eyes away to one side or upward into the 
air, while her gaze follows it with a fixed stare. All the time he keeps 
up the Hu! Hu! Hu! while the song and the dance go on around them 
without a pause. For a few minutes she continues to repeat the words 
of the song and keep time with the step, but in a staggering, drunken 
fashion. Then the words become unintelligible sounds, and her move- 
ments violently spasmodic, until at last she becomes rigid, with her 
eyes shut or fixed and staring, and stands thus uttering low pitiful 
moans(platecxvi1). If thisis in the daytime, the operator tries to stand 
with his back to the sun, so that the full sunlight shines in the woman’s 
face (plate cxv1). The subject may retain this fixed, immovable posture 
for an indefinite time, but at last falls heavily to the ground, uncon- 
scious and motionless (plate cxviit). The dance and the song never 


926 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (TH. ANN. 14 


stop, but as soon as the woman falls the medicine-man gives his atten- 
tion to another subject among the dancers. The first one may lie 
unconscious for ten or twenty minutes or sometimes for hours, but no 
one goes near to disturb her, as her soul is now communing with the 
spirit world, At last consciousness gradually returns. A violent tremor 
seizes her body as in the beginning of the fit. A low moan comes from 
her lips, and she sits up and looks about her like one awaking from 
sleep. Her whole form trembles violently, but at last she rises to her 
feet and staggers away from the dancers, who open the circle to let 
her pass. All the phenomena of recovery, except rigidity, occur in 
direct reverse of those which precede unconsciousness. 

Sometimes before falling the hypnotized subject runs wildly around 
the circle or out over the prairie, or goes through various crazy evolu- 
tions like those of a lunatic. On one occasion—but only once—I have 
seen the medicine-man point his finger almost in the face of the hypno- 
tized subject, and then withdrawing his finger describe with it a large 
cirele about the tipis. The subject followed the direction indicated, 
sometimes being hidden from view by the crowd, and finally returned, 
with his eyes still fixed and staring, to the place where the medicine- 
man was standing. There is frequently a good deal of humbug mixed 
with these performances, some evidently pretending to be hypnotized 
in order to attraet notice or to bring about such a condition from force 
of imitation, but the greater portion is unquestionably genuine and 
beyond the control of the subjects. In many instances the hypnotized 
person spins around for minutes at a time like a dervish, or whirls the 
arms with apparently impossible speed, or assumes and retains until 
the final fall most uncomfortable positions which it would be impossible 
to keep for any length of time under normal conditions. Frequently a 
number of persons are within the ring at once, in all the various stages 
of hypnotism. The proportion of women thus affected is about three 
times that of men. 


THE AREA COVERED BY THE DANCE 


It is impossible to give more than an approximate statement as to 
the area of the Ghost dance and the messiah doctrine and the number 
of Indians involved. According to the latest official report, there are 
about 146,000 Indians west of Missouri river, exclusive of the five 
civilized nations in Indian Territory. Probably all these tribes heard of 
the new doctrine, but only a part took any active interest in it. Gener- 
ally speaking, it was never taken up by the great tribe of the Navaho, 
by any of the Pueblos except the Taos, or by any of the numerous tribes 
of the Columbia region. The thirty or thirty-five tribes more or less 
concerned with the dance have an aggregate population of about 60,000 
souls. A number of these were practically unanimous in their accept- 
ance of the new doctrine, notably the Paiute, Shoshoni, Arapaho, Chey- 
enne, Caddo, and Pawnee, while of others, as the Comanche, only a 


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MOONEY] AREA OF THE DANCE Patt 


small minority ever engaged in it. Only about one-half of the 26,000 
Sioux took an active part in it. It may safely be said, however, that 
the doctrine and ceremony of the Ghost dance found more adherents 
among our tribes than any similar Indian religious movement within 
the historic period, with the single possible exception of the crusade 
inaugurated by Tenskwatawa, the Shawano prophet, in 1805, (See 
plate LXXXxyv.) 
PRESENT CONDITION OF THE DANCE 


Among most of these tribes the movement is already extinct, having 
died a natural death, excepting in the case of the Sioux. The Sho- 
shoni and some others lost faith in it after the failure of the first pre- 
dictions. The Sioux probably discontinued the dance before the final 
surrender, as the battle of Wounded Knee and the subsequent events 
convineed even the most fanatic believers that their expectations of 
invulnerability and supernatural assistance were deceptive. The Pai- 
ute were yet dancing a year ago, and as their dream has received no 
such rude awakening as among the Sioux, they are probably still 
patiently awaiting the great deliverance, in spite of repeated postpone- 
ments, although the frenzied earnestness of the early period has long 
ago abated. The Kiowa, who discarded the doctrine on the adverse 
report of A’piatan, have recently taken up the dance again and are 
now dancing as religiously as ever under the leadership of the old men, 
although the progressive element in the tribe is strongly opposed to it. 
Among the other tribes in Oklahoma—especially the Arapaho, Chey- 
enne, Caddo, Wichita, Pawnee, and Oto —the Ghost dance has become 
a part of the tribal life and is still performed at frequent intervals, 
although the feverish expectation of afew years ago has now settled 
down into something closely approaching the Christian hope of a 
reunion with departed friends in a happier world at some time in the 
unknown future. 

As for the great messiah himself, when last heard from Wovoka was 
on exhibition as an attraction at the Midwinter fair in San Francisco. 
By this time he has doubtless retired into his original obscurity. 

14 ETH—PT 2——19 


CHAPTER XVI 
PARALLELS IN OTHER SYSTEMS 


T will pour out my spirit upon all flesh; and your sons and your daughters shall 
prophesy, your old men shall dream dreams, your young men shall see visions.—Joel. 


How is it then, brethren? When ye come together every one of vou hath a doc- 
trine, hath a revelation.—J Corinthians. 


THE BIBLICAL PERIOD 


The remote in time or distance is always strange. The familiar 
present is always natural and a matter of course. Beyond the narrow 
range of our horizon imagination creates a new world, but as we advance 
in any direction, or as we go back over forgotten paths, we find ever 
a continuity and a succession. The human race is one in thought and 
action. The systems of our highest modern civilizations have their coun- 
terparts among all the nations, and their chain of parallels stretches 
backward link by link until we find their origin and interpretation in 
the customs and rites of our own barbarian ancestors, or of our still 
existing aboriginal tribes. There is nothing new under the sun. 

The Indian messiah religion is the inspiration of a dream. Its ritual 
is the dance, the ecstasy, and the trance. Its priests are hypnotics and 
cataleptics. All these have formed a part of every great religious devel- 
opment of which we have knowledge from the beginning of history. 

In the ancestors of the Hebrews, as described in the Old Testament, 
we have a pastoral people, living in tents, acquainted with metal work- 
ing, but without letters, agriculture, or permanent habitations, They 
had reached about the plane of our own Navaho, but were below that 
of the Pueblo. Their mythologic and religious system was closely 
parallel. Their chiefs were priests who assumed to govern by inspira- 
tion from God, communicated through frequent dreams and waking 
visions. Hach of the patriarchs is the familiar confidant of God and 
his angels, going up to heaven in dreams and receiving direct instrue- 
tions in waking visits, and regulating his family and his tribe, and 
ordering their religious ritual, in accord with these instructions. Jacob, 
alone in the desert, sleeps and dreams, and sees a ladder reaching to 
heaven, with angels going up and down upon it, and God himself, who 
tells him of the future greatness of the Jewish nation. So Wovoka, 
asleep on the mountain, goes up to the Indian heaven and is told by 
the Indian god of the coming restoration of his race. Abraham is 
“tempted” by God and commanded to sacrifice his son, and proceeds 
to carry out the supernatural injunction. So Black Coyote dreams and 
is commanded to sacrifice himself for the sake of his children. 

928 


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MOONEY] DREAMS AND TRANCES 929 


Coming down to a later period we find the Chaldean Job declaring 
that God speaketh “in a dream, in a vision of the night, when deep 
sleep falleth upon men; then he openeth the ears of men and sealeth 
their instruction.” The whole of the prophecies are given as direct 
communications from the other world, with the greatest particularity of 
detail, as, for instance, in the beginning of the book of Ezekiel, where 
he says that ‘‘it came to pass in the thirtieth year, in the fourth month, 
in the fifth day of the month, as I was among the captives by the river 
of Chebar, that the heavens were opened and I saw visions of God.” 

In the New Testament, representing the results of six centuries of 
development beyond the time of the prophets and in intimate contact 
with more advanced civilizations, we still have the dream as the con- 
trolling influence in religion. In the very beginning of the new dis- 
pensation we are told that, while Joseph slept, the angel of the Lord 
appeared to him in a dream, and as a result “Joseph being raised from 
sleep did as the angel of the Lord had bidden him.” The most impor- 
tant events in the history of the infant redeemer are regulated, not in 
accordance with the ordinary manner of probabilities, but by dreams. 

The four gospels are full of inspirational dreams and trances, such 
as the vision of Cornelius, and that of Peter, when he went up alone 
upon the housetop to pray and ‘fell into a trance and saw heaven 
opened,” and again when ‘a vision appeared to Paul in the night,” of 
a man who begged him to come over into Macedonia, so that ‘immedi- 
ately we endeavored to go into Macedonia, assuredly gathering that 
the Lord had called us.” In another place Paul—the same Paul who 
had that wonderful vision on the road to Damascus—declares that he 
knew a man who was caught up into paradise and heard unspeakable 
words. In Paul we have the typical religious evangel, a young enthu- 
siast, a nan of sensibility and refinement above his fellows, so carried 
away by devotion to his ideal that he attaches himself to the most 
uncompromising sect among his own people, and when it seems to be 
assailed by an alien force, not content simply to hold his own belief, he 
seeks and obtains official authority to root out the heresy. As he goes 
on this errand, “breathing out threatenings and slaughter,” the mental 
strain overcomes him. He falls down in the road, hears voices, and 
sees a Strange light. His companions raise him up and lead him by 
the hand into the city, where for several days he remains sightless with- 
out food or drink. From this time he isachanged man. Without any 
previous knowledge or investigation of the new faith he believes himself 
called by heaven to embrace it, and the same irrepressible enthusiasm 
which had made him its bitterest persecutor leads him now to defend 
it against all the world and even to cross the sea into a far country in 
obedience to a dream to spread the doctrine. In many respects he 
reminds us forcibly of such later evangelists as Fox and Wesley. 

The cloudy indistinetness which Wovoka and his followers ascribe to 
the Father as he appears to them in their trance visions has numerous 
parallels in both Testaments. At Sinai the Lord declares to Moses, ‘1 


930 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


come unto thee in a thick cloud,” and thereafter whenever Moses went 
up the mountain or entered into the tabernacle to receive revelations 
“the Lord descended upon it in a cloudy pillar.” Job also tells us that 
‘thick clouds are a covering to him,” and Isaiah says that he “ rideth 
upon a swift cloud,” which reminds us of the Ghost song of the Arapaho 
representing the Indian redeemer as coming upon the whirlwind. Moses 
goes up into a mountain to receive inspiration like Wovoka of the Paiute 
and Biliinki of the Kiowa. As Wovoka claims to bring rain or snow at 
will, so Elijah declares that “ there shall not be dew nor rain these years, 
but according to my word,” while of the Jewish Messiah himself his 
wondering disciples say that even the winds and the sea obey him, 

Fasting and solitary contemplation in lonely places were as powerful 
auxiliaries to the trance condition in Bible days as now among the 
tribes of the plains. When Daniel had lis great vision by the river 
Hiddekel, he tells us that he had been mourning for three full weeks, 
during which time he ‘ate no pleasant bread, neither came flesh nor 
wine in my mouth, neither did I anoint myself at all.” When the vision 
comes, all the strength and breath leave his body and he falls down, 
and “then was I in a deep sleep on my face, and my face toward the 
ground.” Six hundred years later, Christ is “led by the spirit into the 
wilderness, being forty days tempted by the devil, and in those days he 
did eat nothing.” Another instance occurs at his baptism, when, as he 
was coming out of the water, he saw the heavens opened and the spirit 
like a dove, and heard a voice, and immediately was driven by the 
spirit into the wilderness. In the transfiguration on the mountain, 
when “his face did shine as the sun,” and in the agony of Gethsemane, 
with its mental anguish and bloody sweat, we see the same phenomena 
that appear in the lives of religious enthusiasts from Mohammed and 
Joan of Are down to George Fox and the prophets of the Ghost dance. 

Dancing, which forms so important a part of primitive rituals, had a 
place among the forms of the ancient Hebrew and of their neighbors, 
although there are but few direct references to it in the Bible. The 
best example occurs in the account of the transfer of the ark to Zion, 
where there were processions and sacrifices, and King Dayid himself 
‘danced before the Lord with all his might.” 


MOHAMMEDANISM 


Six hundred years after the birth of Christianity another great reli- 
gion, which numbers its adherents by the hundred million, had its ori- 
gin in the same region and among a kindred Semitic race, Its prophet 
and high priest was the cataleptic Mohammed, who was born about 
the year 570 and died in 642, In infaney and all through life he was 
aftlieted with epileptic attacks and fainting fits, during which he would 
lose all appearance of life without always losing inner consciousness. 
It was while in this condition that he received the visions and revela- 
tions on which he built his religious system. Frequently at such 
times it was necessary to wrap him up to preserve life in his body, and 


OISIN—SONVO LSOHS 3SHL 


WAXD “Td = 180d34 IWANNY HLN33LYNOS ASOIONHL3 40 Nyauns 


MOONEY] MOHAMMED 938i 


at other times he was restored by being drenched with cold water. At 
one time for a period of two years he was in such a mental condition— 
subject to hallucinations—that he doubted his own sanity, believing 
himself to be possessed by evil spirits, and contemplated suicide. “Tt 
is disputed whether Mohammed was epileptic, cataleptic, hysteric, or 
what not. Sprenger seems to think that the answer to this medical 
question is the key to the whole problem of Islam.” (“]ohammedan- 
ism,” in Encyclopedia Britannica.) To how many other systems might 
such an answer be the key? 

We are told that ordinarily his body had but little natural warmth, 
but that whenever the angel appeared to him, as the Mohammedan 
biographers express it, the perspiration burst out on his forehead, his 
eyes became red, he trembled violently, and would bellow like a young 
camel—all the accompaniments of the most violent epileptic fit. Usu- 
ally the fit ended in a swoon. There is no question that he was sincere 
in his claim of divine inspiration. His last hours were serene and 
peaceful, and there is no evidence of the slightest misgiving on his part 
as to the reality of his mission as a prophet sent from God. Some of 
his inspiration came in dreams, and he was accustomed to say that a 
prophet’s dream is a revelation, At times the revelation came to him 
without any painful or strange accompaniment. 

The fit during which he received the revelation of his religious mis- 
sion is thus described, as it came to him after a long period of despond- 
ency and mental hallucinations: “In this morbid state of feeling he is 
said to have heard a voice, and on raising his head, beheld Gabriel, 
who assured him he was the prophet of God. Frightened, he returned 
home, and called for covering. He had a fit, and they poured cold 
water on him, and when he came to himself he heard these words: 
‘Oh, thou covered one, arise, and preach, and magnify thy Lord;’ 
and henceforth, we are told, he received revelations without intermis- 
sion. Before this supposed revelation he had been medically treated on 
account of the evil eye, and when the Koran first descended to him he 
fell into fainting fits, when, after violent shudderings, his eyes closed, 
and his mouth foamed.” (Gardner, Faiths of the World.) 

Solitude also had much to do with his visions, as a great part of his 
early life was spent in the lonely occupation of a shepherd among the 
Arabian mountains. Like other prophets he asserted that the various 
angels had offered him control over the stars, the sun, the mountains, 
and the sea. Further, it is claimed most positively by all his followers 
that his great ascent into the seven heavens was made bodily and in full 
wakefulness, and not merely in spirit while asleep, and this assertion 
they supported by ‘the declarations of God and his prophet, the imams 
of the truth, the verses of the Koran, and thousands of traditions,” as 
earnestly as religious enthusiasts the world over have ever backed up 
the impossible. 

The kinship of the late Semitic idea to the old is well exemplified in 
Mohammed’s account of this vision, in which he is conducted to Mount 


932 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Sinai, where he 1s directed to alight and pray, because there God had 
spoken to Moses, after which he is conducted to Bethlehem, where 
again he is directed to alight and pray, because there Jesus was born, 
after which again he is brought into the presence of Abraham, Moses, 
Enoch, John the Baptist, and Jesus, by all of whom he was hailed as a 
worthy brother aud prophet. The direet descent becomes plainer still 
when we learn how Mohammed, on his return from talking with God in 
the seventh heaven, again meets Moses, who persuades him that the 
religious exercises prescribed by God for the faithful are too onerous, 
and goes back with him to plead with the Lord for a reduction of the 
daily prayers from fifty to five as Abraham pleaded for Sodom. 

The spirit world of our Indians is a place where death and old age 
are unknown, and where every one is happy in the simple happiness 
which he knew on earth—hunting, feasting, and playing the old-time 
games with former friends, but without war, for there all is peace. The 
ideal happiness is material, perhaps, but it is such happiness as the 
world might long for, with nothing in it gross or beyond reasonable 
probability. The Semitic ideal, from which our own is derived, is very 
different. We get one conception in the book of Revelation and 
another six hundred years later in the vision of Mohammed, which is 
puerile to the last degree. Among its wonders are an houri, who comes 
out of a quince, and whose body is composed of camphor, amber, and 
musk. Then there is a cock which stands with his feet on the lowest 
earth, while his head reaches the empyrean and his wings outstretched 
the limits of space, whose business is every morning to praise the Lord 
and set all the cocks on earth to crowing after him, There is an angel 
who bathes daily in a river, after which he flaps his wings, and from 
every drop that falls from them there is created an angel with 20,000 
faces and 40,000 tongues, each of which speaks a distinct language, 
unintelligible to the rest. But the masterpiece is the tree tooba, whose 
fruit is the food of the inhabitants of paradise. Every branch produces 
a hundred thousand different-colored fruits, while from its roots run 
rivers of water, milk, wine, and honey. <As if this were not enough, 
the tree produces also ready-made clothing. ‘On the tree were baskets 
filled with garments of the brocade and satin of paradise. A million 
of baskets are allotted to each believer, each basket containing a hun- 
dred thousand garments, all of different class and fashion”—and so on 
ad nauseam. (JMJerrick’s Mohammed.) When we reflect that this is 
accepted by more than 150,000,000 civilized Orientals, from whom we 
have derived much of our own culture, we may, perhaps, be more tol- 
erantly disposed toward the American Indian belief. 


JOAN OF ARC 


The most remarkable, the most heroic and pathetic instance of reli- 
gious hallucination in Europe is that of Joan of Arc, known as the Maid 
of Orleans, born in 1412 and burned at the stake in 1431, and recently 


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MOONEY] JOAN OF ARC 933 


beatified as the patron saint of France. Naturally of a contemplative 
disposition, she was accustomed from earliest childhood to long fasts 
and solitary communings, in which she brooded over the miserable 
condition of her country, then overrun by English armies. When 13 
years of age, she had a vision in which a voice spoke to her from out 
of a great light, telling her that God had chosen her to restore France. 
She immediately fell on her knees and made a vow of virginity and 
entire devotion to the cause, and from that day to the time of her cruel 
death she believed herself inspired and guided by supernatural voices 
to lead her countrymen against the invader. A simple peasant girl, 
she sought out the royal court and boldly announced to the king her 
divine mission, Her manner made such an impression that she was 
assigned a command, and putting on a soldier’s dress and carrying a 
sword which she claimed had come to her through miraculous means, 
she led the armies of France, performing superhuman feats of courage 
and endurance and winning victory after victory for three years until 
she was finally captured. After a long and harassing mockery of a 
trial, in which the whole machinery of the Jaw and the church was 
brought into action for the destruction of one poor girl barely 19 years 
of age, she was finally condenmed and burned at Rouen, ostensibly 
as a witch and a heretic, but really as the most dangerous enemy of 
English tyranny in France. 

She was forever hearing these spirit voices, which she called “her 
voices ” or “her counsel.” They spoke to her with articulate words in 
the ripple of the village fountain, in the vesper bells, in the rustling of 
the leaves, and in the sighing of the wind. Sometimes it was the war- 
like archangel Michael, but oftener it was the gentle Saint Katherine, 
who appeared to her as a beautiful woman wearing a crown. Her 
visions must be ascribed to the effect of the troubled times in which 
she lived, acting on an enthusiastic, unquestioning religious temper- 
ament. She is described as physically robust and intellectually keen, 
aside from her hallucination, as was proven in her trial, and there is 
no evidence that she was subject to epilepsy or other abnormal condi- 
tions such as belonged to Mohammed and most others of the same 
elass. Her long and frequent fasts unquestionably aided the result. 
She claimed no supernatural powers outside of her peculiar mission, and 
in every public undertaking relied entirely on the guidance of her voices. 

Toward the end these voices were accompanied by other hallucina- 
tions, together with presentiments of her coming death. On one 
occasion, while assaulting a garrison, her men fled, leaving her stand- 
ing on the moat with only four or five soldiers. Seeing her danger, a 
French officer galloped up to rescue her and impatiently asked her why 
she stood there alone. Lifting her helmet from her face she looked at 
him with astonishment and replied that she was not alone—that she 
had 50,000 men with her—and then, despite his entreaties, she turned to 
her phantom army and shouted out her commands to bring logs to 
bridge the moat. It was in April, while standing alone on the ram- 


934 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


parts of Mélun, that the voices first told her that she would be taken 
before midsummer. From that time the warning was constantly 
repeated, and although she told no one and still exposed herself fear- 
lessly, she no longer assumed the responsibility of command. Two 
months later she was in the hands of her enemies. 

Throughout the trial every effort was made by her enemies to shake 
her statement as to the voices, or, failing in that, to prove them from 
the devil, but to the last she steadfastly maintained that the voices 
were with her and came from heaven. According to her own state- 
ment these voices were three—one remained always with her, another 
visited her at short intervals, while both deliberated with the third. 
On one occasion, when hard pressed by her enemies, she answered sol- 
emnly, “I believe firmly, as firmly as I believe the Christian faith and 
that God has redeemed us from the pains of hell, that the voice comes 
from God and by his command.” And again she asserted, ‘‘I have 
seen Saint Michael and the two saints so well that I know they are 
saints of paradise. I have seen them with my bodily eyes, and I 
believe they are saints as firmly as I believe that God exists.” 

When questioned as to her original inspiration, she stated that the 
voice had first come to her when she was about 13 years of age. “The 
first time I heard it I was very much afraid. It was in my father’s 
garden at noon in the summer, Thad fasted the day before. The voice 
same from the right hand by the church, and there was a great light 
with it. When I came into France, I heard it frequently. I believe 
it was sent me from God. After I heard if three times, I knew it was 
the voice of anangel. J understand perfectly whatit says. It bade me 
be good and go to church often, and it told me I must go into France. 
Two or three times a week it said I must go into France, until I could 
no longer rest where I was. It told me I should raise the siege of 
Orleans, and that Robert de Baudricourt would give me people to con- 
duct me. Twice he repulsed me, but the third time he received me and 
sped me on my way.” 

The examiners were very curious to know by what sign she had recog- 
nized the king when she had first seen him in the midst of his courtiers. 
To this question she said she must first consult with Saint Katherine 
before replying, and afterward continued: ‘The sign was a crown. 
The first time I saw the king he had the sign, and it signified that he 
should hold the kingdom of France. I neither touched it nor kissed it. 
The angel came by the command of God and entered by the door of the 
room. Icame with the angel up the steps to the king’s room and the 
angel came before the king and bowed and inclined himself before the 
king, and said: ‘My lord, here is your sign; take it.’ He departed by 
the way he had come. There were a number of other angels with him, 
and Saint Katherine and Saint Margaret. In the little chapel he left 
me. Iwas neither glad nor afraid, but I was very sorrowful, and I wish 
he had taken away my soul with him.” 


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MOONEY] SAINT JOHN DANCE—FLAGELLANTS 935 


To another question she replied emphatically: “If I were at judg- 
ment, if I saw the fire kindled and the fagots ablaze and the exeecu- 
tioner ready to stir the fire, and if I were in the fire, | would say no 
more, and to the death I would maintain what I have said in the trial.” 

The end came at last in the market place of Rouen, when this young 
girl, whose name for years had been a terror to the whole English army, 
was dragged in her white shroud and bound to the stake, and saw the 
wood heaped up around her and the cruel fire lighted under her feet. 
“Brother Martin, standing almost in the draft of the flames, heard her 
sob with a last sublime effort of faith, bearing her witness to God whom 
she trusted: ‘My voices have not deceived me!’ And then came death.” 
(Parr, Jeanne @ Arc.) 

DANCE OF SAINT JOHN 


In 1374 an epidemic of maniacal religious dancing broke out on the 
lower Rhine and spread rapidly over Germany, the Netherlands, and 
into France. The victims of the mania claimed to dance in honor of 
Saint John. Men and women went about dancing hand in hand, in 
pairs, or in a circle, on the streets, in the churches, at their homes, or 
wherever they might be, hour after hour without rest until they fell 
into convulsions. While dancing they sang doggerel verses in honor of 
Saint John and uttered unintelligible cries. Of course they saw visions. 
At last whole companies of these crazy fanatics, men, women, and 
children, went dancing through the country, along the public roads, 
and into the cities, until the clergy felt compelled to interfere, and cured 
the dancers by exorcising the evil spirits that moved them. In the 
fifteenth century the epidemic broke out again. The dancers were now 
formed into divisious by the clergy and sent to the church of Saint 
Vitus at Rotestein, where prayers were said for them, and they were 
led in procession around the altar and dismissed cured. Hence the 
name of Saint Vitus’ dance given to one variety of abnormal muscular 
tremor. (Schaff, Religious Encyclopedia. ) 


THE FLAGELLANTS 


About the same time another strange religious extravagance spread 
over western Europe. Under the name of Flagellants, thousands of 
enthusiasts banded together with crosses, banners, hymns, and all the 
paraphernalia of religion, and went about in procession, publicly 
scourging one another as an atonement for their sins and the sins of 
mankind in general. They received their first impetus from the preach- 
ing of Saint Anthony of Padua in the thirteenth century. About the 
year 1260 the movement broke out nearly simultaneously in Italy, 
France, Germany, Austria, and Poland, and afterward spread into 
Denmark and England. It was at its height in the fourteenth century. 
In Germany in 1261 the devotees, preceded by banner and crosses, 
marched with faces veiled and bodies bared above the waist, and 
scourged themselves twice a day for thirty-three successive days in 


936 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. Lt 


memory of the thirty-three years of Christ’s life. The strokes of the 
whip were timed to the music of hymns. Men and women together 
took part in the scourging. The mania finally wore itself out, but 
reappeared in 1349 with more systematic organization. According to 
Schatf, “When they came to towns, the bands marched in regular mili- 
tary order and singing hymns. At the time of flagellation they sclected 
a square or churehyard or field. Taking off their shoes and stockings 
and forming a circle, they girded themselves with aprons and laid down 
flat on the ground. . . . The leader then stepped over each one, 
touched them with the whip, and badethem rise. As each was touched 
they followed after the leader and imitated him. Once all on their feet 
the flagellation began. The brethren went two by two around the 
whole cirele, striking their backs till the blood trickled down from the 
wounds. The whip consisted of three thongs, each with four iron 
teeth. During the flagellation a hymn was sung. After all had gone 
around the cirele the whole body again fell on the ground, beating upon 
their breasts. On arising they flagellated themselves a second time. 
While the brethren were putting on their clothes a collection was taken 
up among the audience, The scene was concluded by the reading of a 
letter from Christ, which an angel had brought to earth and which com- 
mended the pilgrimages of the Flagellants. The fraternities never 
tarried longer than a single day ina town. They gained great popu- 
larity, and it was considered an honor to entertain them.”  (Schaff, 
Religious Encyclopedia.) The society still exists among the Latin 
races, although under the ban of the church. As late as 1820 a pro- 
cession of Flagellants passed through the streets of Lisbon. Under 
the name of Penitentes they have several organizations in the Mexican 
towns of our southwest, where they periodically appear in processions, 
inflicting horrible self-torture on themselves, even to the extent of 
binding one of their number upon a cross, which is then set up in the 
ground, while the blood streams down the body of the victim from the 
wounds made by a crown of cactus thorns and from innumerable gashes 
vaused by the thorny whips. Such things among people called civil- 
ized enables us to understand the feeling which leads the Indian to 
offer himself a willing sacrifice in the sun dance and other propitiatory 
rites. 
RANTERS, QUAKERS, AND FIFTH-MONARCHY MEN 


The middle of the seventeenth century was a time of great religious 
and political upheavalin England. Hatreds were intense and persecu- 
tions cruel and bitter, until men’s minds gave way under the strain. 
“The air was thick with reports of prophecies and miracles, and there 
were men of all parties who lived on the border land between sanity 
and insanity.” This was due chiefly to the long-continued mental ten- 
sion which bore on the whole population during this troublous period, 
and in particular cases to wholesale confiscations, by which families 
were ruined, and to confinement in wretched prisons, suffering from 


MOONEY] THE QUAKER DOCTRINE 930 


insuflicient food and brutal treatment. Individuals even in the estab- 
lished church began to assert supernatural power, while numerous new 
sects sprang up, with prophecy, miracle working, hypnotism, and con- 
vulsive ecstasy as parts of their doctrine or ritual. Chief among these 
were the Ranters, the Quakers, and the Fifth-Monarchy Men. The first 
and last have disappeared with the conditions which produced them; 
but the Quakers, being based on a principle, have outlasted persecution, 
and, discarding the extravagances which belonged to the early period, 
are now on a permanent foundation under the name of the ** Society of 
Friends.” One of the Ranter prophets, in 1650, claimed to be the rein- 
carnation of Melehizedek, and even declared his divinity. He asserted 
that certain persons then living were Cain, Judas, Jeremiah, ete, whom 
he had raised from the dead, and the strangest part of it was that the 
persons concerned stoutly affirmed the truth of his assertion. Others 
of them claimed to work miracles and to produce lights and apparitions 
in the dark. In Barelay’s opinion all the evidence “supports the view 
that these persons were mad, and had a singular power of producing a 
kind of sympathetic madness or temporary aberration of intellect in 
others.” 

We are better acquainted with the Quakers (Friends), although it is 
not generally known that they were originally addicted to similar prae- 
tices. Such, however, is the fact, as is shown by the name itself. 
Their founder, George Fox, claimed and believed that he had the gift 
of prophecy and clairvoyance, and of healing by a mere word, and his 
biographer, Janney, of the same denomination, apparently sees no 
reason to doubt that such was the case. As might have been expected, 
he was also a believer in dreams. 

We are told that on one occasion, on coming into the town of Lich- 
field, ‘‘a very remarkable exercise attended his mind, and going through 
the streets without his shoes he cried, ‘ Woe to the bloody city of Lich- 
field.’ His feelings were deeply affected, for there seemed to be a 
channel of blood running down the streets, and the market place 
appeared like a pool of blood.” On inquiry he learned that a large 
number of Christians had been put to death there during the reign of 
the Emperor Diocletian thirteen centuries before. ‘‘He therefore 
attributed the exercise which came upon him to the sense that was 
given him of the blood of the martyrs.” 

We are also told that he ‘received an evidence” of the great fire of 
London in 1666, before the event, and Janney narrates at length a 
“still more remarkable vision” of the same fire by another Friend, 
“whose prophecy is well attested.” According to the account, this 
man rode into the city, as though having come in haste, and went up 
and down the streets for two days, prophesying that the city would be 
destroyed by fire. To others of his own denomination he declared that 
he had had a vision of the event some time before, but had delayed 
to declare it as commanded, until he felt the fire in his own bosom. 


938 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN, 14 


When the fire did oceur as he had predicted, he stood before the flames 
with arms outstretched, as if to stay their advance, until forcibly 
brought away by his friends. 

In mental and physical temperament Fox seems to have closely 
resembled Mohammed and the Indian prophets of the Ghost dance. 
We are told that he had much mental suffering and was often 
under great temptation. ‘He fasted much, and walked abroad in 
solitary places. Taking his Bible, he sat in hollow trees or secluded 
spots, and often at night he walked alone in silent meditation.” At 
one time ‘‘he fell into such a condition that he looked like a corpse, 
and many who came to see him supposed him to be really dead. In 
this trance he continued fourteen days, after which his sorrow began 
to abate, and with brokenness of heart and tears of joy he acknowl- 
edged the infinite love of God.” (Janney, George Pow.) 

The sect obtained the name of Quakers from the violent tremblings 
which overcame the worshipers in the early days, and which they 
regarded as manifestations of divine power on them. So violent were 
these convulsions that, as their own historian tells us, on one ocea- 
sion the house itself seemed to be shaken. According to another au- 
thority, men and women sometimes fell down and lay upon the ground 
struggling as if for life. Their ministers, however, seem not to have 
encouraged such exhibitions, but strove to relieve the fit by putting 
the patient to bed and administering soothing medicines. (‘¢ Quakers,” 
Eneyclopedia Britannica.) 

The Fifth-Monarchy Men were a small band of religionists who arose 
about the same time, proclaiming that the “ Fifth Monarchy” prophe- 
sied by Daniel was at hand, when Christ would come down from heaven 
and reign visibly upon earth for a thousand years. In 1657 they formed 
a plot to kill Cromwell, and in 1661 they broke out in insurrection at 
night, parading the streets with a banner on which was depicted a lion, 
proclaiming that Christ had come and declaring that they were invul- 
nerable and invincible, as “King Jesus” was their invisible leader. 
Troops were called out against them, but the Fifth-Monarchy Men, 
expecting supernatural assistance, refused to submit, and fought until 
they were nearly all shot down. The leaders were afterward tried and 
executed. (Janney’s George Fox and Schaff’s Religious Encyclopedia.) 


FRENCH PROPHETS 


Forty years later, about the end of the seventeenth century, another 
sect of convulsionists, being driven out of France, “found an asylum in 
Protestant countries Jand] carried with them the disease, hoth of mind 
and body, which their long sufferings had produced.” They spread 
into Germany and Holland, and in 1706 reached England, where they 
became known as “French prophets.” Their meetings were character- 
ized by such extravagance of convulsion and trance performance that 
they became the wonder of the ignorant and the scandal of the more 


MOONEY] FRENCH PROPHETS—-JUMPERS 939 


intelligent classes, notwithstanding which the infection spread far and 
wide. Weare told that they ‘“‘ were wrought upon in a very extraordi- 
nary manner, not only in their minds, but also in their physical systems. 
They had visions and trances and were subject to violent agitations of 
body. Men and women, and even little children, were so exercised 
that spectators were struck with great wonder and astonishment. 
Their powerful admonitions and prophetic warnings were heard and 
received with reverence and awe.” 

At one time Charles Wesley had occasion to stop for the night with 
a gentleman who belonged to the sect. Wesley was unaware of the 
fact until, as they were about to go to bed, his new friend suddenly fell 
into a violent fit and began to gobble like a turkey. Wesley was 
frightened and began exorcising him, so that he soon recovered from 
the fit, when they went to bed, although the evangelist confesses that 
he himself did not sleep very soundly with Satan so near him. 

Some time afterward Wesley with several companions visited a 
prophetess of the sect, as he says, to try whether the spirits came 
from God. She was a young woman of agreeable speech and manner, 
“Presently she leaned back in her chair and had strong workings in her 
' breast and uttered deep sighs. Her head and her hands and by turns 
every part of her body were affected with convulsive motions. This 
continued about ten minutes. Then she began to speak with a clear, 
strong voice, but so interrupted with the workings, sighings, and eon- 
tortions of her body that she seldom brought forth half a sentence 
together. What she said was chiefly in spiritual words, and ali as in 
the person of God, as if it were the language of immediate inspiration.” 
(Southey’s Wesley, I, and Evans’ Shakers.) 


JUMPERS 


About 1740 a similar extravagant sect, known as the Jumpers, arose 
in Wales. According to the description given by Wesley, their exer- 
cises were a very exact parallel of the Ghost dance. ‘ After the preach- 
ing Was over anyone who pleased gave out a verse of a hymn, and this 
they sung over and over again, with all their might and main, thirty or 
forty times, till some of them worked themselves into a sort of drunken- 
ness or madness; they were then violently agitated, and leaped up and 
down in all manner of postures frequently for hours together.” A con- 
temporary writer states that he had seen perhaps ten thousand at a 
single meeting of the Jumpers shouting out in the midst of the sermon 
and ready to leap for joy. (Southey’s Wesley, 11.) 


METHODISTS 


About the same time the Methodists originated in England under 
Wesley and Whitefield, and their assemblies were characterized by all 
the hysteric and convulsive extravagance which they brought with 
them to this country, and which is not even yet extinct in the south. 


940, THE GHOST-DANCH RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


The mostremarkable of these exhibitions took place under the preaching 
ot Wesley, following him, as we are told, wherever he went. Whitefield, 
although more forcible and sensational in his preaching, did not at first 
produce the same effect on his hearers, and considered such manifesta- 
tions as but doubtful signs of the presence of the Lord and by no means 
to be encouraged, On preaching, however, to a congregation in which 
Wesley had already produced such convulsions, and where, conse- 
quently, there was a predisposition in this direction, several persons 
were thus seized and sank down upon the floor, and we are told by the 
biographer “this was a great triumph to Wesley.” 

Wesley himself describes several instances. At one time, he states, 
a physician suspecting fraud attended a meeting during which a woman 
was thrown into a fit, crying aloud and weeping violently, until great 
drops of sweat ran down her face and her whole body shook. The doe- 
tor stood close by, noting every symptom, and not knowing what to 
think, being convinced that it was not fraud or any natural disorder, 
“But when both her soul and body were healed in a moment he acknowl- 
edged the finger of God.” On another occasion, Wesley tells us, ‘* While 
I was earnestly inviting all men to enter into the Holiest by this new 
and living way, many of those that heard began to call upon God with 
strong cries and tears. Some sank down, and there remained no 
strength in them. Others exceedingly trembled and quaked. Some 
were torn with a kind of convulsive motion in every part of their 
bodies, and that so violently that often four or five persons could not 
hold one of them, I have seen many hysterical and epileptic fits, but 
none of them were like these in many respects. I immediately prayed 
that God would not suffer those who were weak to be offended; but one 
woman was greatly, being sure that they might help it if they would, 
no one should persuade her to the contrary; and she was got three or 
four yards, when she also dropped down in as violent an agony as the 
rest.” 

At another time, ‘‘while he was speaking one of his hearers dropped 
down, and in the course of half an hour seven others, in violent agonies. 
The pains as of hell, he says, came about them; but notwithstanding 
his own reasoning neither he nor his auditors called in question the 
divine origin of these emotions, and they went away rejoicing and 
praising God. . . . Sometimes he scarcely began to speak before 
some of his believers, overwrought with expectation, fell into the 
crisis, for so it may be called in this case, as properly as in animal 
magnetism. Sometimes his voice could scarcely be heard amid the 
groans and cries of these suffering and raving enthusiasts. It was not 
long before men, women, and children began to act the demoniac as 
well as the convert. Wesley had seen many hysterical fits and many 
fits of epilepsy, but none that were like these, and he confirmed the 
patients in their belief that they were torn of Satan. One or two 
indeed perplexed him a little, for they were tormented in such an unae- 
countable manner that they seemed to be lunatic, he says, as well as 


MOONEY | WESLEY ON METHODISM 941 


sore vexed. But suspicions of this kind made little impression upon 
his intoxicated understanding; the fanaticism which he had excited in 
others was now reacting upon himself. How should it have been other- 
wise? A Quaker, who was present at one meeting and inveighed 
against what he called the dissimulation of these creatures, caught 
the contagious emotion himself, and even while he was biting his lips 
and knitting his brows, dropped down as if he had been struck by light- 
ning.” (Southey’s Wesley.) 
SHAKERS 


About the year 1750 there originated m England another peculiar 
body of sectarians calling themselves the ‘‘ United Society of Believers in 
Christ’s Second Appearing,” but commonly known, for obvious reasons, 
as Shakers. Their chief prophetess and founder was ‘ Mother” Ann Lee, 
whom they claim as the actual reincarnation of Christ. They claim also 
the inspiration of prophecy, the gift of healing, and sometimes even 
the gift of tongues, and believe in the reality of constant intercourse 
with the spirit world through visions. In consequence of persecution 
in England, on account of their public dancing, shouting, and shaking, 
they removed to this country about 1780 and settled at New Lebanon, 
New York, where the society still keeps up its organization. 

The best idea of the Shakers is given in a small volume by Evans, 
who was himself a member of the sect. Speaking of the convulsive 
manifestations among them, he says: ‘‘Sometimes, after sitting awhile 
in silent meditation, they were seized with a mighty trembling, under 
which they would often express the indignation of God against all sin. 
At other times they were exercised with singing, shouting, and leaping 
for joy at the near prospect of salvation. They were often exercised 
with great agitation of body and limbs, shaking, running, and walking 
the floor, with a variety of other operations and sigus, swiftly passing 
and repassing each other like clouds agitated with a mighty wind. 
These exercises, so strange in the eyes of the beholders, brought upon 
them the appellation of Shakers, which has been their most common 
name of distinetion ever since.” With regard to their dancing, he 
says: “It is pretty generally known that the Shakers serve God by 
singing and dancing; but why they practice this mode of worship is 
not so generally understood. . . . When sin is fully removed, by 
confessing and forsaking it, the cause of heaviness, gloom, and sorrow 
is gone, and joy and rejoicing, and thanksgiving and praise are then 
the spontaneous effects of a true spirit of devotion, And whatever 
manner the spirit may dictate, or whatever the form into which the 
spirit may lead, it is acceptable to Him from whom the spirit proceeds.” 
On one particular occasion, ‘previous to our coming we called a meet- 
ing and there was [sic] so many gifts (such as prophecies, revelations, 
visions, and dreams) in confirmation of a former revelation for us to 
come that some could hardly wait for others to tell their gifts. We had 
a joyful meeting and danced till morning.” 


942 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Of Ann Lee, their founder, he asserts that she saw Jesus Christ in 
open vision and received direct revelations from this source. On a 
certain oceasion she herself declared to her followers: ‘The room over 
your head is full of angels of God. I see them, and you could see them 
if you were redeemed, I look in at the windows of heaven and see what 
there is in the invisible world. I see the angels of God, and hear them 
sing. Isee the glories of God. Isee Ezekiel Goodrich flying from one 
heaven to another!” And, turning to the company present, she said, 
“Go in and join his resurrection.” She then began to sing, and they 
praised the Lord in the dance. On another occasion she said: “The 
apostles, in their day, saw as through a glass darkly, but we see face 
to face, and see things as they are, and converse with spirits and see 
their states. The gospel is preached to souls who have left the body. 
I see thousands of the dead rising and coming to judgment, now at this 
present time.” At another time she declared that she had seen a cer- 
tain young woman in the spirit world, ‘praising God in the dance;” 
and of a man deceased, ‘‘ He has appeared to me again, and has arisen 
from the dead and come into the first heaven and is traveling on to the 
second and third heaven.” 

Their dance is performed regularly at their religious gatherings at 
the New Lebanon settlement. The two sexes are arranged in ranks 
opposite and facing each other, in which position they listen to a sermon 
by one of the elders, after which a hymn is sung. They then form a 
circle around a party of singers, to whose singing they keep time in 
the dance. At times the excitement and fervor of spirit become intense, 
and their bodily evolutions as rapid as those of the dervishes, although 
still preserving the order of the dance. (Hvans’ Shakers and eneyclo- 
pedia articles on Shakers.) 


KENTUCKY REVIVAL 


About the year 1800 an epidemic of religious frenzy, known «ds the 
Kentucky Revival, broke out in Kentucky and Tennessee, chiefly among 
the Methodists and Baptists, with accompaniments that far surpassed 
the wildest excesses of the Ghost dance. Fanatic preachers taught 
their deluded followers that the spiritual advent of the kingdom was 
near at hand, when Christ would reign on earth and there would be an 
end of all sin. The date generally fixed for the consummation was the 
summer of 1805, and the excitement continued and grew in violence for 
several years until the time came and passed without extraordinary 
event, when the frenzy gradually subsided, leaving the ignorant believ- 
ers in a state of utter collapse. The performances at the meetings of 
these enthusiasts were of the most exaggerated camp-meeting order, 
such as may still be witnessed in many parts of the south, especially 
among the colored people. Evans, the Shaker historian, who is strong 
in the gift of faith, tells us that “the subjects of this work were greatly 
exercised in dreams, visions, revelations, and the spirit of prophecy. 
In these gifts of the spirit they saw and testified that the great day of 


MOONEY] KENTUCKY REVIVAL 943 


God was at hand, that Christ was about to set up his kingdom on earth, 
and that this very work would terminate in the full manifestation of 
the latter day of glory.” 

From another authority, endowed perhaps with less of fervor but 
with more of common sense, we get a description of these ‘ exercises” 
which has a familiar ring that seems to bring it very near home, ‘The 
people remained on the ground day and night, listening to the most 
exciting sermons, and engaging in a mode of worship which consisted 
in alternate crying, laughing, singing, and shouting, accompanied with 
gesticulations of a most extraordinary character, Often there would 
be an unusual outery; some bursting forth into loud ejaculations of 
thanksgiving; others exhorting their careless friends to ‘turn to the 
Lord;’ some struck with terror, and hastening to escape; others trem- 
bling, weeping, and swooning away, till every appearance of life was 
gone, and the extremities of the body assumed the coldness of a corpse. 
At one meeting not less than a thousand persons fell to the ground, 
apparently without sense or motion, It was common to see them shed 
tears plentifully about an hour before they fell. They were then seized 
with a general tremor, and sometimes they uttered one or two piercing 
shrieks in the moment of falling. This latter phenomenon was common 
to both sexes, to all ages, and to all sorts of characters.” (Casiwall, 
The Prophet of the Nineteenth Century, quoted by Remy.) 

After a time these crazy performances in the sacred name of religion 
became so much a matter of course that they were regularly classified in 
categories as the rolls, the jerks, the barks, ete. * The rolling exercise 
was affected by doubling themselves up, then rolling from one side to 
the other like a hoop, or in extending the body horizontally and rolling 
over and over in the filth like so many swine. The jerk consisted in 
violent spasms and twistings of every part of the body. Sometimes 
the head was twisted round so that the head was turned to the back, 
and the countenance so much distorted that not one of its features was 
to be recognized. When attacked by the jerks, they sometimes hopped 
like frogs, and the face and limbs underwent the most hideous contor- 
tions. The bark consisted in throwing themselves on all fours, growl- 
ing, showing their teeth, and barking like dogs. Sometimes a number 
of people crouching down in front of the minister continue to bark as 
long as he preached. These last were supposed to be more especially 
endowed with the gifts of prophecy, dreams, rhapsodies, and visions of 
angels.” (Remy, Journey to Great Salt Lake City, J &)) 

Twenty years later the jerking epidemic again broke out in Tennessee, 
and is described in a letter by the famous visionary and revivalist, 
Lorenzo Dow, who was then preaching in the same region. His descrip- 
tion agrees with that given the author by old men who lived at this time 
in eastern Tennessee. We quote from Dow’s letter: “There commenced 
atrembling among the wicked. One and a second fell from their seats. 
I think for eleven hours there was no cessation of the loud cries. Of 

14 ETH—PT 2——*0 


944 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


the people, some who were standing and sitting fell like men shot on 
the field of battie, and I felt it like a tremor to run through iy soul 
and veins so that it took away my limb power, so that I fell to the floor, 
and by faith saw a greater blessing than I had hitherto experienced.” 
At another place he says: “After taking a cup of tea, I began to speak 
to a vast audience, and I observed about thirty to have the jerks, 
though they strove to keep as still as they could. These emotions 
were involuntary and irresistible, as any unprejudiced mind might 
see.” At Marysville ‘‘many appeared to feel the word, but about fifty 
felt the jerks. On Sunday, at Knoxville, the governor being present, 
about one hundred and fifty had the jerking exercise, among them a 
circuit preacher, Johnsou, who had opposed them a little while before. 
Camp meeting commenced at Liberty. Here I saw the jerks, and some 
danced. The people are taken with jerking irresistibly, and if they 
strive to resist it it worries them more than hard work. Their eyes, 
when dancing, seem to be fixed upward as if upon an invisible object, 
and they are lost to all below. I passed by a meeting house where I 
observed the undergrowth had been cut down for a camp meeting, and 
from fifty to a hundred saplings left breast high, which appeared to me 
so slovenish that I could not but ask my guide the cause, who observed 
they were topped so high and left for the people to jerk by. This so 
excited my attention that I went over the ground to view it, and found 
where the people had laid hold of them and jerked so powerfully that 
they kicked up the earth as a horse stamping flies. Persecutors are 
more subject to the jerks than others, and they have cursed and swore 
and damned it while jerking.” Then he says: ‘IT have seen Presby- 
terians, Methodists, Quakers, Baptists, Church of England, and Inde- 
pendents exercised with the jerks—gentlemen and ladies, black and 
white, rich and poor—without exception. Those naturalists who wish 
to get it to philosophize upon it and the most godly are excepted from 
the jerks. The wicked are more afraid of it than of the smallpox or 
yellow fever.” 

It is worthy of note that, according to his account, investigators who 
wished to study the phenomenon were unable to come under the influ- 
ence, even though they so desired. 


ADVENTISTS 


About 1831 William Miller, a licensed minister, began to preach the 
advent of Christ and the destruction of the world, fixing the date for 
the year 1843, Like most others of his kind who have achieved noto- 
riety, he based his prediction on the prophecies of the Bible, which 
he figured out with mathematical exactness. He began preaching in 
New York and New England, but afterward traveled southward, deliv- 
ering, it is said, over three thousand lectures in support of his theory. 
His predictions led to the formation of a new sect commonly known as 


MOONEY] ADVENTISTS 945 


Adventists, who are said at one time to have numbered over fifty thou- 
sand. Carried away by blind enthusiasm they made their preparations 
for the end of all things, which they confidently expected in the summer 
of 1843. As the time drew near the believers made all preparations 
for their final departure from the world, many of them selling their 
property, and arraying themselves in white ‘‘ascension robes,” which 
were actually put on sale by the storekeepers for the occasion. But 
the day and the year went by without the fulfillment of the prophecy. 
Miller claimed to have discovered an error in his caleulations and fixed 
one or two other dates later on, but as these also proved false, his 
followers lost faith and the delusion died out. The Adventists still 
number fifteen or twenty thousand, the largest body being in southern 
Michigan, but although they hold the doctrine of the near advent of 
the final end, and endeavor to be at all times ready, they no longer 
undertake to fix the date. 

It may be noted here that the idea of a millennium, when the Mes- 
siah shall come in person upon the earth and reign with the just for a 
thousand years, was so firmly held by many of the early Christians 
that it may almost be said to have formed a part of the doctrinal tradi. 
tion of the church, The belief was an inheritance from the Jews, many 
of whose sacred writers taught that time was to endure through seven 
great “years” of a thousand years each, the seventh and last being the 
Sabbatical year or millennium, when their Messiah would appear and 
make their kingdom the mistress of the world. For this materialistic 
view of the millennium the Christian fathers substituted a belief in the 
spiritual triumph of religion, when the armies of antichrist would be 
annihilated, but the expectation of the return of Christ to rule in 
person over his church before the last days was an essential part of the 
doctrine, founded on numerous prophecies of both the Old and the New 
Testament. 


OTHER PARALLELS 
BEEKMANITES 


It would require a volume to treat of the various religious abnor- 
malisms, based on hypnotism, trances, and the messiah idea, which 
have sprung up and flourished in different parts of our own country 
even within the last twenty years. Naturally these delusions thrived 
best among the ignorant classes, but there were some notable excep- 
tions, particularly in the case of the Beekmanites or “Church of the 
redeemed.” About 1875 Mrs Dora Beekman, the wife of a Congrega- 
tional minister in Rockford, Illinois, began preaching that she was the 
immortal reincarnation of Jesus Christ. Absurd as this claim may 
appear, she found those who believed her, and as her converts increased 
in numbers they established their headquarters, which they called 
“heaven,” near Rockford, built a church, and went zealously to work 
to gather proselytes. Beekman refused to believe the new doctrine, 


946 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


but being unable to convince his wife of her folly he was finally driven 
to insanity. In the meantime the female Christ found an able disciple 
in the Reverend George Schweinfurth, a young Methodist minister of 
considerable cultivation and ability, who was installed as bishop and 
apostle of the new sect. Mrs Beekman dying soon after, in spite of 
her claim to immortality, Schweinfurth at once stepped into her place, 
declaring that the Christly essence had passed from her into himself. 
His claim was accepted, and when last heard from, about three years 
ago, he was worshiped by hundreds of followers drawn from the most 
prominent denominations of the vicinity as the risen Christ, the lord 
of heaven and the immortal maker and ruler of the earth. (J. F. L., 6, 
and current newspapers.) 
PATTERSON AND BROWN’S MISSION 

In 1888 a man named Patterson, in Soddy, a small town in eastern 
Tennessee, began preaching that a wonderful thing was about to hap- 
pen, and after the matter had been talked about sufficiently for his 
purpose, he announced that Christ had come in the person of A. J. 
Brown, who had served as Patterson’s assistant. Later on Brown dis- 
appeared, and it was announced that he had gone up into the mountain 
to fast for forty days and nights in order to be fittingly prepared for 
his mission. At the end of this period, on a Sunday morning in June, 
his followers went out toward the hills, where he suddenly appeared 
before them, clothed in white, with his hands uplifted. A great shout 
went up, and the people rushed toward him, falling upon their knees 
and kissing his feet. Many who were ill declared themselves healed by 
his touch. So great was the fanaticism of these people that one girl 
declared she was ready to die to prove her faith, and the nonbelievers 
became so fearful that human life would be sacrificed that they sent 
for the sheriff at Chattanooga, and it required all his power to compel 
Patterson and Brown to leave the neighborhood that quiet might be 
restored. (J. F.L., 6.) 


WILDERNESS WORSHIPERS 


In 1889 and 1890 a remarkable messianic excitement developed 
among the negroes along Savannah river in Georgia and South Caro- 
lina, where one man after another proclaimed himself as Christ, prom- 
ised miracles, drew crowds of excited men and women from their work, 
and created a general alarm among the white population of the whole 
section. The most prominent of these Christs was a mulatto named 
Bell, who went about preaching his divinity and exhorting all who 
would be saved to give up everything and follow him, Hundreds of 
negroes abandoned the cotton fields, the sawmills, and the turpentine 
woods to follow him, obeying his every word and ready to fall down and 
worship him. They assumed the name of ‘Wilderness Worshipers,” 


MOONEY | WILDERNESS WORSHIPERS 947 


and set up in the woods a “temple” consisting of a series of circular 
seats around an oak. The excitement became so demoralizing and 
dangerous that Bell was finally arrested. His frenzied disciples would 
have resisted the officers, but he commanded them to be patient, declar- 
ing that he could not be harmed and that an angel would come and 
open his prison doors by night. As no specific charge could be formu- 
lated against him, he was released after a short time, and continued 
his preaching to greater crowds than before, At last he announced 
that the world would come to an end on August 16, 1890; that all 
the negroes would then turn white and all white men black, and that 
all who wished to ascend on the last day must purchase wings from 
him. (J. F.L., 6.) He was finally adjudged insane and sent to the 
asylum. Successors arose in his place, however, and kept up the 
excitement for a year afterward in spite of the efforts of the authori- 
ties to put a stop to it. One of these claimed to be King Solomon, 
while another asserted that he was Nebuchadnezzar, and emphasized 
his claim by eating grass on all fours. In addition to the “ temple” in 
the woods they set up an “ark,” and were told by the leaders that any 
persecutors who should sacrilegiously attempt to touch it would fall 
down dead, Notwithstanding this warning, the officers destroyed both 
ark and temple in their efforts to end the delusion. At last a woman 
was killed by the enthusiasts, and a series of wholesale arrests fol- 
lowed. King Solomon, Nebuchadnezzar, and others who were clearly 
insane were sent to join Bell in the asylum, and the others were released 
from custody after the excitement had waned. 


HEAVENLY RECRUITS 


Within the last five years various local revivalists have attracted 
attention in different sections of Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri, by 
their extravagances, among which prophecies, visions, trances, and 
frenzied bodily exercises were all prominent. Particularly at the 
meetings of the ‘Heavenly Recruits” in central Indiana, and at 
other gatherings under the direction of Mrs Woodworth, cataleptic 
trances were of nightly occurrence. The physical and mental demor- 
alization at last became so great that the meetings were suppressed 
by the authorities. 

From the beginning of history the dance and kindred physical ex- 
ercises have formed a part of the religious ritual of various oriental 
sects, while hypnotic powers and practices have been claimed for their 
priests. This is especially true of the Mohammedan sect or order of 
the Dervishes, of which some account is given in the appendix to this 
chapter. 


948 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


APPENDIX—HYPNOTISM AND THE DANCE AMONG THE DERVISHES 
{From Brown's Dervishes| 


HypnotisM.—It is through the performance of the Zikr, by khalvet (pious retire- 
ment for purposes of deep devotion), by the Tevejjuh (or turning the face or mind 
devoutly toward God in prayer), by the Murakebeh (or fearful contemplation of 
God), the Tesarruf (or self-abandonment to pious reflection and inspiration), and the 
Tesavvuf (or mystical spiritualism), that the fervent Dervish reaches peculiar spirit- 
ual powers called Kuvveh i roohee batinee (a mystical, internal, spiritual power). The 
life or biography of every eminent sheikh or peer details innumerable evidences of 
this power exercised in a strange and peculiar manner. This exercise is called the 
Kuvveh Iradat, or the ‘‘ Power of the Will,” and, as a theory, may be traced histori- 
cally to the Divine Power —the soul of man being connected with the Divine Spirit — 
from which it emanates, and with which, through the means before mentioned, it 
commences. Some sheikhs are more celebrated than others for their peculiar and 
strange powers, and it is to their superiority that their reputation and reverence in 
the Mussulman world in general, and among Dervishes in particular, is to be attrib- 
uted. With the supposition that the details given of them by their biographers, 
disciples, or successors are not invented, or even exaggerated, their powers are cer- 
tainly very remarkable. Whilst among them an implicit belief in them is firmly 
sustained, sultans and princes have evidently doubted them, and, being alarmed 
with the influence the possessors acquired and sustained among the public generally, 
they have often shown a direful exercise of their own arbitrary will and power, 
which resulted in the untimely end of the unfortunate sheikh. Many, on the other 
hand, have survived the frequent exercise of their ‘‘spiritual powers,” and either 
because they acquired a power and influence over the minds of their temporal rulers, 
or whether they used them for their own private purposes, so as to conciliate the 
more religious or fanatic, they sueceeded in reaching advanced ages and a peaceful 
end of their remarkable careers, When the ruler of the country has not cared to 
order the execution of the sheikh who declared himself possessed of these spiritual 
powers, he has simply exiled him from his capital or his territory, and permitted 
him freely to exercise his powers and renown in some less objectionable locality. 
These powers can only be acquired through the long instruction of a superior spirit- 
ual director, or Murshid, or As-hib i Yekeen, for whom the disciples ever retain a 
most grateful remembrance and attachment. 

Among the practices of these powers is the faculty of foreseeing coming events; 
of predicting their occurrence; of preserving individuals from the harm end evil 
which would otherwise certainly result for them; of assuring to one person success 
over the machinations of another, so that he may freely attack him and prevail over 
him; of restoring harmony of sentiment between those who would otherwise be 
relentless enemies; of knowing when others devised harm against themselves, and 
through certain spells of preserving themselves and causing harm to befall the evil 
minded, and even of causing the death of anyone against whom they wish to pro- 
ceed. All this is done as well from a distance as when near, 

In other parts of the world, and among other people, these attainments would 
have been attributed to sorcery and witchcraft; in modern times they would be 
ascribed to spiritism, or magnetic influences, either of the spirit or of the body; 
but to the instructed Dervish they all derive their origin in the spirit of the holy 
sheikh —the special gift of the great Spirit of God, which commences with the spirit 
of man, from which it directly emanated. The condition or disposition necessary 
for these effects is called the Hal (state or frame), and is much the same as that 
required by the magnetized, and the object of his operation. The powers of the 
body are enfeebled by fasting and mental fatigue in prayer, and the imagination 
kept in a fervid state, fully impressed with the conviction that such powers are 
really possessed by the sheikh, and that he can readily exercise them over the 


MOONEY] THE DERVISHES 949 


willing mind and body of the disciple. How the sheikh can produce such strange 
results on a distant and unconscious person is left to the admiration and imagination 
of the faithful disciple, as an incentive to exertions in the same true path as that of 
his sheikh. 

To exercise the power of the will, it is necessary to contract the thoughts suddenly 
upon the object designed to be affected so perfectly as to leave no room for the mind 
to dwell, possibly, upon any other. The mind must not doubt for an instant of the 
success of this effort, nor the possibility of failure; it must, in fact, be completely 
absorbed by the one sole idea of performing the determination strongly taken and 
firmly relied upon. The persons must, from time to time, practice this; and as they 
proceed, they will be able to see how much propinquity exists between themselves 
and the Hazret 1 Asma (God?) and how much they are capable of exercising this 
power. 

As an example, the author of the Reshihat narrates the following: 


In my youth, I was ever with our Lord Molana Sa’eed ed Deen Kashgharee at Hereed. It happened 
that we, one day, walked out together and fell in with an assembly of the inhabitants of the place 
who were engaged in wrestling. To try our powers we agreed to aid with our ‘‘ powers of the will” 
one of the wrestlers, so that the other should be overcome by him, and after doing so, to change our 
design in favor of the discomfited individual. So we stopped and, turning toward the parties, gave 
the full influence of our united wills to one, and immediately he was able to subdue his opponent. 
As the person we chose, each in turn, conquered the other, whichever we willed to prevail became the 
most powerful of the two, the power of our own wills was thus clearly manifested, 


On another occasion two other persons possessed of these same powers fell in with 
an assembly of people at a place occupied by prize fighters. ‘‘To prevent any of 
the crowd from passing between and separating us we joined our hands together. 
Two persons were engaged fighting; one was a powerful man, while the other was 
a spare and weak person. The former readily overcame the latter; and seeing this 
I proposed to my companion to aid the weak one by the power of our wills. So he 
bade me aid him in the project, while he concentrated his powers upon the weaker 
person. Immediately a wonderful occurrence took place; the thin, spare man seized 
his giant-like opponent and threw him on the ground with surprising force. The 
crowd cried out with astonishment as he turned him over on his back and held him 
down with apparent ease. Noone present except ourselves knew the cause. Seeing 
that my companion was much affected by the effort which he had made, I bade him 
remark how perfectly successful we had been, and adding that there was no longer 
any necessity for our remaining there, we walked away.” (Pages 129-132.) 


= * * * * * 4 * 


Many individuals who have seriously wronged and oppressed his friends received 
punishments through the powers of the sheikh. Several instances are related wherein 
some such even fell sick and died, or were only restored to health by open declara- 
tions of repentance and imploring his prayerful intercession with God. His spirit 
seems to have accompanied those in whose welfare he took an active interest, and 
enabled them to commune with him, though far distant from him, His power of 
hearing them was well known to his friends, and several instances are cited to prove 
the fact. His power of affecting the health of those who injured him or his friends 
was greatly increased while he was excited by anger, and on such occasions his 
whole frame would be convulsed and his beard move about as if moved by elec- 
tricity. On learning details of cruelty done to innocent individuals, the sheikh 
would be strangely affected, so much so that no one dared to address him until the 
paroxysm was passed; and on such occasions he never failed to commune spiritually 
with the sovereign or prince in such a mysterious manner as to inspire him to deal 
justly with the guilty person and seeure his merited punishment. 

Through his ‘‘mystical powers” many persons were impressed with the unright- 
eousness of their course, and, having repented of the same, became good and pious and 
firm believers in his spiritual influences. These powers were always connected with 
his prayers, and it was during these that he was enabled to assure the parties inter- 
ested of their salutary results and the acceptation of their desires. It scarcely needs 


950 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


to be added, that these prayers were in conformance with Islamism, and were offered 
up to Allah, whom he adored, and to whose supreme will he attributes his powers. 
He constantly performed the Zikr Jehree, or ‘audibly called God’s name,” and the 
frequent repetition of this practice fitted him for such holy purposes. Sometimes 
he would affect the mind of the individual upon whom he exercised his powers in 
such a manner as to throw him into a species of trance, after which he could remem- 
ber nothing that he had previously known, and continued in this state until the 
sheikh chose to restore him to the enjoyment of his ordinary faculties. Notwith- 
standing all of these eminent powers, this great sheikh is reputed to have spent the 
latter days of his life at Herat in extreme indigence, much slighted and neglected 
by those who had so admired him while in the vigor of his career. All fear of his 
mystical influences seems to have disappeared, and it is narrated that these greatly 


declined with his ordinary strength of mind and body. (Pages 137-139.) 
* * * * * . a 


DERVISH DANCE.—The exercises which are followed in these halls are of various 
kinds, according to the rules of each institution; but in nearly all they com- 
mence by the recital, by the sheikh, of the seven mysterious words of which we 
have spoken. He next chants various passages of the Koran, and at each pause, the 
Dervishes, placed ina circle round the hall, respond in chorus by the word ‘‘Allah!” 
or “Hoo!” In some of the societies they sit on their heels, the elbows close to those 
of each other, and all making simultaneously ight movements of the head and the 
body. In others, the movement consists in balancing themselves slowly, from the 
right to the left, and from the left to the right, or inclining the body methodically 
forward and aft. There are other societies in which these motions commence seated, 
in measured cadences, with a staid countenance, the eyes closed or fixed upon the 
ground, and are continued on foot. These singular exercises are concentrated under 
the name of Muraikebeh (exaltation of the Divine glory), and also under that of the 
Tevheed (celebration of the Divine unity), from which comes the name Tevheed 
Khaneh, given to the whole of the halls devoted to these religious exercises. 

In some of these institutions—such as the Kadirees, the Rufa’‘ees, the Khalwettees, 
the Bairimees, the Gulshenees, and the Ushikees—the exercises are made each hold- 
ing the other by the hand, putting forward always the right foot and increasing at 
every step the strength of the movement of the body. This is called the Devr, 
which may be translated the ‘‘ dance” or ‘‘rotation.” The duration of these dances 
is arbitrary—each one is free to leave when he pleases. Everyone, however, makes 
it a point to remain as long 
ber, and the most enthusiastic, strive to persevere longer than the others; they 
uncover their heads, take off their turbans, form a second circle within the other, 
entwine their arms within those of their brethren, lean their shoulders against each 
other, gradually raise the voice, and without ceasing repeat ‘‘ Ya Allah!” or ‘Ya 
Hoo!” increasing each time the movement of the body, and not stopping until their 
entire strength is exhausted. 

Those of the order of the Rufi/ees excel in these exercises. They are, moreover, 
the only ones who use fire in their devotions. Their practices embrace nearly all 
those of the other orders; they are ordinarily divided into five different scenes, which 


s possible. The strongest and most robust of the num- 


last more than three hours, and which are preceded, accompanied, and followed by 
certain ceremonies peculiar to this order. The first commences with praises which 
all the Dervishes offer to their sheikhs, seated before the altar. Four of the more 
ancient come forward the first, and approach their superior, embrace each other as 
if to give the kiss of peace, and next place themselves two to his right and two to 
his left. The remainder of the Dervishes, in a body, press forward in a procession, 
all having their arms crossed and their heads inclined. Each one, at first, salutes 
by a profound bow the tablet on which the name of his founder is inscribed. After- 
wards, putting his two hands over his face and his beard, he kneels before the sheikh, 
kisses his hand respectfully, and then they all go on with a grave step to take their 
places on the sheepskins, which are spread in a half cirele around the interior of the 
hall. Sosoon as a circle is formed, the Dervishes together chant the Tekbeer and 


MOONEY] THE DERVISHES 951 


the Fatiha. Immediately afterwards the sheikh pronounces the words ‘La ilaha ill’ 
Allah!” and repeats them incessantly; to which the Dervishes repeat ‘‘Allah!” bal- 
ancing themselves from side to side, and putting their hands over their faces, on 
their breasts and their abdomens, and on their knees. 

The second scene is opened by the Hamdee Mohammedee, a hymn in honour of the 
prophet, chanted by one of the elders placed on the right of the sheikh. During this 
chant the Dervishes continue to repeat the word ‘‘Allah!” moving, however, their 
bodies forward and aft. A quarter of an hour later they all rise up, approach each 
other, and press their elbows against each other, balancing from right to left and 
afterwards in a reverse motion, the right foot always firm, and the left in a period- 
ical movement, the reverse of that of the body, all observing great precision of meas- 
ure and cadence. In the midst of this exercise they cry out the words ‘Ya Allah!” 
followed by that of ‘‘YA Hoo!” Some of the performers sigh, others sob, some shed 
tears, others perspire great drops, and all have their eyes closed, their faces pale, and 
the eyes languishing. 

A pause of some minutes is followed by a third scene. It is performed in the mid- 
de of an Ilahee, chanted by the two elders on the right of the sheikh. ‘The Hahees, as 
has already been said, are spiritual cantiques, composed almost exclusively in Per- 
sian by sheikhs deceased in the odor of sanctity. The Dervishes then hasten their 
movements, and, to prevent any relaxation, one of the first among them puts himself 
in their center, and excites them by his example. If in the assembly there be any 
strange Dervishes, which often happens, they give them, through politeness, this 
place of honor; and all fill it successively, the one after the other, shaking them- 
selves as aforesaid. The only exception made is in favor of the Mevevees; these 
never perform any other dance than that peculiar to their own order, which consists 
in turning round on each heel in suecession. 

After a new pause commences the fourth scene. Now all the Dervishes take off 
their turbans, form a circle, bear their arms and shoulders against each other, and 
thus make the cireuit of the hall at a measured pace, striking their feet at intervals 
against the floor, and all springing up at once. This dance continues during the 
Tlahees chanted alternately by the two elders to the left of the sheikh. In the midst 
of this chant the cries of “YA Allah!” are increased doubly, as also those of “Ya 
Hoo!” with frightful howlings, shrieked by the Dervishes together in the dance. 
At the moment that they would seem to stop from sheer exhaustion the sheikh makes 
a point of exerting them to new efforts by walking through their midst, making also 
himself most violent movements. He is next replaced by the two elders, who double 
the quickness of the step and the agitation of the body; they even straighten them- 
selves up from time to time, and excite the envy or emulation of the others in their 
astonishing efforts to continue the dance until their strength is entirely exhausted. 

The fourth scene leads to the last, which is the most frightful of all, the wholly 
prostrated condition of the actors becoming converted into a species of eestasy which 
they call Halet. It is in the midst of this abandonment of self, or rather of religious 
delirium, that they make use of red-hot irons. Several cutlasses and other instru- 
ments of sharp-pointed iron are suspended in the niches of the hall, and upon a part 
of the wall to the right of the sheikh. Near the close of the fourth scene two Der- 
vishes take down eight or nine of these instruments, heat them red hot, and present 
them to the sheikh. He, after reciting some prayers over them, and invoking the 
founder of the order, Ahmed er Rufi’ee, breathes over them, and raising them 
slightly to the mouth, gives them to the Dervishes, who ask for them with the great- 
est eagerness. ‘Then it is that these fanatics, transported by frenzy, seize upon these 
irons, gloat upon them tenderly, lick them, bite them, hold them between their teeth, 
and end by cooling them in theic mouths. Those who are unable to procure any 
seize upon the cutlasses hanging on the wall with fury, and stick them into their 
sides, arms, and legs. 

Thanks to the fury of their frenzy, and to the amazing boldness which they deem 
a merit in the eyes of the Divinity, all stoically bear up against the pain which they 


952 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [erH. ANN. 14 


experience with apparent gaiety. If, however, some of them fall under their suffer- 
ings, they throw themselves into the arms of their confreres, but without a complaint 
or the least sign of pain, Some minutes after this, the sheikh walks round the hall, 
visits each one of the performers in turn, breathes upon their wounds, rubs them 
with saliva, recites prayers over them, and promises them speedy cures. It is said 
that twenty-four hours afterward nothing is to be seen of their wounds. (Pages 
218-222.) 


4 + * * * “ * 


There was no regularity in their dancing, but each seemed to be performing the 
antics of a madman; now moving his body up and down; the next moment turning 
round, then using odd gesticulations with his arms, next jumping, and sometimes 
screaming; in short, if a stranger observing them was not told that this was the 
involuntary effect of enthusiastic excitement, he would certainly think that these 
Durweeshes were merely striving to excel one another in playing the buffoon. 
(Page 260.) 

lye Ly . “3 * * * 

Tuer rir.—After this preface, the performers began the Zikr. Sitting in the man- 
ner above described, they chanted, in slow measure, La ildha illa lah (there is no 
deity but God), to the following air: Ld i-lé hailla-lldh. Ld i-ld-ha-illa-l-lé-h. La 
i-lé ha illa-l-lih. Bowing the head twice on each repetition of ‘‘ La ildha ula Wah.” 
Thus they continued about a quarter of an honr, and then, for about the same space 
of time, they repeated the same words to the same air, bunt in a quicker measure, 
and with correspondingly quicker motion. . . . 

They next rose, and, standing in the same order in which they had been sitting, 
repeated the same words to another air. During this stage of their performance 
they were joined by a tall, well-dressed, black slave, whose appearance induced me 
to inquire who he was. [ was informed that he was a eunuch, belonging to the 
basha. The Zikkeers, still standing, next repeated the same words in a very deep 
and hoarse tone, laying the principal emphasis upon the word ‘Li,” and the first 
syllable of the last word, Allah, and uttering, apparently with a considerable effort. 
The sound much resembled that which is produced by beating the rim of a tambour- 
ine. Each Zikkeer turned his head alternately to the right and lett at each repeti- 
tion of “Ld ildha illa’llah.” The eunuch above mentioned, during this part of the 
Zikr, became what is termed melboos, or ‘‘ possessed.” Throwing his arms about, and 
looking up with a very wild expression of countenance, be exclaimed, in a very high 
tone and with great vehemence and rapidity, Allah! Allah! Allah! Allah! Allah! la! 
latlatla!latlatla!la! la! la! la! la! lah! Yaé‘ammee! Ya‘ ammee! Ya ‘ammee! Ash- 
mdawee! Ya Ashmdwee! Ya Ashmdawee! (Ya ‘ammee signifies O, my unele!) His voice 
gradually became faint, and when he had uttered those words, though he was held 
by a Durweesh who was next him, he fell on the ground, foaming at the mouth, his 
eyes closed, his limbs convulsed, and his fingers clenched over his thumbs. It was 
an epileptic fit. No one could see it and believe it to be the effect of feigned 
emotions; it was undoubtedly the result of a high state of religious excitement. 
Nobody seemed surprised at it, for occurrences of this kind at Zikrs are not uncom- 
mon. All the performers now appeared much excited, repeating their ejaculations 
with greater rapidity, violently turning their heads, and sinking the whole body at 
the same time, some of them jumping. The eunuch became melboos again several 
times, and I generally remarked that his fits happened after one of the Moonshids 
had sung a line or two, and exerted himself more than usually to excite his hearers. 
The singing was, indeed, to my taste, very pleasing. Toward the close of the Zikr 
a private soldier, who had joined through the whole performance, also seemed 
several times to be melboos, growling in a horrible manner and violently shaking 
his head from side to side. The contrast presented by the vehement and distressing 
exertions of the performers at the close of the Zikr, and their calm gravity and 
solemnity of manner at the commencement, was particularly striking. Money was 
collected during the performance for the Moonshid. The Zikkeers receive no pay. 


(Pages 252-: 


THE SONGS 


INTRODUCTORY 


The Ghost-dance songs are of the utmost importance in connection 
with the study of the messiah religion, as we find embodied in them 
much of the doctrine itself, with more of the special tribal mythologies, 
together with such innumerable references to old-time customs, cere- 
monies, and modes of life long since obsolete as make up a regular 
symposium of aboriginal thought and practice. There is no limit to the 
number of these songs, as every trance at every dance produces a new 
one, the trance subject after regaining consciousness embodying his 
experience in the spirit world in the form of a song, which is sung at 
the next dance and succeeding performances until superseded by other 
songs originating in the same way. Thus, a single dance may easily 
result in twenty or thirty new songs. While songs are thus born and 
die, certain ones which appeal especially to the Indian heart, on account 
of their mythology, pathos, or peculiar sweetness, live and are per- 
petuated. There are also with each tribe certain songs which are a 
regular part of the ceremonial, as the opening song and the closing 
song, which are repeated at every dance. Of these the closing song is 
the most important and permanent. In some cases certain songs con- 
stitute a regular series, detailing the experiences of the same person 
in successive trance visions. First in importance, for number, rich- 
ness of reference, beauty of sentiment, and rhythm of language, are 
the songs of the Arapaho. 


THE ARAPAHO 


TRIBAL SYNONYMY 


Ahyi to— Kiowa name; meaning unknown; the Kiowa call the wild plum by the 
same name. 

Ano’s-anyotskano— Wichai name. 

Ari paho— popular name; derivation uncertain; but, perhaps, as Dunbar suggests, 
from the Pawnee word tirapihw or larapihu, “he buys or trades,” in allusion to 
the Arapaho having formerly been the trading medium between the Pawnee, 
Osage, and others on the north, and the Kiowa, Comanche, and others to the 
southwest (Grinnell letter). 

Arépakata — Crow name, from word Arapaho. 

Betidéé— Kiowa Apache name. 

Detseka' yaa — Caddo name, “dog eaters.” 

Hitiéniwo'iv—Cheyenne name, ‘ cloud men.” 

Iniina-ina— proper tribal name, ‘our people,” or ‘‘ people of our kind.” 

Kaninahoic or Kanind’vish— Ojibwa name; meaning unknown. 


954 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [PTH ANN. 14 


Komse ka-K‘inahyup— former Kiowa name; ‘‘men of the worn-out leggings;” from 
komse’, “smoky, soiled, worn out;” kati, “‘leggings;” k'inahyup, “men.” 

Mag pi'dto—Sioux name, ‘‘ blue cloud,’ i. e., clear sky; reason unknown. 

Nid'rhari's-kirikiwa’s-hiiski— Wichita name. 

Sani ti ka — Pawnee name, from the Comanche name. 

Sdrétika— Comanche and Shoshoni name, ‘‘dog eaters,” in allusion to their special 
liking for dog flesh. 

Sarétika — Wichita name, from the Comanche name. 


TRIBAL SIGNS 


Southern Arapaho, ‘rub noses;”’ northern Arapaho, ‘‘ mother people;”’ Gros Ventres 
of the Prairie, ‘‘ belly people.” 


SKETCH OF THE TRIBE 


The Arapaho, with their subtribe, the Gros Ventres, are one of the 
westernmost tribes of the wide-extending Algonquian stock. Accord- 
ing to their oldest traditions they formerly lived in northeastern Minne- 
sota and moved westward in company with the Cheyenne, who at that 
time lived on the Cheyenne fork of Red river. From the earliest period 
the two tribes have always been closely confederated, so that they 
have no recollection of a time when they were not allies. In the west- 
ward migration the Cheyenne took a more southerly direction toward 
the country of the Black hills, while the Arapaho continued more nearly 
westward up the Missouri. The Arapaho proper probably ascended on the 
southern side of the river, while the Gros Veutres went up the northern 
bank and finally drifted off toward the Blackfeet, with whom they have 
ever since been closely associated, although they have on several occa- 
sions made long visits, extending sometimes over several years, to their 
southern relatives, by whom they are still regarded as a part of the 
“Tnina-ina.” The others continued on to the great divide between 
the waters of the Missouri and those of the Columbia, then turning south- 
ward along the mountains, separated finally into two main divisions, 
the northern Arapaho continuing to occupy the head streams of the 
Missouri and the Yellowstone, in Montana and Wyoming, while 
the southern Arapaho made their camps on the head of the Platte, the 
Arkansas, and the Canadian, in Colorado and the adjacent states, fre- 
quently joining the Comanche and Kiowa in their raids far down into 
Mexico. From their earliest recollection, until put on reservations, 
they have been at war with the Shoshoni, Ute, Pawnee, and Navaho, but 
have generally been friendly with their other neighbors. The southern 
Arapahoand Cheyenne have usually acted in concert with the Comanche, 
Kiowa, and Kiowa Apache. 

They recognize among themselves five original divisions, each having 
a different dialect. They are here given in the order of their importance: 

1. Na‘kasiné‘na, Ba'‘achinéna or Northern Arapaho, Nakasinéna, 
“sagebrush men,” is the original name of this portion of the tribe and 
the divisional name used by themselves. The name Baachinéna, by 
which they are commonly known to the rest of the tribe, is more 


MOONEY] DIVISIONS OF THE ARAPAHO 955 


modern and may mean “red willow (i. e., kinikinik) men,” or possibly 
“blood-pudding men,” the latter meaning said to have been an allusion 
to a kind of sausage formerly made by this band. They are commonly 
known as northern Arapaho, to distinguish them from the other large 
division living now in Oklahoma. The Kiowa distinguished them as 
Tiigyii/ko, ‘‘sagebrush people,” a translation of their proper name, 
3aachinéna. Although not the largest division, the Baachinéna claim 
to be the “‘mother people” of the Arapaho, and have in their keeping 
the grand medicine of the tribe, the séicha or sacred pipe. 

2. Na'wunena, “southern men,” or Southern Arapaho, called Nawa- 
thi/néha, “southerners,” by the northern Arapaho. This latter is said 
to be the archaic form. The southern Arapaho, living now in Okla- 
homa, constitute by far the larger division, although subordinate in the 
tribal sociology to the northern Arapaho. In addition to their every- 
day dialect, they are said to have an archaic dialect, some words of 
which approximate closely to Cheyenne. 

3. Ad/ninéna, Hitu‘néna, or Gros Ventres of the Prairie. The first name, 
said to mean ‘white clay people” (from adti, “* white clay”), is that by 
which they call themselves. Hitunéna or Hitunénina, begging men,” 
“beggars,” or, more exactly, ‘*spongers,” is the name by which they are 
called by the other Arapaho, on account, as these latter claim, of their 
propensity for filling their stomachs at the expense of someone else. 
The same idea is intended to be conveyed by the tribal sign, which 
signifies ‘belly people,” not “big bellies” (Gros Ventres), as rendered 
by the French Canadian trappers. The Kiowa call them Bot-k in/ago, 
“belly men.” By the Shoshoni, also, they are known as Sii’pani, ‘‘bel- 
lies,” while the Blackfeet call them Atsina, ‘gut people.” The Ojibwa 
call them Bahwetegow-eninnewug, ‘fall people,” according to Tanner, 
whence they have sometimes been called Fall Indians or Rapid Indians, 
from their former residence about the rapids of the Saskatchewan. To 
the Sioux they are known as Sku’tani. Lewis and Clark improperly 
call them ‘“ Minnetarees of Fort de Prairie.” The Hidatsa or Minitari 
are sometimes known as Gros Ventres of the Missouri. 

4. Ba’/sawunée'na, wood lodge men,” or, according to another author- 
ity, “big lodge people.” These were formerly a distinet tribe and at war 
with the other Arapaho, They are represented as having been a very 
foolish people in the old times, and many absurd stories are told of 
them, in agreement with the general Indian practice of belittling con- 
quered or subordinate tribes. They have been incorporated with the 
northern Arapaho for at least a hundred and fifty years, according to 
the statements of the oldest men of that band. Their dialect is said 
to have differed very considerably from the other Arapaho dialects. 
There are still about one hundred of this lineage among the northern 
Arapaho, and perhaps a few others with the two other main divisions. 
Weasel Bear, the present keeper of the sacred pipe, is of the Biisaw- 
mnéna, 


956 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eTH. ANN. 14 


5. Ha‘nahawunena or Aanwhawd (meaning unknown). These, like 
the Biisawuneéna, lived with the northern Arapaho, but are now practi- 
cally extinct. 


There seems to be no possible trace of a clan or gentile system among 
the Arapaho, and the same remark holds good of the Cheyenne, Kiowa, 
and Comanche. It was once assumed that all Indian tribes had the 
clan system, but later research shows that it is lacking over wide areas 
in the western territory. It is very doubtful if it exists at all among 
the prairie tribes generally. Mr Ben Clark, who has known and studied 
the Cheyenne for half a lifetime, states positively that they have no 
clans, as the term is usually understood. This agrees with the result 
of personal investigations and the testimony of George Bent, a Chey- 
enne half-blood, and the best living authority on all that relates to his 
tribe. With the eastern tribes, however, and those who have removed 
from the east or the timbered country, as the Caddo, the gentile sys- 
tem is so much a part of their daily life that it is one of the first things 
to attract the attention of the observer. 

Tn regard to the tribal camping circle, common to most of the prai- 
rie tribes, the Arapaho state that on account of their living in three 
main divisions they have had no common camping circle within their 
recollection, but that each of these three divisions constituted a single 
circle when encamped in one place. 

Among the northern Arapaho, on the occasion of every grand gath- 
ering, the sacred pipe occupied a special large tipi in the center of the 
circle, and the taking down of this tipi by the medicine keeper was the 
signal to the rest of the camp to prepare to move. On the occasion of 
a visit of several hundred Cheyenne and Arapaho to the Kiowa and 
Comanche at Anadarko, in the summer of 1892, each of the visiting 
tribes camped in a separate circle adjacent to the other. The opening 
of the circle, like the door of each tipi, always faces the east. 

Under the name of Kanenavish the Arapaho proper are mentioned 
by Lewis and Clark in 1805, as living southwest of the Black hills. 
Asa tribe they have not been at war with the whites since 1868, and 
took no part in the outbreak of the Cheyenne, Kiowa, and Comanche 
in 1874. At present they are in three main divisions. First come 
the Gros Ventres, numbering 718 in 1892, associated with the Asini- 
boin on Fort Belknap reservation in Montana. There are probably 
others of this band with the Blackfeet on the British side of the line, 
Next come the northern Arapaho, numbering 829, associated with the 
Shoshoni on Wind River reservation in Wyoming. They were placed 
on this reservation in 1876, after having made peace with the Shoshoni, 
their hereditary enemy, in 1869. They are divided into three bands, the 
“orks of the River Men” under Black Coal, the head chief of the whole 
division; the “Bad Pipes” under Short Nose, and the ‘Greasy Faces” 
under Spotted Horse. The third division, the southern Arapaho, 
associated with the Cheyenne in Oklahoma, constitute the main body 


MOONEY] SKETCH OF THE ARAPAHO BYE 


of the tribe and numbered 1,091 in 1892. They have five bands: 
1, Wa‘quithi, “bad faces,” the principal band and the one to which the 
head chief, Left Hand, belongs; 2, Aqa/thiné/na, “pleasant men;” 
3, Gawune/na or Ga/wunehina (Kawinahan, ‘black people”—Hayden), 
“Blackfeet,” so called because said to be of part Blackfoot blood, the 
same name being applied to the Blackfoot tribe; 4, Ha/qihana, *‘ wolves,” 
because they had a wolf (not coyote) for medicine; 5, Siisa/bii-ithi, 
“looking up,” or according to another authority, ‘looking around, i. e., 
watchers or lookouts.”. Under the treaty of Medicine Lodge in 1867, 
they and the southern Cheyenne were. placed on the reservation which 
they sold in 1890 to take allotments and become citizens. Their present 


Fic, 88—Arapaho tipi and windbreak. 


chief is Left Hand (Nawat), who succeeded the celebrated Little Raven 
(Ilosa) a few years ago. The whole number of the Arapaho and Gros 
Ventres, including a few in eastern schools, is about 2,700. 

Until very recently the Arapaho have been a typical prairie tribe, 
living in skin tipis and following the buffalo in its migrations, yet they 
retain a tradition of a time when they were agricultural. They are 
of a friendly, accommodating disposition, religious and contemplative, 
without the truculent, pugnacious character that belongs to their con- 
federates, the Cheyenne, although they have always proven themselves 
brave warriors. They are also less mercenary and more tractable than 
the prairie Indians generally, and having now recognized the inevitable 
of civilization have gone to work in good faith to make the best of it. 


958 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


Their religious nature has led them to take a more active interest in 
the Ghost dance, which, together with the rhythmic character of their 
language, has made the Arapaho songs the favorite among all the tribes 
of Oklahoma. The chief study of the Ghost dance was made among the 
Arapaho, whom the author visited six times for this purpose. One visit 
was made to those in Wyoming, the rest of the time being spent with 
the southern branch of the tribe. 


SONGS OF THE ARAPAHO 


1. OPENING SONG—EYEHE'! Ni'NISA‘NA 


= 


= = =, 
{|e —] 2-- 4 - —————_ 
i a oo oe = 
Si O=0 == | a ae ti 
oe ~~ — 
E-ye-he’'! A - nii'-ni-sa’ - na, E-ye-he'! A’ - nii/-ni-sa’- na, Hi‘ - ni cha’-saq 
=———— FI Silas | —— =| 
i ‘oe eee doe -- a ‘___ 
oe eee oe ee S| SHE oe ee oe ee 
a aw, @ Ce a ar _@ e 


>= 


‘| Hi'-na chi‘-siq ii-ti-cha’ ni/na He’-e - ye’! Na’-ha- ni nii/-ni- 


a-ti-cha’ ni-na He’-e - ye 


— = eS 
Leer : : 4-6 eee le Ses 


oa e ™- ——— 
tha’-tu-hi/-na He’-e-ye’! Na’-ha-ni nii/-ni-tha’-tu-hi/-na 


4 
ooals 


da’ - na - a - bii-na’-wa He’-e - ye’! Bi/-ta - a'-wu’ da’ - na-¢ 


Eyehe’! 
Eyehe’! nii/nisa‘na, 

Hi/nii chii’sa’ titicha/nina He’eye’! 

Hinii echii’sa’ iiticha’ni/na He’eye’! 

Na‘hani nii‘nithii’tuhi/na He’eye’! 

Na/hani nii/nithii/tuhi/na He’eye’! 

Bi'taa’wu’ da‘naa'biina’wa He/eye’! 
Bi'taa’wu’ da/naa/biina’wa Ie/eye’! 


nii nisa’na, 


Translation 


O, my children! O, my children! 

Here is another of your pipes— He’eye' ! 
Here is another of your pipes— He’eye'! 
Look! thus I shouted — He’eye'! 

Look! thus I shouted — He’eye'! 

When I moved the earth — He'eye'! 
When I moved the earth — He'eye'! 


This opening song of the Arapaho Ghost dance originated among the 
northern Arapaho in Wyoming and was brought down to the southern 
branch of the tribe by the first apostles of the new religion. By 
“another pipe” is probably meant the newer revelation of the messiah, 
the pipe being an important feature of all sacred ceremonies, and all 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE ARAPAHO 959 


their previous religious tradition having centered about the scicha or 
flat pipe, to be deseribed hereafter, The pipe, however, was not com- 
monly carried in the dance, as was the case among the Sioux. In this 
song, as in many others of the Ghost dance, the father or messiah, 
Hestina/nin, is supposed to be addressing “my children,” néinisa/na. 
The tune is particularly seft and pleasing, and the song remains a 
standard favorite. The second reference is to the new earth which is 
supposed to be already moving rapidly forward to slide over and take 
the place of this old and worn-out creation. 


2. SE‘ICHA HEI‘TA'WUNI NA 


Sicha’ hei ta’ wuni na— E'yahe'eye, 
Sicha hei/ta/wuni’na— E’yahe’eye. 
He’siina/nini— Yahe’eye’, 
He’stina’nini— Yahe'eye’. 
Utnitha’ wuchii’ wahaniinina— E'yahe'eye’ , 
Utnitha’/ wuchii wahainiinina — E’yahe’eye’. 
He’sana/nini— E'yahe’eye, 
He’sana’/nini— E'yahe'eye. 


Translation 


The sacred pipe tells me — L'yahe eye! 
The sacred pipe tells me — E‘yahe eye! 
Our father— Vahe'eye'! 

Our father— Vahe'eye ! 

We shall surely be put again (with our friends) — 2 yahe'eye! 
We shall surely be put again (with our friends) — L’ yahe'eye! 
Our father— PE’ yahe'eye! 

Our tather— Ll yahe'eye! 


The s¢icha or flat pipe is the sacred tribal medicine of the Arapaho. 
According to the myth it was given to their ancestors at the beginning 
of the world after the Turtle had brought the earth up from under the 
water. It was delivered to them by the Duck, which was discovered 
swimming about on the top of the water after the emergence of the land. 
At the same time they were given an ear of corn, from which comes all 
the corn of the world. The Arapaho lost the art of agriculture when 
they came out upon the buffalo plains, but the sacred pipe the Turtle 
long since changed to stone, and the first ear of corn, also transtormed 
to stone, they have cherished to this day as their great medicine. The 
pipe, turtle, and ear of corn are preserved among the northern Arapaho 
in Wyoming, who claim to be the “mother people” of the tribe. They 
are handed down in the keeping of a particular family from generation 
to generation, the present priestly guardian being Se/hiwtq, ‘‘ Weasel 
Bear” (from sea, weasel, and wig, bear; the name has also been ren- 
dered “Gray Bear,” from se, gray, and wigq, bear), of the Basawune/na 
division. 

The three sacred things are preserved carefully wrapped in deerskins, 
and are exposed only on rare occasions, always within the sacred tipi 

14 ETH—PT 2 21 


960 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [erH. ANN. 14 


and in the presence of but a small number of witnesses, who take this 
opportunity to smoke the sacred pipe and pray for the things which 
they most desire. The pipe itself is of stone, and is described as appar- 
ently made in double, one part being laid over the other lke the bark 
of a tree, the outer part of both bowl and stem being of the regular red 
pipestone, while the inner part of both is of white stone. The stem is 
only about 10 inches long, while the bowl is large and heavy, with the 
characteristic projection for resting the end upon the ground. Both 
bowl and stem are rounded, but with a flange of perhaps an inch in 
width along each side of the stem and up along the bowl. From this 
comes its name of sticha, or “flat pipe.” When exposed on such ocea- 
sions, the devotees sit around the fire in a circle, when the bundle is 
opened upon the ground so that all may see the sacred objects. The 
medicine keeper then lights the pipe and after taking one or two whiffs 
passes it to the one next him, who takes a single whiff and passes it 
on to the next. It thus goes sunwise (?) around the circle. In taking 
the s¢icha the devotees do not grasp the stem, as when smoking on 
other occasions, but receive it upon the outstretched palm of the right 
hand, smoke, and pass it on around the circle. The flanges along the 
side of the pipe allow it to rest flat upou the hand. After all have 
smoked, the priest recites the genesis myth of the origin of the land, 
and the manner in which the pipe and the corn were given to their 
ancestors. The corresponding myth of the Cheyenne occupies ‘four 
smokes” (i. e., four consecutive nights) in the delivery, but I am unable 
to state whether or not this is the case with the Arapaho. So sacred 
is this tradition held that no one but the priest of the pipe dares to 
recite it, for fear of divine punishment should the slightest error be 
made in the uarration. At the close of the recital the devotees send up 
their prayers for the blessings of which they stand most in need, after 
which the priest again carefully wraps up the sacred objects in the skins. 
Before leaving the lodge the worshipers cover the bundle with their 
offerings of blankets or other valuables, which are taken by the medi- 
cine keeper as his fee. 

When eneamped in the tribal circle, the sacred pipe and its keeper 
occupied a large tipi, reserved especially for this purpose, which was 
set up within the cirele and near its western line, directly opposite the 
doorway on the east. In the center of the circle, between the doorway 
and the sacred tipi, was erected the sweat-house of the Chi/nachi- 
chiné'na or old meu of the highest degree of the warrior order, The 
taking down of the sacred tipi by the attendants of the pipe keeper 
was the signal for moving camp, and no other tipi was allowed to 
be taken down before it. When on the march, the pipe keeper pro- 
ceeded on foot—never on horse—carrying the sacred bundle upon his 
back and attended by a retinue of guards. As a matter of course, 
the sacred pipe was not carried by war parties or on other expedi- 
tions requiring celerity of movement. Of late years the rules have 


MOONEY] THE ARAPAHO SACRED PIPE 961 


so far relaxed that its present guardian sometimes rides on horseback 
while carrying the pipe, but even then he carries the bundle upon 
his own back instead of upon the saddle. He never rides in a wagon 
with it. Since the tribe is permanently divided under the modern 
reservation system, individuals or small parties of the southern Arapaho 
frequently make the long journey by railroad and stage to the reser- 
vation in Wyoming in order to see and pray over the séicha, as it is 
impossible, on account of the ceremonial regulations, for the keeper to 
bring it down to them in the south. 

So far as known, only one white man, Mr J. Roberts, formerly super- 
intendent of the Arapaho school in Wyoming, has ever seen the sacred 
pipe, which was shown to him on one occasion by Weasel Bear as a 
special mark of gratitude in return for some kindness, After having 
spent several months among the southern Arapaho, from whom I 
learned the songs of the pipe with much as to its sacred history, I 
visited the messiah in Nevada and then went to the northern Arapaho 
in Wyoming, with great hope of seeing the s¢icha and hearing the tradi- 
tion in full. On the strength of my intimate acquaintance with their 
relatives in the south and with their great messiah in the west, the 
chiefs and head-men were favorable to my purpose and encouraged me 
to hope, but on going out to the camp in the mountains, where nearly 
the whole tribe was then assembled cutting wood, my hopes were dashed 
to the ground the first night by hearing the old priest, Weasel Bear, 
making the public announcement in a loud voice throughout the camp 
that a white man was among them to learn about their sacred things, 
but that these belonged to the religion of the Indian and a white man 
had no business to ask about them. The chief and those who had 
been delegates to the messiah came in soon after to the tipi where I 
was stopping, to express their deep regret, but they were unable to 
change the resolution of Weasel Bear, and none of themselves would 
venture to repeat the tradition. 


3. ATE/BE TIAWU NANU 
Ate/beé tidwu/nanu’, nii/nisa’ni, 
Ate’ bé tiiwu/nanu’, nii/nisa’na, 
Niathwa’, Ni/athu’a/, 

Nibinu’ ga/awa’ti/na, 
Ni/binu’ ga‘awa’ti/na. 


Translation 


My children, when at first I liked the whites, 
My children, when at first I liked the whites, 
I gave them fruits, 
I gave them fruits. 


This song referring to the whites was composed by Nawat or Left 
Hand, chief of the southern Arapaho, and can hardly be considered 
dangerous or treasonable in character. According to his statement, in 


962 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


his trance vision of the other world the father showed him extensive 
orchards, telling him that in the beginning all these things had been 
given to the whites, but that hereafter they would be given to his chil- 
dren, the Indians. Via/tha, plural Nia‘thud, the Arapaho name for the 
whites, signifies literally, expert, skillful, or wise. 


4, A’BA‘NI'HI’ 


A’bii/ni/hi’, 
A’bii’ni’hi’, 
Atichii’ bi niisiina, 
Atichii/bi/niisii 
Chi’chita’né, 
Chi’chita’né. 


Translation 


My partner, my partner, 
Let us go out gambling, 
Let us go out gambling, 
At chi'chita'né, at chi'chita ne. 


Chi/chita/né is a favorite game of contest with the boys, in which the 
player, while holding in his hands a bow and an arrow ready to shoot, 
keeps in the hand which grasps the string a small wisp of grass bound 
with sinew. He lets this drop and tries to shoot it with the arrow be- 
fore it touches the ground. The wisp is about the size of a man’s finger. 

The song came from the north, and was suggested by a trance vision 
in which the dreamer saw his former boy friends playing this game in 
the spirit world. 


5. A’-nrsona’a‘uu Acnisuini QAHI NA 
A‘-nistna‘a‘hu’, 
A‘-nisfina‘a‘hu’, 
A’chishiniqahi/na, 

A’chishini qahi’na, 
FE/hihii’'sina’kiwu'hu'nit, 

FP’ hihii’sina/kaww hu‘nit, 


Translation 


My father, my father, 

While he was taking me around, 
While he was taking me around, 
He turned into a moose, 

He turned into a moose. 


This song relates the trance experience of Waqui’si or “‘ Ugly Face 
Woman.” In his vision of the spirit world he went into a large Arapaho 
samp, Where he met his dead father, who took him around to the vari- 
ous tipis to meet others of his departed friends. While they were thus 
going about, a change came o’er the spirit of his dream, as so often 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT PL. CXX 


ARAPAHO BED 


MOONEY] ARAPAHO BEDS 963 


happens in this fevered mental condition, and instead of his father 
he found a moose standing by his side. Such transformations are 
frequently noted in the Ghost-dance songs. 


6. E’yeHE’! WO'Nayu'UHU’ 
KE’ yehe’ ! Wa'nayu'uhu’ — 
E’yehe’! Wi’nayu’uhu’ — 
A’ga/niv’, 

/ lal 
A’ga’/ni’. 
Translation 
KE’ yche' ! they are new — 
E'yehe' ! they are new — 
The bed coverings, 
The bed coverings. 


The composer of this song is a woman who, in her trance, was taken 
to a large camp where all the tipis were of clean new buffalo skins, 
and the beds and interior furniture were all in the same condition. 


Fic. 89—Bed of the prairie tribes. 


The bed of the prairie tribes is composed of slender willow rods, 
peeled, straightened with the teeth, laid side by side and fastened 
together into a sort of mat by means of buckskin or rawhide strings 
passed through holes at the ends of the rods. The bed is stretched upon 
a platform raised about a foot above the ground, and one end of the 
mat is raised up in hammock fashion by means of a tripod and buck- 
skin hanger. The rods laid across the platform, forming the bed proper, 
are usually about 34 or 4 feet long (the width of the bed), while those 
forming the upright part suspended from the tripod are shorter as they 


964 


THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN, 14 


approach the top, where they are only about half that length. The 
bed is bordered with buckskin binding fringed and beaded, and the 


Fia. 90—Shinny stick 
and ball 


exposed rods are painted in bright colors. The 
hanging portion is distinct from the part resting 
upon the platform, and in some cases there is a 
hanger at each end of the bed. Over the plat- 
form portion are spread the buekskins and blankets, 
which form a couch by day and a bed by night. A 
pillow of buckskin, stuffed with buffalo hair and 
elaborately ornamented with beads or poreupine 
quills, is sometimes added. The bed is placed close 
up under the tipi. In the largest tipis there are 
usually three beds, one being opposite the doorway 
and the others on each side, the fire being built in a 
hole scooped out in the 
ground in the center 
of the lodge. They are 
used as seats during 
waking hours, while the \ 
ground, with a rawhide \ 
spread upon it, consti- ¢ 
tutes the only table at | 
meal time (plate CXX1; 
figure 89). In going 
to bed there is no un- 
dressing, each person 
as he becomessleepy simply 
stretching out and drawing 
a blanket over himself, head 
and all, while the other oceu- 
pants of the tipi continue their 
talking, singing, or other busi- 
ness until they too lie down 
to pleasant dreams. 


7. Hsu ut 
Hi'siihi/hi, Hi'siihi ‘hi, 
Hani ta’wiinii @a/awa/ha, 
Ha/nii ta’wiinii: ga’awa‘ha. 
A'ta 
A‘tanii 


ihinii/na, 
iihinii/na. 


Translation 
My partner! My partner! 
Strike the ball hard — 
Strike the ball hard. 


IT want to win, 


3 Fic. 91—Wakuna or 
T want to win. head-feathers. 


This song refers to the woman’s game of gigd’/hawa’t or “shinny,” 
played with curved sticks and a ball like a baseball, called gaawd‘ha, 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE ARAPAHO 965 


made of (buffalo) hair and covered with buckskin (figure 90). Two 
stakes are set up as goals at either end of the ground, and the object 
of each party is to drive the ball through the goals of the other. Each 
inning isa game. The song was composed by a woman, who met her 
former girl comrade in the spirit world and played this game with her 
against an opposing party. 


8 A’-NANUNI'BI'NX’S] WAKU‘/NA 
Nii/nisa’na, Nii/nisa’na, 
A‘-nani/ni’ bi/nii’si waku’na, 
A/-nani/ni/bi/nii’si waku’na, 
Ninisa’na, Nii/nisa’/na. 


Translation 


My children, my children, 

The wind makes the head-feathers sing — 
The wind makes the head-feathers sing. 
My children, my children. 


By the wakuna or head-feathers (figure 91) is meant the two crow 
feathers mounted on a short stick and worn on the head by the Jeaders 
of the dance, as already described. 


9. Hr’! NANE’TH BI'SHIQA’Wi 


3 4 oa = _ 
1 Si Ea See —— 
Te st P| | oe aa at Per 
a a TC 
He’! Ni-ne’th bi’-shi-qa’-wa, He’! Na-ne‘th bi'-shi-qa’- wa Na’ - ni - sa’-na 
o = 
= [a = | my 
# 2 Sea f 
oe = 
< a a ca, Ce a) 
nii’- ni - sa’-na, Nii! - i - na! - ha‘t- da/-ba-nag, Na! - 1 - na‘ - ha’t- da’ - ba/-naq. 


He’! niine’th bi’shiqa’ wa, 
He’! niine’th bi’shiqa’wa, 
Ni/nisa‘na, nii/nisa’na, 
Nii/ina‘ha’tdii’bii/naq, 
Nii/ina’/ha‘tdii/bii/naq. 


Translation 


He! When I met him approaching — 
He! When I met him approaching — 
My cnildren, my children — 

I then saw the multitude plainly, 

I then saw the multitude plainly. 


This song was brought from the north to the southern Arapaho by 
Sitting Bull. It refers to the trance vision of a dancer, who saw the 


966 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


messiah advancing at the head of all the spirit army. It is an old 
favorite, and is sung with vigor and animation. 


10. HANA’NA'WUNANU NI’/TAWU'NA‘Na!’ 


Nii/nisa’na, nii/nisa’na, 
Hiina’na’wunanu ni tawu'na’na’, 
Hiina’na’wuninu ni tawnu’/na’na’, 
Di‘chin nianita’wa'thi, 

Di‘chin nianita’ wa thi. 

Nithi‘na hestina/nin, 

Nithi‘na hesitina‘nin. 


Translation 


My children, my children, 

I take pity on those who have been taught, 
I take pity on those who have been taught, 
Because they push on hard, 

Because they push on hard. 

Says our father, 

Says our father. 


This is a message from the messiah to persevere in the dance. In 
the expressive idiom of the prairie tribes, as also in the sign language, 
the term for persevering signifies to “push hard.” 


11. A-NI‘QU WA/WANA’‘NIBA’TIA’ 


A-ni/qu wa’ wanii/nibii tia‘ — Hi/ni/ni’! 
A-ni’qu wa’ wanii/nibii’tia’ — Hi/ni/ni’! 
Hi/niqa/agayetu’sa, 
Hi/niqa’/agayetu’sa, 
Hi/ni ni/nitu’sa nibii'tia— Hi ni/ni’! 
Hi/ni ni/nitu’sa nibii’/tia— Hi’ni/ni’! 


Translation 
Father, now I am singing it — Hi'ni'ni! 
Father, now I am singing it — Hi/ni’'ni! 
That loudest song of all, 
That loudest song of all— 
That resounding song— Hi'ni'ni! 
That resounding song— Hi ni'ni! 


This is another of the old favorites. The rolling effect of the vocalice 
Arapaho syllables renders it particularly sonorous when sung by a full 
chorus. Ni/qa or a-ni/qu, “father,” is a term of reverential affection, 
about equivalent to “our father” in the Lord’s prayer. The ordinary 
word is hesvina/nin, from nist/na, “my father.” 


12. Ha’yana’-usI'Ya’ 


Ha’yana’-usi ya’! 
Ha’yana’-usi'ya’! 
Bi'ga ta’cha’wagu’na, 
Bi’ga ta’cha wagu’na. 


MOONEY] THE COTTONWOOD SONG 967 


Translation 


How bright is the moonlight! 
How bright is the moonlight! 
Tonight as I ride with my load of buffalo beef, 
Tonight as I ride with my load of buffalo beef. 


The author of this song, on meeting his friends in the spirit world, 
found them preparing to go on a great buffalo hunt, the prairies of 
the new earth being covered with the countless thousands of buttalo 
that have been swept from the plains since the advent of the white 
man. They returned to camp at night, under the full moonlight, with 
their ponies loaded down with fresh beef. There is something pecu- 
liarly touching in this dream of the old life—this Indian heaven where— 


‘In meadows wet with moistening dews, 
In garments for the chase arrayed, 

The hunter still the deer pursues— 
The hunter and the deer a shade.” 


13. Ha’TI NI’BXT—E/HE’EYE’ 
Ha'ti ni’ biit— E‘he’eye’! 
Ha'ti ni/biit— E’he’eye’! 
Ni/nibii/tawa’, 
Ni/nibii/tawa’, 

He’ yiiya’ahe'ye! 
He’yiiya‘ahe’ye! 


Translation 


The cottonwood song — Lhe eye’ ! 
The cottonwood song— Lhe’ eye’! 
IT am singing it, 
I am singing it, 
He’ yiiya'ahe'ye! 
Hel ydya'ahe'ye! 


The cottonwood (Populus monilifera) is the most characteristic tree 
of the plains and of the arid region between the Rockies and the 
Sierras. It is a species of poplar and takes its name from the white 
downy blossom fronds, resembling cotton, which come out upon it in the 
spring. The cottonwood and a species of stunted oak, with the mes- 
quite in the south, are almost the only trees to be found upon the great 
plains extending from the Saskatchewan southward into Texas. As 
it never grows out upon the open, but always close along the borders 
of the few streams, it is an unfailing indication of water either on or 
near the surface, in a region well-nigh waterless. Between the bark 
and the wood there is a sweet milky juice of which the Indians are 
very fond—as one who had been educated in the east said, “It is their 
ice cream ”—and they frequently strip off the bark and scrape the trunk 
in order to procure it. Horses also are fond of this sweet juice, and in 
seasons when the grass has been burned off or is otherwise scarce, the 


968 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [eTH. ANN. 14 


Indian ponies sometimes resort to the small twigs and bark of the cot- 
tonwood to sustain life. In extreme cases their owners have sometimes 
been driven to the same shift. In winter the camps of the prairie 
tribes are removed from the open prairie to the shelter of the cotton- 
wood timber along the streams. The tree is held almost sacred, and 
the sun-dance lodge is usually or always constructed of cottonwood 
saplings. 
14. EYEuE’! A‘NIE/SA’NA 

Eyehe’! A’nie’sa/na’, 

Eyehe’! A’niesa‘na’, 

He’ee‘ii‘ehe’yuhe’yu! 

He’ee/ii‘ehe’yuhe’yu! 

A’-baha’ ni‘esa’/na’, 

A’-baha’ ni’esa‘na’. 


Translation 


Eyehe'! The young birds, 
Eyehe' ! The young birds, 
He’ ee i ehe yuhe yu! 
He'ee ti ehe yuhe yu! 
The young Thunderbirds, 
The young Thunderbirds. 


Among the Algonquian tribes of the east, the Sioux, Cheyenne, Arap- 
aho, Kiowa, Comanche, and prairie tribes generally, as well as among 
those of the northwest coast and some parts of Mexico, thunder and 
lightning are produced by a great bird, whose shadow is the thunder 
cloud, whose flapping wings make the sound of thunder, and whose 
flashing eyes rapidly opening or closing send forth the lightning. 
Among some tribes of the northwest this being is not a bird, but a 
giant who puts on a dress of bird skin with head, wings, and all com- 
plete, by means of which he flies through the air when in search of his 
prey. The myth is not found among the Iroquois or the Cherokee, or, 
perhaps, among the Muskhogean tribes. 

The Thunderbird usually has his dwelling on some high mountain or 
rocky elevation of difficult access. Within the territory of the myth 
several places are thus designated as the Thunder’s Nest. Thunder 
bay of Lake Huron, in lower Michigan, derives its name in this way. 
Such a place, known to the Sioux as Wagkii‘a-oye’, “The Thunder's 
Nest,” is within the old territory of the Sisseton Sioux in eastern South 
Dakota in the neighborhood of Big Stone lake. At another place, near 
the summit of the Coteau des Prairies, in eastern South Dakota, a num- 
ber of large round bowlders are pointed out as the eggs of the Thunder- 
bird. According to the Comanche there is a place on upper Red river 
where the Thunderbird once alighted on the ground, the spot being still 
identified by the fact that the grass remains burned off over a space 
having the outline of a large bird with outstretched wings. The same 


MOONEY] THE THUNDERBIRD 969 


people tell how a hunter once shot and wounded a large bird which 
fell to the ground. Being afraid to attack it alone on account of its 
size, he returned to camp for help, but on again approaching the spot 
the hunters heard the thunder rolling and saw flashes of lightning 
shooting out from the ravine where the bird lay wounded, On com- 
ing nearer, the lightning blinded them so that they could not see the 
bird, and one flash struek and killed a hunter. His frightened com- 
panions then fled back to camp, for they knew it was the Thunderbird. 


Fic. 92—The Thunderbird. 


With both Cheyenne and Arapaho the thunder (ba/a’)is a large bird, 
with a brood of smaller ones, and carries in its talons a number of arrows 
with which it strikes the victim of lightning. For this reason they call 
the eagle on our coins baa, When it thunders, they say ba‘a/ ndiniti’- 
hut, “the thunder calls.” In Indian pictography the Thunderbird is 
figured with zigzag lines running out from its heart to represent the 
lightning. A small figure of it (represented in figure 92), cut from 
rawhide and ornamented with beads. is frequently worn on the heads 
of the dancers. 


970 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN, 14 


15. A’HE'sC(NA‘NINI NAYa’QOTI'/HI 


A‘he’stna‘nini naya’qiti' hi, 
A’he’sina/nini naya’qiti’hi, 
Hii/ni/nibiga‘hiina’, 
Hii/ni/nihiga‘hina’, 
He’stma’‘nin hii/ni na/ha/ wan’, 
He’stina’nin hii/ni na‘ha/wan’, 


Translation 


Our father, the Whirlwind, 

Our father, the Whirlwind — 

By its aid I am running swiftly, 
By its aid I am running swiftly, 
By which means I saw our father, 
By which means I saw our father, 


The idea expressed in this song is that the dreamer ‘‘rides the whirl- 
wind” in order sooner to meet the messiah and the spirit hosts. Father 
or grandfather are terms of reverence and affection, applied to anything 
held sacred or awful. 


16. A‘HE/SCNA/NINI NAYA/QUTY’ 


A/he’stna/nini naya’qiti’, 
A/he’stna/nini naya’qiti’, 
Wa’wa chii/nii/nagu’niti hu/na, 
Wa’wa chii/nii/nagu/niti hu’na, 


Translation 


Our father, the Whirlwind, 
Our father, the Whirlwind, 
Now wears the headdress of crow feathers, 
Now wears the headdress of crow feathers. 


In this song the Whirlwind, personified, wears on his head the two 
crow feathers, by which the dancers are to be borne upward to the 
new spirit world. 


17. NINAA’NIAHU’NA 


Ninaii/niahu/na, 
Ninaii‘niahu’na 
Bi'taa’wu hii niii’siii, 
3i'taa’wu hii/niii 
Hi/naii’thi nii/niwn’ buna, 
Hi/nai’thi nii/niwu’huna. 


Translation 


I cirele around — 

I circle around 

The boundaries of the earth, 

The boundaries of the earth— 

Wearing the long wing feathers as I fly, 
Wearing the long wing feathers as I tly. 


MOONEY] INDIAN CONCEPTION OF THE COSMOS Oral 


This song probably refers to the Thunderbird. There is an ener- 
getic swing to the tune that makes it a favorite. In Indian belief the 
earth is a circular disk, usually surrounded on all sides by water, and 
the sky is a solid concave hemisphere coming down at the horizon to 
the level of the earth. In Cherokee and other Indian myth the sky 
is continually lifting up and coming down again to the earth, like the 
upper blade of the scissors. The sun, which lives upon the outside of 
this hemisphere, comes through from the east in the morning while 
there is a momentary opening between the earth and the edge of the 
sky, climbs along upon the underside of the sky from east to west, and 
goes out at the western horizon in the evening, to return during the 
night to its starting point in the east. 


18. Ha/NAHAWU NEN BENI'NUNA 
Ha/nahawu/nén beéni’ni/na, 
Ha/nahawu/nén béni’/ni/na, 
Hina/win ga‘na/ni‘na, 
Hina/win ga/na/ni/na, 


Translation 


The Hanahawunén gave to ime, 
The Hanahawunén gave to me, 
His paint— He made me clean, 
His paint— He made me clean. 


The author of this song met in the spirit world a man of the now 
extinct Arapaho band of the Hanahawunéna, who washed the face of 
the visitor and then painted him afresh with some of the old-time 
mineral paint of the Indians. In accord with the Indian belief, all the 
extinet and forgotten tribes have now their home in the world of shades. 


19. ATE/BE’TANA’-ISE/TL HE/SUNA'NINI 


Ate’be/tana/-ise’ti he’sina‘nini’ — Ahe’eye’! 
Ate’be’tana/-ise’ti he’stina’/nini’ — Ahe’eye’! 
Na/waa’tani’, Na’waa‘tann, 
Danatinénawai, 

Nita-isa, nita-isa, 

He/yahe'eye’! 


Translation 


When first our father came— Ahe' eye’! 
When first our father came — Ahe'eye’! 
I prayed to him, I prayed to him— 
My relative, my relative — 
He'yahe'eije'! 


This song was composed by Paul Boynton (Biitiku/ni, “Red Feath- 
er”), a Carlisle student, after having been in a trance. His brother 
had died some time before, and being told by the Indians that he might 


972 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ern ANN. 14 


be able to see and talk with him by joining the dance, Paul went to 
Sitting Bull, the leader of the dance, at the next gathering, and asked 
him to help him to see his dead brother. The result was that he was 
hypnotized by Sitting Bull, fell to the ground in a trance, and saw his 
brother. While talking with him, however, he suddenly awoke, much 
to his regret, probably from some one of the dancers having touched 
against him as he lay upon the ground. According to his statement, 
the words were spoken by him in his sleep after coming from the dance 
and were overheard by some companions who questioned him about it 
in the morning, when he told his experience and put the words into 
asong. The “father” here referred to is Sitting Bull, the great apostle 
of the Arapaho Ghost dance. It was from Paul’s statement, intelli- 
gently told in good English before I had yet seen the dance, that I was 
tirst led to suspect that hypnotism was the secret of the trances. 


20. A-NI/ANE’/THAHI'NANI/NA NISA‘NA 


A-ni‘inéthahi/nani/na nisa’na, 
A-ni/iiné/thahi/nani/na nisa‘na, 
He’chii’ na‘habi/na, 

He’chii’ na/habi’na, 

Hewa-wsa hiithi/na, 
Hewa-w’sa hiithi/na. 


Translation 


My tather did not recognize me (at first), 
My father did not recognize me (at first). 
When again he saw me, 

When again he saw me, 

He said, ‘‘ You are the offspring of a crow,” 
He said, ‘‘ You are the offspring of a crow.” 


This song was composed by Sitting Bull, the Arapaho apostle of the 
dance, and relates his own experience in the trance, in which he met 
his father, who had died years before. The expression, ‘‘ You are the 
child of a crow,” may refer to his own sacred character as an apostle, 
the crow being regarded as the messenger from the spirit world. 


21, Ni’-aTHU!-A-U’ A/HAKA/NITH'II 


lyehe’! anii/nisa/na’ — Uhi’yeye‘heye’! 
lyehe’! anii/nisa’na’— Uhi’/yeye'heye’! 
T/yehe’! ha’dawu’ hana’ — Eye’iie/yuhe’yu! 
Iyehe’! ha/daww‘hana’— Eye’ae’yuhe’yu! 
Ni/athu/-a-u/ a/hakii/nith/ii— Ahe’yuhe’yu! 


Translation 


T'yehe'! my children — Uhi' yeve'heye!! 

I'yche'! my children — Uhi' yeye/heye’ ! i 
I'yehe'! we have rendered them desolate — Lye'de yuhe yu! 
I'yehe'! we have rendered them desolate— Pye'de yuhe yu! 
The whites are crazy — she yuhe'yu! 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE ARAPAHO 93 


In this song the father tells his children of the desolation, in conse- 
quence of their folly and injustice, that would come upon the whites 
when they will be left alone upon the old world, while the Indians will 
be taken up to the new earth to live in happiness forever. 


22. Na‘Ha’TA BITAA’WU 


Nii/nisa’na, nii/nisa‘na, 

Na‘ha‘ta bi/taa/wu hitnaa’waa/-u‘hu’, 
Nav‘ha’ta bi'taa’wu hiitnaa’ waa’-u/ ho’, 
Hiithi/‘na hi'nisi’na-hu’, 

Hiithi’na hi/nist/na-hu’, 


Translation 


My children, my children, 

Look! the earth is about to move, 
Look! the earth is about to move. 
My father tells me so, 

My father tells me so, 


In this song the dreamer tells his friends, on the authority of the 
messiah, that the predicted spiritual new earth is about to start to come 
over and cover up this old world. It was also taught, as appears from 
the messiah’s letter, that at the moment of contact this world would 
tremble as in an earthquake. 


23, Ang’/stNa/NINI ACHIQA/HA’WaA-U! 


Ahe’siina‘nini, ahe’sfina’nini, 
Achiqa/ha/wa-i’, Achiqa‘ha/wa-i’, 
E’hihii‘sini’éhi/nit, 
Ehihii/sini/éhi/nit. 


Translation 


My father, my father — 

I am looking at him, 

Tam looking at him. 

He is beginning to turn into a bird, 
He is beginning to turn into a bird, 


In this, as in the tifth Arapaho song, we have a transformation. 
According to the story of the author, his father is transformed into a 
bird even while he looks at him. The song is sung in quick time to 
hasten the trance. 


24. Ha‘/ANAKE’I 


Ha/anake’i, ha/anake’i, 
Dii‘nasa’/ku‘tiwa’, 
Dii‘nasa‘ku’tiwa’, 
He’stna/nin hi/ni na‘ha/wai’, 
He’siina’nin hii/ni na‘ha/wai’. 


974 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH, ANN. 14 


Translation 


The rock, the rock, 

I am standing upon it, 

Iam standing upon it. 

By its means I saw our father, 
By its means I saw our father. 


This is one of the old songs now obsolete, and its meaning is not 
clear. It may mean simply that the author of it climbed a rock in 
order to be able to see farther, but it is more likely that it contains 
some mythie reference. 


. Wa'wa/NA’DANA'DIA 


i/nisa/naan’, niinisanaan’, 
Wa’ wa/na‘danii‘dia’, 
Wa’ wa/na/danii‘dia’, 
Niinisa’na, niinisa’na. 


Translation 


My children, my children, 
Tam about to hum, 
Tam about to hum. 
My children, my children, 


& 


Fig. 983—Hummer and bull-roarer, 


The author of this song saw her children in the other world playing 
with the hdtiku/tha, ovr hummer, On going home after awaking from 


MOONEY] THE HUMMER AND BULL-ROARER 975 


her trance, she made the toy and carried it with her to the next dance 
and twirled it in the air while singing the song. The Adtiku’tha, or 
hummer, is used by the boys of the prairie tribes as our boys use the 
“eut-water,” a circular tin disk, suspended on two strings passed 
through holes in the middle, and set in rapid revolution, so as to pro- 
duce a humming sound, by alternately twisting the strings upon each 
other and allowing them to untwist again. One of these which [ exam- 
ined consists of a bone from a buffalo hoof, painted in different colors, 
with four buckskin strings tied around the middle and running out on 
each side and fastened at each end to a small peg, so as to be more 
firmly grasped by the fingers. It was carried in the dance in 1890 by 
an old Arapaho named Tall Bear, who had had it in his possession for 
twenty years. Another specimen, shown in figure 93,a, now in possession 
of the National Museum, is similar in construction, but with only one 
string on each side. 

A kindred toy—it can hardly be considered a musical instrument— 
is that known among the whites as the “bull-roarer.” It is found 
among most of the western tribes, as well as among our own children 
and primitive peoples all over the world. It is usually a simple flat 
piece of wood, about 6 inches long, sometimes notched on the edges 
and fancifully painted, attached to a sinew or buckskin string of con- 
venient length. It is held in one hand, and when twirled rapidly in 
the air produces a sound not unlike the roaring of a bull or of distant 
thunder. With most tribes it is simply a child’s toy, but among the 
Hopi, according to Fewkes, and the Apache, according to Bourke, it 
has a sacred use to assist the prayers of the medicine-man in bringing 
on the storm clouds and the rain. 


26. A-TE’BE’ DII/NETITA’NIEG 


A-te’be’ dii/nétita/ni¢ég —I'yehe’eye’! 
A-te’bée’ dii/nétita niég —I’yehe’eye’! 
Nii/te’gu be’na né’chiii/hit — I’ yehe’eye’! 
Bi'taa’wuu—lI'yahe’eye’! 

Nii'te’gu be’/na né‘chiii hit — I’yehe’eye’! 
Bi'taa’wuu—I'yahe’eye’! 

De’tawu'ni‘na ni’sa‘na— Ahe’eye’-he’eye’! 
De'tawu/ni/na ni’sa/na’— Ahe’eye’-he’eye’! 


Translation 


At the beginning of human existence — I yehe'eye'! 
At the beginning of human existence— I’ yehe'eye'! 

It was the turtle who gave this grateful gift to me — 
The earth — L’yahe'eye'! 

It was the turtle who gave this grateful gift to me — 
The earth — TI yahe'cye'! 

(Thus) my father told me— Ahe’eye'-he'eye'! 

(Thus) my father told me— Ahe’eye'-he'eye'! 


14 ETH—PpT 2——_22 


976 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


In the mythology of many primitive nations, from the ancient Hindu 
to our own Indian tribes, the turtle or tortoise is the supporter of the 
earth, the Atlas on whose back rests the burden of the whole living 
universe. A reason for this is found in the amphibious character of 
the turtle, which renders it equally at home on Jand and in the water, 
and in its peculiar shape, which was held to be typical of the world, 
the world itself being conceived as a huge turtle swimming in a 
limitless ocean, the dome of the sky being its upper shell, and the flat 
surface of the earth being the bony breastplate of the animal, while 
inclosed between them was the living body, the human, animal, 
and vegetal creation. In Hindu mythology, when the gods are ready 
to destroy mankind, the turtle will grow weary and sink under his 
load and then the waters will rise and a deluge will overwhelm the 
earth. (iske.) 

The belief in the turtle as the upholder of the earth was common to 
all the Algonquian tribes, to which belong the Arapaho and Cheyenne, 
and to the northern Iroquoian tribes. Earthquakes were caused by his 
shifting his position from time to time. In their pictographs the turtle 
was frequently the symbol of the earth, and in their prayers it was 
sometimes addressed as mother. The most honored clan was the Turtle 
clan; the most sacred spot in the Algonquian territory was Mackinaw, 
the “Island of the Great Turtle;” the favorite medicine bowl of their 
doctors is the shell of a turtle; the turtle is pictured on the ghost shirts 
of the Arapaho, and farther south in Oklahoma it is the recognized 
stock brand by which it is known that a horse or cow belongs to one 
of the historic Delaware tribe. 


27. TAHU’NA/ANA'NIA‘/HUNA 


Nii/nisa’/na, nii/nisa’na 
Nii/niini/na ta‘hu’na’ 
Tahu’na‘iininia/huna, 
Ni/nisa‘na, ni nisa’na, 
Nii/niini/na ta/héti nia‘ huni’, 
Ta‘héti/nia/huna’. 


Vnia huni’, 


Translation 


My children, my children, 

It is I who make the thunder as I cirele about— 
The thunder as I cirele about. 

My children, my children, 

It is I who make the loud thunder as I circle about— 
The loud thunder as I circle about. 


This song evidently refers to the Thunderbird. It is one of the old 
favorites from the north, and is sung to a sprightly tune in quick time. 
It differs from the others in having only a part instead of all of the 
line repeated. 


MOONEY] 


Moderato. — 


SONGS OF THE ARAPAHO 


28. ANI’QU NE/CHAWU'NANI’ 


seh 


2 
4—s—¢ c= t=—4—=6 
A - ni’-qu ne’-cha - wu! - na - ni’, a - pi’-qu ne’-cha - wu’ - na - ni 
= IS ~~ —|-—- — =a 
ae oe AI é CB ia = Ea SS a, o— SES 
z cee Cn a 
a - wa!’-wa_ bi’-qi - na’ - ka- ye! - na, a - wa'-wa_ bi’-qi- na’ - ka - ye’-na; 
—= —_— —_= = 
SS SS SS = ee ee 
= SS 
oe 9 a o Ss @ 
i-ya buh nif - bi - thi’ - ti, i-ya - hwh ni’- bi thi’ ti 


Ani qu ne’chawu'nani’, 
Ani‘qu ne’chawu nani ; 
Awa’wa biqina’‘kaye’na, 
Awa’wa biqina’kaye’na; 
Tyahu’h ni‘bithi ti, 
Tyahu’h ni’ bithi'ti. 


Translation 


Father, have pity on me, 

Father, have pity on me; 

IT am erying for thirst, 

Iam crying for thirst; 

Allis gone—I have nothing to eat, 
All is gone —I have nothing to eat. 


This is the most pathetic of the Ghost-dance songs. 
a plaintive tune, sometimes with tears rolling down the cheeks of the 
dancers as the words would bring up thoughts of their present miser- 
able and dependent condition. It may be considered the Indian para- 
phrase of the Lord’s prayer. 


29, A-NI'/NIHA‘NIAHU‘NA 


A-ni/niha/niahu‘na, 
A-ni/niha/niahu‘na, 
Yeni’s-iti’na ku’/niahu'na, 
Yeni’s-iti/na ku’/niahu’na, 
Hi chiibii/i— He’e’e’! 

Hi’ chiibii/i— He’e’e’! 


Translation 


I fly around yellow, 

I fly around yellow, 

I fly with the wild rose on my head, 
I fly with the wild rose on my head, 
On high— He'e’e’! 

On high — He’e’e’! 


It is sung to 


978 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION * [ern ayy. It 


The meaning of this song is not clear. It may refer to the Thunder- 
bird or to the Crow, the sacred bird of the Ghost dance. The ye’nis or 
wild rose is much esteemed among the prairie tribes for its red seed 
berries, which are pounded into a paste and dried for food. It is fre- 
quently mentioned in the ghost songs, and is sometimes pictured on 
the ghost shirts. Although rather insipid, the berries possess nutri- 
tive qualities. They are gathered in winter, and are sometimes eaten 
raw, but more generally are first boiled and strained to get rid of the 
seeds. This dough-like substance is sometimes mixed with marrow from 
broken bones and pasted around sticks and thus roasted before the fire. 
It is never packed away for future use. The Cherokee call the same 
plant by a name which means “rabbit food,” on account of this animal’s 
fondness for the berries. 


30. NIHA’NATA'YECHE TI 


He’yoho'ho’! He/yoho'ho'! 
Niha‘nata’yeche’ti, na’naga’qane’tihi, 
Wa waga'thiinthu, 

Wa’ waga’thiinthu, 

Wa'wa ne hawa’wiina‘nahu’, 

Wa’ wa ne hawa’wina’/nahw’. 
He’yoho’ho’! He’yoho’ho'! 


Translation 
He'yoho'ho'! He'yoho‘ho'! 
The yellow-hide, fhe white-skin (man). 
I have now put him aside — 
I have now put lim aside — 
I have no more sympathy with him, 
I have no more sympathy with him. 
He'yoho'ho'! He'yoho'ho'! 


This is another song about the whites, who are spoken of as ‘ yellow 
hides” or ‘white skins.” The proper Arapaho name for a white man is 
Nia‘tha, “skillful.” A great many names are applied to the whites by 
the different Indian tribes. By the Comanche, Shoshoni, and Paiute 
they are called Tai‘vo, “easterners;” by the Hopi, of the same stock 
as the three tribes mentioned, they are known as Paha/na, ‘eastern 
water people;” by the Kiowa they are called Be'ddlpago, * hairy 
mouths,” ov Taka/-i, “standing ears.” It is very doubtful if the “pale 
face” of romance ever existed in the Indian mind. 


31. A-BXA’THINA‘/HU 


A-biiii/thina‘hu, a-biiii/thina hu, 
Ha’ tnithi/aku'‘ta/na, 

Ha’ tnithi‘aku’'ta’na, 

Ha’ -biitii/nani hi, 

Ha’ -biitii nani hi. 

Ha’ tnithi‘aku’‘ta’na, 

Ha’tnithi aku tana, 


MOONEY] SACRED REGARD FOR CEDAR 979 


Translation 

The cedar tree, the cedar tree, 
We have it in the center, 

We have it in the center 
When we dance, 

When we dance. 

We have it in the center, 

We have it in the center. 


The Kiowa, the Sioux, and perhaps some other tribes performed the 
Ghost dance around a tree set up in the center of the circle. With 
the Kiowa this tree was a cedar, and such was probably the case with 
the other tribes, whenever a cedar could be obtained, as it is always a 
sacred tree in Indian belief and ceremonial. The southern Arapaho 
and Cheyenne never had a tree in connection with the Ghost dance, so 
that this song could not have originated among them. The cedar is 
held sacred for its evergreen foliage, its fragrant smell, its red heart 
wood, and the durable character of its timber. On account of its fine 
grain and enduring qualities the pri iirie tribes make their tipi poles 
of its wood, which will not warp through heat or moisture, Their 
flageolets or flutes are also made of cedar, and in the mescal and other 
ceremonies its dried and crumbled foliage is thrown upon the fire as 
incense. In Cherokee and Yuchi myth the red color of the wood comes 
from the blood of a wizard who was killed and decapitated by a hero, 
and whose head was hung in the top of several trees in succession, but 
continued to live until, by the advice of a medicine-man, the people 
hung it in the topmost branches of a cedar tree, where it finally died. 
The blood of the severed head trickled down the trunk of the tree and 
thus the wood was stained. 


32. Wawa NNANU’NAKU'TI 
Nii/nisa’na, nii/nisa‘na, 
Wa'wa ni/nant naku'ti waku‘hu, 
Wa’wa ni/nant/naku’ti waku‘hu. 
Hi'yu nii/nii'bii’-i, 
Hi/yu nii/nii’bii’-1. 
Hi tii-inaku’ni hiithina nist/nabu, 
Hi’ tii-inaku/ni hiithina nisi/nahu. 


Translation 


My children, my children, 

Now I am waving an eagle feather, 
Now Iam waving an eagle feather. 
Here is a spotted feather for you, 
Here is a spotted feather for you. 
You may have it, said my father, 
You may have it, said my father. 


While singing this song the author of it wav ed in his right hand 
an eagle feather prepared for wearing in the hair, w hile he carried a 


9809 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


spotted hawk feather in the other hand. In his trance vision he had 
received such a spotted feather from the messiah. 


33, A-NI'QANA/GA 


A-ni qana ga, 
A-ni’qana'ga, 
Ha/tani'i/na'danéna, 
Ha’tani'i/na/dané’na, 
Translation 
There is a solitary bull, 
There is a solitary bull— 
Iam going to use him to ‘‘ make medicine,” 
Iam going to use him to ‘‘make medicine.” 


From the buffalo they had food, fuel, dress, shelter, and domestic fur- 
niture, shields for defense, points for their arrows, and strings for their 
bows. As the old Spanish chronicles of Coronado put it: “To be 
short, they make so many things of them as they have need of, or as 
many as suffice them in the use of this life.” 

Among Indians the professions of medicine and religion are insepa- 
rable. The doctor is always a priest, and the priest is always a doctor. 
Hence, to the whites in the Indian country the Indian priest-doctor 
has come to be known as the “medicine-man,” and anything sacred, 
mysterious, or of wonderful power or efficacy in Indian life or belief 
is designated as ‘‘medicine,” this term being the nearest equivalent 
of the aboriginal expression in the various languages. To “make 
medicine” is to perform some sacred ceremony, from the curing of a 
sick child to the consecration of .the sun-dance lodge. Among the 
prairie tribes the great annual tribal ceremony was commonly known 
as the ‘medicine dance,” and the special guardian deity of every war- 
rior was spoken of as his “ medicine.” 

The buffalo was to the nomad hunters of the plains what corn was 
to the more sedentary tribes of the east and south—the living, visible 
symbol of their support and existence; the greatest gift of a higher 
being to his children. Something of the buffalo entered into every 
important ceremony. In the medicine dance—or sun dance, as it is 
frequently called —the head and skin of a buffalo hung from the center 
pole of the lodge, and in the fearful torture that accompanied this 
dance among some tribes, the dancers dragged around the circle buffalo 
skulls tied to ropes which were fastened to skewers driven through 
holes cut in their bodies and limbs. A buffalo skull is placed in front 
of the sacred sweat-lodge, and on the battlefield of Wounded Knee I 
have seen buffalo skulls and plates of dried meat placed at the head of 
the graves. The buffalo was the sign of the Creator on earth as the 
sun was his glorious manifestation in the heavens. The hair of 
the buffalo was an important element in the preparation of ‘medi- 
cine,” whether for war, hunting, love, or medicine proper, and for such 


VLIHSVM SHL NO dWVO YMOIN—39001-LV43MS SHL 


IXXO Id LHOd3Y TVNNNY HIN33LYNOS ADOIONH13 JO NWSYNS 


MOONEY] THE SWEAT-LODGE 981 


purpose the Indian generally selected a tuft taken from the breast close 
under the shoulder of the animal. When the Kiowa, Comanche, and 
Apache delegates visited Washington in the spring of 1894, they made 
an earnest and successful request for some buffalo hair from the ani- 
mals in the Zoological Park, together with some branches from the 
cedars in the grounds of the Agricultural Department, to take home 
with them for use in their sacred ceremonies. 


34. A-NEA/THIBIWA/HANA 


A’-néii/thibiwa/hana, 

A’-néii/thibiwa/hana— 
Th 
Thi iiya’né, 


Translation 
The place where crying begins, 
The place where crying begins — 
The thi‘dya, 
The thi'dya. 


This song refers to the sweat-lodge already described in treating of 
the Ghost dance among the Sioux. In preparing the sweat-lodge a 
small hole, perhaps a foot deep, is dug out in the center of the floor 
space, to serve as a receptacle for the heated stones over which the 
water is poured to produce the steam, The earth thus dug out is piled 
in a small hillock a few feet in front of the entrance to the sweat-lodge, 
which always faces the east. This small mound is called thi/dya in the 
Arapaho language, the same name being also applied to a memorial 
stone heap or to a stone monument. It is always surmounted by a 
buffalo skull, or in these days by the skull of a steer, placed so as to 
face the doorway of the lodge. The thi/dya is mentioned in several 
of the Ghost-dance songs, and usually, as here, in connection with ery- 
ing or lamentation, as though the sight of these things in the trance 
vision brings up sad recollections. 


35. THI/AYA HE/NAA/AWX’! 


yan 


Thiiiiya’ he’naa’/awa’ — 
Thi/iiya’ he’naa’awa’, 
Ni/hibiwa‘huna’, 
Ni/hibiwa huna’, 


Translation 


When I see the thi’ déya— 
When I see the thi/dya, 
Then I begin to lament, 
Then I begin to Jament. 


This song refers to a trance vision in which the dreamer saw a sweat- 
lodge, with the thi/dya, or mound, as described in the preceding song. 


982 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH, ANN. 14 
36. A-HU‘/HU HA‘GENI'STI'TI BA‘HU 
A-huwhu ha’geni’sti'ti ba‘hu, 
Ha’ geni’stiti ba‘hu. 
Hii/nisti'ti, 
Hii'nisti’ti-. 
Hi‘/nisa’na, 
Hi’nisa’na — 
Ne‘a-i/qaha’ti, 
Ne/a-i/qaha’ti. 
Translation 
The crow is making a road, 
He is making a road; 
He has finished it, 
He has finished it. 
His children, 
His children — 
Then he collected them, 
Then he collected them (i. e., on the farther side). 


The crow (ho) is the sacred bird of the Ghost dance, being revered 
as the messenger from the spirit world because its color is symbolic 
of death and the shadow land. The raven, which is practically a larger 
crow, and which lives in the mountains, but occasionally comes down 
into the plains, is also held sacred and regarded as a bringer of omens 
by the prairie tribes, as well as by the Tlinkit and others of the north- 
west coast and by the Cherokee in the east. The crow is depicted on 
the shirts, leggings, and moccasins of the Ghost dancers, and its feath- 
ers are worn on their heads, and whenever it is possible to kill one, the 
skin is stuffed as in life and carried in the dance, as shown in the pic- 
ture of Black Coyote (plate cv). At one time the dancers in Left Hand’s 
camp had a crow which it was claimed had the power of speech and 
prophetic utterance, and its hoarse inarticulate cries were interpreted 
as inspired messages from the spirit world. Unfortunately the bird 
did not thrive in confinement, and soon took its departure for the 
land of spirits, leaving the Arapaho once more dependent on the guid- 
ance of the trance revelations. The eagle, the magpie, and the sage- 
hen are also sacred in the Ghost dance, the first being held in venera- 
tion by Indians, as well as by other peoples throughout the world, 
while the magpie and the sage-hen are revered for their connection 
with the country of the messiah and the mythology of his tribe. 

The crow was probably held sacred by all the tribes of the Algon- 
quian race. Roger Williams, speaking of the New England tribes, 
says that although the crows sometimes did damage to the corn, yet 
hardly one Indian in a hundred would kill one, because it was their 
tradition that this bird had brought them their first grain and vege- 
tables, carrying a grain of corn in one ear and a bean in the other, 
from the field of their great god Cautantouwit in Sowwani'u, the 
southwest, the happy spirit world where dwelt the gods and the souls 


MOONEY] THE MYTH OF THE CROW 983 


of the great and good. The souls of the wicked were not permitted to 
enter this elysium after death, but were doomed to wander without 
rest or home. (Williams, Key into the Language of America, 1643.) 

In Arapaho belief, the spirit world is in the west, not on the same 
level with this earth of ours, but higher up, and separated also from it 
by a body of water. In their statement of the Ghost-dance mythology 
referred to in this song, the crow, as the messenger and leader of the 
spirits who had gone before, collected their armies on the other side 
and advanced at their head to the hither limit of the shadow land. 
Then, looking over, they saw far below them a sea, and far out beyond 
it toward the east was the boundary of the earth, where lived the 
friends they were marching to rejoin. Taking up a pebble in his beak, 
the crow then dropped it into the water and it became a mountain 
towering up to the land of the dead. Down its rocky slope he brought 
his army until they halted at the edge of the water. Then, taking some 
dust in his bill, the crow flew out and dropped it into the water as he 
flew, and it became a solid arm of land stretching from the spirit world 
to the earth. He returned and flew out again, this time with some 
blades of grass, which he dropped upon the land thus made, and at once 
it was covered with a green sod. Again he returned, and again flew 
out, this time with some twigs in his bill, and dropping these also upon 
the new land, at once it was covered with a forest of trees. Again he 

atlew back to the base of the mountain, and is now, for the fourth time, 
coming on at the head of all the countless spirit host which has already 
passed over the sea and is marshaling on the western boundary of the 
earth. 
37. Bi'TAA’WU HU'HU 
Bi'taa’wu hu‘hu’, 
Bi'taa’wu hu‘hu’— 
Nia/nagina’-ua'ti hu’hu’, 
Ni/nagina’-ua’ti huhu’ — 
A/hene‘heni/i/a’! A‘he’yene‘hene’! 


Translation 


The earth—the crow, 
The earth —the crow— 
The crow brought it with him, 
The crow brought it with him— 
Ahene’heni'da'!  A’he’yene'hene'! 
The reference in this song is explained under the song immediately 
preceding. 
38. NININITUBINA HU/HU’—I 


Ninini’tubi/na hu’/hu’, 
Ni/nini‘tubi/na hu‘hu’. 
Nana’thina’ni hu’hnu, 
Nana’thina’ni hu’‘hu. 
Ni/nita‘nant, 
Ni/nita/nan. 


984 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Translation 


The crow has called me, 

The crow has called me. 
When the crow came for me, 
When the crow came for me, 
T heard him, 

J heard him. 


The reference in this song is explained under number 36. The song 
is somewhat like the former closing song, number 52, 


ie) 
o 


. NO‘'NANU’/NAA'TANI'NA HU/HU'—I 


Ni/nant/naa/tini/na hu’hu’, 
Nid/nantV/naa’tini/na hu‘hu’. 
Da‘chi/‘nathi’/na hu’hu’, 
Da‘chi/natbina hu‘hu’. 


Translation 
The crow is circling above me, 
The crow is cireling above me, 


The crow having come for me, 
The crow having come for me. 


The author of this song, in his trance vision, saw circling above his 
head a crow, the messenger from the spirit world, to conduct him to 
his friends who had gone before. The song is a favorite one, and is. 
sung with a quick forcible tune when the excitement begins to grow 
more intense, in order to hasten the trances, the idea conveyed to the 
dancers being that their spirit friends are close at hand. 


40, yu HA’/THABE’NAWA! 
A’niini’sa‘na— E’e’ye'! 
A/niini/sa‘na— E’e’ye'! 
Vyu hi’ thibé’nawa’. 
Bi'taa‘’wu—KE’e’ye’! 
Bi'taa‘wu— E’e’ye’! 


Translation 


My children — E’e’ye'! 

My children— E’e'ye'! 

Here it is, | hand it to you. 
The earth— Ke'ye'! 

The earth— L’e’ye'! 


Tn this song the father speaks to his children and gives them the 
uew earth. 

41, Ha’NAb/HI YA'GA/AHI'NA 

Ha/naé/hi ya’ga‘ahi/na— 

Ha/naé‘hi ya‘ ga/ahi/na— 

Si/niya’gu/nawa’— Ahe’e’ye’! 

Si/niya’gu/nawa'— Ahe’e’ye'! 

Nii’yu hii/nina’ta i/tha’q, 

Ni/yu hii/nina’ta i‘tha’q. 


MOONEY] THE COYOTE MEN 985 


Translation 


Little boy, the coyote gun— 
Little boy, the coyote gun — 
I have uncovered it— Ahe’e'ye'! 
I have uncovered it — Ahe’e'ye'! 
There is the sheath lying there, 
There is the sheath lying there. 


This song was composed by Nakash, or “Sage,” one of the northern 
Arapaho delegates to the messiah, It evidently refers to one of his 
trance experiences in the other world, and has to do with an interesting 
feature in the sociology of the Arapaho and other prairie tribes. The 
ga‘ahiné'na or gaahi’na, * coyote men,” were an order of men of middle 
age who acted as pickets or lookouts for the camp. When the band 
encamped in some convenient situation for hunting or other business, 
it was the duty of these men, usually four or six in a band, to take 
their stations on the nearest hills to keep watch and give timely warn- 
ing in case of the approach of an enemy. It was an office of danger 
and responsibility, but was held in corresponding respect. When on 
duty, the gaahi'nen wore a white buffalo robe and had his face painted 
with white clay and carried in his hand the yw haga’ahi/na or “coyote 
gun,” a club decorated with feathers and other ornaments and usually 
covered with a sheath of bear gut (i/tha’q). He must be unmarried 
and remain so while in office, finally choosing his own successor and 
delivering to him the “coyote gun” as a staff of authority. They were 
never all off duty at the same time, but at least half were always on 
guard, one or more coming down at a time to the village to eat or 
sleep. They built no shelter on the hills, but slept there in their buffalo 
robes, or sometimes came down in turn and slept in their own tipis. 
They usually, however, preferred to sleep alone upon the hills in order 
to receive inspiration in dreams. If attacked or surprised by the 
enemy, they were expected to fight. The watcher was sometimes called 
higa‘ahi‘na-it, “the man with the coyote gun.” The corresponding 
officer among the Cheyenne carried a bow and arrows instead of a club. 


42. He’stwa’ NA‘/NAHATHA‘HI 


He’sina/ na/nahatha’hi, 
He’stna’ na/nahatha‘hi. 
s75 ass Favanty 
Niitu’qawigt’nie’, 
Ni/itu/qawigf/nie’, 


Translation 


The father showed me, 
The father showed me, ’ 
Where they were coming down, 
Where they were coming down. 


In his trance vision the author of this song saw the spirit hosts 
descending from the upper shadow land to the earth, along the mountain 


986 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


raised up by the crow, as already described in song number 36, The 
song comes from the northern Arapaho. 


45. NANISA/TAQU’THI CHINACHI'CHIBA/IHA’ 


Niinisa’taqu’thi Chimachi’chibii/iha’, 
Niinisa'taqu’thi Chinachi’chibii/iha’ — 
Ni/nahawa‘na, 
Ni/nahawa’na. 
Nibiii/naku ‘nithi— 
Nibiii/nakw nithi— 
A-biina‘iinahu’u’, 
A-Diina/iinahu/u’. 
Ni/hibi/wahuna’na, 
Nii/hibi/wahuna’‘na. 

Translation 
The seven venerable Chi’nachichi bat priests, 
The seven venerable Chi/nachichi' bat priests — 
We see them, 
We see them. 
They all wear it on their heads— 
They all wear it on their heads— 
The Thunderbird, 
The Thunderbird, 
Then I wept, 
Then I wept. 


In his trance vision the author of this song saw a large camp of 
Arapaho, and in the midst of the camp circle, as in the old days, were 
sitting the seven priests of the Chi/nachichi'bdt, each wearing on his 
head the Thunderbird headdress, already described and figured under 
song number 14. This vision of the old life of the tribe brought up 
sorrowful memories and caused him to weep. In the similar song next 
given the singer laments for the Chi/nachichi/bat and the ba/qati gaming 
wheel. The priests here referred to were seven in number, and consti- 
tuted the highest order of the military and social organization which 
existed among the Blackfeet, Sioux, Cheyenne, Kiowa, and probably 
all the prairie tribes excepting the Comanche in the south, among 
whom it seems to have been unknown. The society, so far as it has 
come under the notice of white men, has commonly been designated 
by them as the “Dog Soldier” society—a misapprehension of a name 
belonging probably to only one of the six or eight orders of the organ- 
ization. The corresponding Blackfoot organization, the Thunuhkatsi 
or “ All Comrades,” is described by Grinnell in his “Blackfoot Lodge 
Tales.” The Kiowa organization will be noted later. 

Among the Arapaho the organization was called Beéni/néna, “ War- 
riors,” and consisted of eight degrees or orders, including nearly all 
the men of the tribe above the age of about seventeen. Those who 
were not enrolled in some one of the eight orders were held in but 
little respect, and were not allowed to take part in public ceremonies 


MOONEY] ARAPAHO WARRIOR ORDERS 987 


or to accompany war expeditions. Hach of the first six orders had its 
own peculiar dance, and the members of the principal warrior orders 
had also their peculiar staff or badge of rank. 

First and lowest in rank were the Nuhinéna or Fox men, consisting 
of young men up to the age of about 25 years. They had no special 
duties or privileges, but had a dance called the Vuhawet or fox dance. 

Next came the Hi‘thahwha or Star men, consisting of young war- 
riors about 30 years of age. Their dance was called the Ha/thahi, 


Fia. 94—Dog-soldier insignia—rattle and quirt. 


The third order was that of the Hichdii/quthi or Club men. Their 
dance was called Hichad/qawi. They were an important part of the 
warrior organization, and were all men in the prime of life. The four 
leaders carried wooden clubs, bearing a general resemblance in shape 
to a gun, notched along the edges and variously ornamented, In an 
attack on the enemy it was the duty of these leaders to dash on 
ahead and strike the enemy with these elubs, then to ride back again 
and take their places in the front of the charge. It hardly need be 


988 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


said that the position of leader of the Hichad'quthi was a dangerous 
honor, but the honor was in proportion to the very danger, and there 
were always candidates for a vacancy. It was one of those offices + 
where the holder sometimes died but never resigned. The other 
members of the order carried sticks carved at one end in the rude 
semblance of a horse head and pointed at the other. In desperate 
encounters they were expected to plant these sticks in the ground in 
line in front of the body of warriors and to fight beside them to the 
death unless a retreat should be ordered by the chief in command. 

The fourth order was called Bitahi/néna or Spear men, and their 
dance was called Bitaha‘wi. This order came originally from the Chey- 
enne. Their duties and peculiar insignia of office were about the same 
among all the tribes. They performed police duty in camp, when 
traveling, and on the hunt, and were expected to see that the orders of 
the chief were obeyed by the tribe. For instance, if any person violated 
the tribal code or failed to attend a general dance or council, a party of 
Bitahi/‘néna was sent to kill his dogs, destroy his tipi, or in extreme 
cases to shoot his ponies. On hunting expeditions it was their business 
to keep the party together and see that no one killed a buffalo until 
the proper ceremonies had been performed and the order was given by 
the chief. They were regarded as the representatives of the law and 
were never resisted in performing their duty or inflicting punishments. 
In war they were desperate warriors, equaling or surpassing even the 
Hichaii/quthi. Of the leaders of the order, two carried a sort of shep- 
herd’s crook called nu/sa-icha’tha, having a lance point at its lower end; 
two others carried lances wrapped around with otter skin; four carried 
lances painted black; one carried a club shaped like a baseball bat, 
and one carried a rattle made of the scrotum of a buffalo and orna- 
mented with its hair. In battle, if the enemy took shelter behind 
defenses, it was this man’s duty to lead the charge, throw his rattle 
among the enemy, and then follow it himself. 

The fifth order was called Aha/kéneée/na or Crazy men. They were men 
more than 50 years of age, and were not expected to go to war, but 
must have graduated from all the lower orders. Their duties were 
religious and ceremonial, and their insignia consisted of a bow and 
a bundle of blunt arrows. Their dance was the Ahaka/wt or crazy 
dance, which well deserved the name. It will be described in another 
place. 

The sixth was the order of the Héthhiné/na or Dog men. Their 
dance was called Héthéwa'wi’. They had four principal leaders and 
two lesser leaders. The four principal leaders were the generals and 
directors of the battle. Each carried a rattle and wore about his neck 
a buekskin strap (two being yellow, the other two black) which hung 
down to his feet. On approaching the enemy, they were obliged to go 
forward, shaking their rattles and chanting the war song, until some 
other warriors of the party took the rattles out of their hands. When 
forming for the attack, they dismounted, and, driving their lances into 


FOURTEENTH ANNUAL REPORT  PL.CXXII 


BUREAU OF ETHNOLOGY 


DOG-SOLDIER INSIGNIA—LANCE AND SASH 


MOONEY] ARAPAHO WARRIOR ORDERS 989 


the ground, tied themselves to them by means of the straps, thus anchor- 
ing themselves in front of the battle. Here they remained until, if the 
battle seemed lost, they themselves gave the order to retreat. Even 
then they waited until some of their own society released them by pull- 
ing the lances out of the ground and whipping them away from the 
place with a peculiar quirt carried only by the private members of this 
division, No one was allowed to retreat without their permission, on 
penalty of disgrace, nor were they themselves allowed to retire until 
thus released. Should their followers forget to release them in the.con- 
fusion of retreat, they were expected to die at their posts. They could 
not be released excepting by one of their own division, and anyone else 
attempting to pull up the lances from the ground was resisted as an 
enemy. When pursued on the retreat, they must give up their horses 
to the women, if necessary, and either find other horses or turn and 
face the enemy alone on foot. They seldom accompanied any but large 
war parties, and, although they did but little actual fighting, their 
very presence inspired the warriors with desperate courage, and the 
driving of their lances into the ground was always understood as the 
signal for an encounter to the death. 

The seventh order was that of the Vunaha’wi, a word of which the 
meaning is now unknown. This was a secret order. They had no 
dance and their ceremonies were witnessed only by themselves. They 
did not fight, but accompanied the war parties, and every night in 
secret performed ceremonies and prayers for their success. 

The eighth and highest order was that of the Chi/nachiné/na or 
Water-pouring men, the “seven venerable priests” to whom the song 
refers. They were the high priests and instructors of all the other 
orders, and were seven in number, from among the oldest warriors of 
the tribe. Their name refers to their pouring the water over the heated 
stones in the sweat-house to produce steam. They had no dance, and 
were not expected to go to war, although one of the seven was allowed 
to accompany the war party, should he so elect. Their ceremonies were 
performed in a large sweat-lodge, called chinachichi'bdt, which, when 
the whole tribe was camped together, occupied the center of the circle, 
between the entrance and the lodge in which was kept the sacred medi- 
cine pipe. Unlike the ordinary sweat-lodge, this one had no mound 
and buffalo skull in front of the entrance. 

The warrior organization of the Kiowa is called Ya" péhe, “Soldiers,” 
and consisted of six orders, each with its own dance, songs, and cere- 
monial dress. 1. Poldnyup or Tsii‘yui, “Rabbits.” These were boys 
and young men from 8 to 15 years of age. Their dance, in which 
they were drilled by certain old men, has a peculiar step, in imitation 
of the jumping movement of a rabbit; 2. Adalto/yui, or Te/nbiyu'i, 
‘* Young Mountain Sheep,” literally ‘‘ Herders or Corralers;” 3. T'sentii/n- 
mo, ‘ Horse Head-dress (?) people;” 4. “ Tonkon’ko (2) ‘+ Black-leg peo- 
ple;” 5. T*dnpe’ko, ““Skunkberry (?) people;” 6. Kd/itsen’ko, “Prin- 
cipal Dogs or Real Dogs.” These last were the highest warrior 


990 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


order, and also the camp police, combining the functions of the Bita- 
hi/nena and the Héthé/biné/na of the Arapaho organization. Their two 
leaders carried an arrow-shape lance, with which they anchored them- 
selves in the front of the battle by means of buckskin straps brought 
over the shoulders. The Torkon/ko captains carried in a similar way a 
crook-shape lance, called pabo’n, similar to that of the Bitahi/nena of the 
Arapaho. 


44. N&nrsa’TAQr CHI/NACHI'CHIBX’THA’ 


e/ 
Chi/-na-chi’ - chi - bi/-i- ha’, bi'-hi-bi’ - wé/-hi-na, ba-hi-bi’ - wa-hi-nad’. 
spurs a1 = 2 aoe ! == 
Ly Oe o 6 |e 4% 6 =e! 
= =| Eater a 
Biai’-qi-ti’ ha/-ni- bi’ - wa/-hi-na’, ba’-qit - ti’ ha'-ni-bi - wia'hi-na’. 


Ni/nisa‘taqi Chi/‘nachi/chibii/iha’ — 
Nii/nisa‘taqi Chr/nachi’chibii/iha’ — 
Bi/hibi’ wa‘hina’, 
Bi hibi/wa/hina’. 
Bi/qati hii/nibi'wa‘hina’, 
Bai/qiti hii/nibi/wa‘hina’. 
Translation 
The seven venerable Chinachichi' bat priests — 
The seven venerable Chinachichi' bat priests — 
For them I am weeping, 
For them I am weeping. 
For the gaming wheel I am weeping, 
For the gaming wheel I am weeping. 


The first reference in this song is explained under number 43, The 
bii/qati or gaming wheel will be described later. 


5. NO’NANO'NAATANINA HU/HU/—II 


4 Allegretto, — 


—} _-_ 
o—9— 9 


4 
& 


—a 


-ta ni’ - na hu’-hu’, nit/-na-nt/-naa’-ta - ni’ - na hw’ - hu’, 


Da'-chi’ - bi : ni’- na hii - thi’-na, da‘ - chi! - bi - ni’-na_ ha - thi’-na. 


Na‘nand/naatanina hu‘hu’, 
Na/nani/naatani/na hu‘hu’, 
Da'chi’/bini‘na hiithi'na, 
Da‘chi’bini‘na hiithi’na, 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE ARAPAHO 991 


Translation 


The crow is circling above me, 
The crow is circling above me. 
He says he will give me a hawk feather, 
He says he will give me a hawk feather. 


This song is very similar to number 39, and requires no further 
explanation. It is sung to the same quick time. 


46. Na’TANU’YA CHE’BI'NH 


Na‘tinu’ya ché/bi nh— 
Na‘tanu’ya ché‘bi‘nh, 
Na‘chicha‘ba‘n, 
Na’chiecha’‘ba‘n. 


Translation 


The pemmican that I am using — 
The pemimican that I am using, 
They are still making it, 

They are still making it. 


This song refers to the pemmican or preparation of dried and pounded 
meat, which formerly formed a favorite food of the prairie tribes, aud 
which the author of the song evidently tasted as it was being prepared 
by the women in the spirit world. (See Sioux song 7.) One must be 
an Indian to know the thrill of joy that would come to the heart of the 
dancers when told that some dreamer had seen their former friends in 
the spirit world still making and feasting on pemmican. During the 
first year or two of the excitement, it several times occurred at Ghost 
dances in the north and south, among Sioux as well as among Arapaho 
and others, that meat was exhibited and tasted as genuine buffalo beef 
or pemmican brought back from the spirit world by one of the dancers. 
It is not necessary to explain how this deception was accomplished or 
made successful. It is sufficient to know that it was done, and that the 
dancers were then in a condition to believe anything. 


47. HAVNAWA! HX‘/NI'TA/QUNA‘NI 
Hiiinawa’ hiini’ta’quna’‘ni — 
Hiii/nawa’ hii/ni‘ta’quna‘ni— 
Niné’/n nanii’ hiinita’quna‘ni, 
Niné/n nanii’ hiinita’quna’ni. 

Translation 
I know, in the pitfall — 
I know, in the pitfall — 
It is tallow they use in the pitfall, 
It is tallow they use in the pitfall. 


This song refers to the vision of a northern Arapaho, who found one 


of his friends in the spirit world preparing a pitfall trap to catch eagles. 
14 ETH—pT 2——25 


992 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [PTH. ANN. 14 


Wherever found, the eagle was regarded as sacred among the Indian 
tribes both east and west, and its feathers were highly prized for orna- 
mental and ‘medicine’ purposes, and an elaborately detailed ritual of 
prayer and ceremony was the necessary accompaniment to its capture. 
Among all the tribes the chief purpose of this ritual was to obtain the 
help of the gods in inducing the eagle to approach the hunter, and to 
turn aside the anger of the eagle spirits at the necessary sacrilege. 
The feathers most valued were those of the tail and wings. These were 
used to ornament lances and shields, to wear upon the head, and 
to decorate the magnificent war bonnets, the finest of which have 
a pendant or trail of eagle-tail feathers reaching from the warrior’s 
head to the ground when he stands erect. The whistle used in the sun 
dance and other great ceremonies is made of a bone from the leg or wing 
of the eagle, and the fans carried by the warriors on parade and used 
also to sprinkle the holy water in the mescal ceremony of the sonthern 
prairie tribes is commonly made of the entire tail or wing of that bird. 
Hawk feathers are sometimes used for these various purposes, but are 
always considered far ipferior to those of the eagle. The smaller feath- 
ers are used upon arrows. Eagle feathers and ponies were formerly the 
standard of value and the medium of exchange among the prairie tribes, 
as Wampum was with those of the Atlantic coast. The standard varied 
according to place and season, but in a general way from two to four 
eagles were rated as equal to a horse. In these days the eagle-feather 
war bonnets and eagile-tail fans are the most valuable parts of an 
Indian’s outfit and the most difficult to purchase from him. Among the 
pueblo tribes eagles are sometimes taken from the nest when young 
and kept in cages and regularly stripped of their best feathers. Among 
the Caddo, Cherokee, and other tribes of the timbered country in the 
east they were shot with bow and arrow or with the gun, but always 
according to certain ritual ceremonies. Among the prairie tribes along 
the whole extent of the plains they were never shot, but must be cap- 
tured alive in pitfalls and then strangled or crushed to death, if possi- 
ble without the shedding of blood. A description of the Arapaho 
method will answer with slight modifications for all the prairie tribes. 

The hunter withdrew with his family away from the main camp to 
some rough hilly country where the eagles were abundant. After some 
preliminary prayers he went alone to the top of the highest hill and 
there dug a pit large enough to sit or lie down in, being careful to carry 
the earth taken out of the hole so far away from the place that it would 
not attract the notice of the eagle. The pit was roofed over with a 
covering of light willow twigs, above which were placed earth and grass 
to give it a natural appearance. The bait was a piece of fresh meat, 
or, as appears from this song, a piece of tallow stripped from the ribs 
of the buffalo. This was tied to a rawhide string and laid upon the 
top of the pit, while the rope was passed down through the roof into 
the cavity below. A coyote skin, stuffed and set up erect as in life, was 


MOONEY] EAGLE TRAPPING 993 


sometimes placed near the bait to add to the realistic effect. Having 
sat up all night, singing the eagle songs and purifying himself for the 
ceremony, the hunter started before daylight, without eating any 
breakfast or drinking water, and went up the hill to the pit, which he 
entered, and, having again closed the opening, he seated himself imside 
holding the end of the string in his hands, to prevent a coyote or other 
animal from taking the bait, and waiting for the eagles to come. 

Should other birds come, he drove them away or paid no attention 
to them. When at last the eagle came the other birds at once flew 
away. The eagle swooped down, alighting always at one side and 
then walking over upon the roof of the trap to get at the bait, when the 
hunter, putting up his hand through the framework, seized the eagle 
by the legs, pulled it down and quickly strangled it or broke its neck. 
He then rearranged the bait and the roof and sat down to wait for 
another eagle. He might be so lucky as to capture several during the 
day, or so untortunate as to take none at all. At night, but not before, 
he repaired to his own tipi to eat, drink, and sleep, and was at the pit 
again before daylight. While in the pit he did not eat, drink, or sleep. 
The eagle hunt, if it may be so called, lasted four days, and must end 
then, whatever might have been the good or bad fortune of the hunter. 

At the expiration of four days he returned to his home with the dead 
bodies of the eagles thus caught. A small lodge was set up outside 
his tipi and in this the eagles were hung up by the neck upon a pole 
laid across two forked sticks driven into the ground. After some fur- 
ther prayers and purifications the feathers were stripped from the 
bodies as they hung. 

The Blackfoot method, as described by Grinnell, in his Blackfoot 
Lodge Tales, was the same in all essentials as that of the Arapaho. He 
adds several details, which were probably common to both tribes and to 
others, but which my Arapaho informants failed to mention. While the 
hunter was away in the pit his wife or daughters at home must not use 
an awl for sewing or for other purposes, as, should they do so, the eagle 
might scratch the hunter. He took a human skull with him into the 
pit, in order that he might be as invisible to the eagle as the spirit of 
the former owner of the skull. He must not eat the berries of the wild 
rose during this period. or the eagle would not attack the bait, and 
he must put a morsel of pemimican into the mouth of the dead eagle in 
order to gain the good will of its fellows and induce them to come in 
and be caught. 

The eagle-catching ceremony of the Caddo, Cherokee, and other 
eastern tribes will be noticed in treating of the Caddo songs. 


48, BX’HINA/NINA’TA NI'TABA'NA 
Bi hinii/nina tii ni‘tabii'na, 
Bi hiniinina’‘tii ni/tabii/na. 
Ninii/nina hu’hu, 
Niinii/nina hu‘hu. 


994 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Translation 


I hear everything, 
I hear everything. 
I am the crow, 
I am the crow. 


This is another song expressive of the omniscience of the crow, 
which, as their messenger from the spirit world, hears and knows every- 
thing, both on this earth and in the shadow land. The tune is one of 
the prettiest of all the ghost songs. 


49, A-BA’QATI’ HA’NICHA’BI HINA‘NA 
A-bii'qati’ hi/nichii’bi/hini’na, 
A-bii'qati’ hii/nichii’bi/hinii'na. 
A-wa’tiina/ni ani‘iitiihi niina, 
A-wa'tiina’ni ani ii/tiihi/niina. 

Translation 


With the bd qati wheel I am gambling, 
With the bd’ qati wheel I am gambling. 
With the black mark I win the game, 
With the black mark I win the game. 


This song is from the northern Arapaho. The author of if, in his 
visit to the spirit world, found his former friends playing the old game 
of the bé/qgati wheel, which was practically obsolete among the prairie 
tribes, but which is being revived since the advent of the Ghost dance. 
Asit was a favorite game with the men in the olden times, a great many 
of the songs founded on these trance visions refer to it, and the wheel 
and sticks are made by the dreamer and carried in the dance as they sing. 

The game is played with a wheel (bé/qati, “large wheel”) and two 
pairs of throwing sticks (qa/qa-wnutha). The Cheyenne call the wheel 
wko'yo ov dkivi/u, and the sticks hoo!isi/yonots. It isa man’s game, and 
there are three players, one rolling the wheel, while the other two, each 
armed with a pair of throwing sticks, run after it and throw the sticks 
so as to cross the wheel in a certain position. The two throwers are 
the contestants, the one who rolls the wheel being merely an assistant. 
Like most Indian games, it is a means of gambling, and high stakes 
are sometimes wagered on the result. It is common to the Arapaho, 
Cheyenne, Sioux, and probably to all the northern prairie tribes, but is 
not found among the Kiowa or Comanche in the south. 

The wheel is about 18 inches in diameter, and consists of a flexible 
young tree branch, stripped of its bark and painted, with the two ends 
fastened together with sinew or buckskin string. At equal distances 
around the circumference of the wheel are cut four figures, the two 
opposite each other constituting a pair, but being distinguished by 
different colors, usually blue or black and red, and by lines or notches 
on the face. These figures are designated simply by their coiors. Fig- 
ures of birds, crescents, etc, are sometimes also cut or painted upon 
the wheel, but have nothing to do with the game. (See plate CX1.) 


MOONEY] THE BA’QATI GAME 995 


The sticks are light rods, about 30 inches long, tied in pairs by a 
peculiar arrangement of buckskin strings, and distinguished from one 
another by pieces of cloth of different colors fastened to the strings. 
There is also a pile of tally sticks, usually a hundred in number, about 
the size of lead pencils and painted green, for keeping count of the 
game. The sticks are held near the center in a peculiar manner between 
the fingers of the closed hand. When the wheel is rolled, each player 
runs from the same side, and endeavors to throw the sticks so as to 
strike the wheel in such a way that when it falls both sticks of his pair 
shall be either over or under a certain figure. It requires dexterity to 
do this, as the string has a tendency to strike the wheel in such a way 
as to make one stick fall under and the other over, in which case the 
throw counts for nothing. The players assign their own value to each 
figure, the usual value being tive points for one and ten for the other 
figure, with double that number for a throw which crosses the two 
corresponding figures, and one hundred tallies to the game. 

The wheel-and-stick game,in some form or another, was almost uni- 
versal among our Indian tribes. Another game among the prairie tribes 
is played with a netted wheel and a single stick or arrow, the effort 
being to send the arrow through the netting as nearly as possible to 
the center or bull’s-eye. This game is called ana‘wati/n-hati, playing 
wheel,” by the Arapaho. 


50. ANI/ASA‘/KUA'NA DA‘/CHABI/HATI'TANI 


Aniiisa‘kua’na da‘ chiibi/hati'tani bii’qati bi, 
Aniiisa‘kua'na da‘chiibi'bati/tani bii/qati’bii, 
Niati/biku'thahu’ bii’qatihi, 
Ni‘ati'biku’thahu’ bii/qatihi. 

Di chiibi hiiti'ta‘ni’, 

Di'chiibihiiti'ta‘ni’. 


Translation 


Tam watching where they are gambling with the bd qati wheel, 
Tam watching where they are gambling with the bd qati wheel. 
They are rolling the ba@ qati, 
They are rolling the bd qati. 
While they gamble with it, 
While they gamble with it. 


In this song the dancer tells how he watched a group of his friends in 
the spirit world playing the game of the bda’qati, as has been explained 
in the song last treated. 


51. Ni‘cH1’/A I/THETI’/HI 


Ni chi‘é i'theti hi, 

Nichia i/theti/hi, 
Chana/ha’ti i/nit — 
Chana’‘ha'ti init— 

Gun baa’-ni/bina thi/aku -u, 
Guin baa’-ni' bina thi/’aku’-u. 


996 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


Translation 
(There) is a good river, 
(There) is a good river, 
Where there is no timber— 
Where there is no timber — 
3ut thunder-berries are there, 
3ut thunder-berries are there. 


This song refers to a trance vision in which the dreamer found his 
people camped by a good, i. e., perennial, river, fringed with abundant 
bushes or small trees of the baa-ni/bin or “thunder-berry,” which 
appears to be the black haw, being described as a sort of wild cherry, 
in size between the chokecherry and the wild plum. It was eaten raw, 
or dried and boiled, the seeds having first been taken out. It is very 
scarce, if found at all, in the southern plains. 


52. NUNINETUBUNA HU iv’ (former closing song) 


Andantino. = = = — 
= = ee = ae tt ——— — 
eS ee a 2 = 
r4—2— 2 o-|—,. ._ | — 4 | Se a ot eee et fe ee 
of@ oe so @ = 
Nié-mi-mi’-tu - bi! - na hu'- hu, nif-ni - nif-tu - bi! - na ha’ - hu’. 


na-hi - ni’ - ni hae = thie =a, nai-hi - na’ - ni ha - thi’ - na, 


Ni‘ninitubina huhu’, 
Ninini‘tubi/na hu’hu’. 
Biita’hina’ni hu’‘hu’, 
Bita’/hina’/ni hu‘hu’, 
Nai’hinii/ni hiithi/na, 
Nav/hinii’ni hithi'na,. 


Translation 


The crow has given me the signal, 
The crow has given me the signal. 
When the crow makes me dance, 
When the crow makes me dance, 
He tells me (when) to stop, 

He tells me (when) to stop. 


This was formerly the closing song of the dance, but is now super- 
seded as such by number 73, beginning Ahwyu hathina. It was also 
the last song sung when a small party gathered in the tipi at night for 
a private rehearsal, and was therefore always held in reserve until the 
singers were about ready to separate. The tune is one of the best. 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE ARAPAHO 997 


The special office of the crow as the messenger from the spirit world 
and representative of the messiah has been already explained. He is 
supposed to direct the dance and to give the signal for its close. 


53. ANIHA/YA ATANI'TA’NU’NAWA! 


Anihii'ya atani’ta’nu/nawa’, 
Anihii'ya atani’ta’nu’nawa’, 
Hiithi‘na hesfina/‘nin, 

Hiithi‘na hesfina/nin, 

Da chii’-ihi‘na he’sitina/nin, 
Da‘chii’-ihi‘na he/sina/nin—Ih! Ih! 


Translation 


I use the yellow (paint), 

I use the yellow (paint), 

Says the father, 

Says the father, 

In order to please me, the father, 


In order to please me, the father—Jh! Ih! 


The meaning of this song is somewhat obscure. It seems to bea 
message from the messiah to the effect that he paints himself with 
yellow paint, because it pleases him, the inference being that it would 
please him to have his children do the same, Those who take part in 
the sun dance are usually painted yellow, that being the color of the 
sun. This song is peculiar in having at the end two sharp yelps, in 
the style of the ordinary songs of the warrior dances. 


54. NI’NAA’NIAHU’TAWA BI'TAA’WU 


A’-niini’sa’na, a/-niini’sa/na, 
Ni/naii niahu’/tawa bi/taa’wu, 
Ni/naii/niahu’tawa bi/taa’wu, 
A’-tini/ehi/ni/na nii/nisa’/na, 
A’-tini’ehi/ni/na nii/nisa’na, 
Hiithi‘na hesina/‘nin, 
Hiithi‘na hestina’nin. 


Translation 


My children, my children, 
Tam flying about the earth, 
IT am flying about the earth. 
Tam a bird, my children, 
Tam a bird, my children, 
Says the fatber, 

Says the father. 


In this song the messiah, addressing his children, is represented as 
a bird (crow ?) flying about the whole earth, symbolic of his omniscience. 
The song has one or two variants. 


998 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. LL 


55. I/N1TaA’/TA’—USA'NA 


Tnita’ta’-usii/na, 
Vnita’ta/-usii/na. 
Hii/tini/tubibii’ hu‘hu, 
Hii'tini’‘tubibii’ hu’hu. 
Hii‘tina’/ha’wa'bii huhu, 
Hii‘tina‘ha’wa’bii hu’hu. 


Translation 


Stand ready, 

Stand ready. 

(So that when) the crow calls you, 
(So that when) the crow calls you, 
You will see him, 

You will see him. 


This song was composed by Little Raven, one of the delegation of 
seven from the southern Arapaho and Cheyenne which visited the 
messiah in Nevada in August, 1891. It is a message to the believers 
to be ready for the near coming of the new earth. The first line is 
sometimes sung L’nita/ta-wsd-hu'na. 


56, WaA’WATHA’BI 
Ni/nisa’na-t’, nii/nisa’na-t’, 
Wa’ wiithii’ bichii/chini nabii/nagu wa-u ‘i naga’ thi— He’e’ye’! 
Hiithi‘na ne‘nahu’, 
Hiithi/na ne‘nahu’. 
Translation 
My children, my children, 
IT have given you magpie feathers again to wear on your heads — He'e' ye! 
> d > > ’ . 
Thus says our mother, 
Thus says our mother. 


This song affords a good specimen of the possibilities of Indian word 
building. The second word might serve as a companion piece to Mark 
Twain’s picture of a complete word inGerman. It consists of seventeen 
syllables, all so interwoven to complete the sense of the word sentence 
that no part can be separated from the rest without destroying the 
whole. The verbal part proper indicates that “I have given you 
(plural) a headdress again.” The final syllables, wa-w/i-naga’thi, show 
that the headdress consists of the tail feathers (vagath?) of the magpie 
(wa-u-t). The syllable cha implies repetition or return of action, this 
being probably not the first time that the messiah had given magpie 
feathers to his visitors, 

The magpie (Pica hudsonica or mittalii) of the Rocky mountains and 
Sierra Nevada and the intermediate region of Nevada and Utah is 
perlaps the most conspicuous bird in the Paiute country. It bears 
a general resemblance to a crow or blackbird, being about the size 


MOONEY] USE OF MAGPIE FEATHERS 999 


of the latter, and jet black, with the exception of the breast, which is 
white, and a white spot on each wing. In its tail are two long feathers 
with beautiful changeable metallic luster. It is a home bird, frequent- 
ing the neighborhood of the Paiute camps in small flocks. It is held 
sacred among the Paiute, by whom the long tail feathers are as highly 
prized for decorative purposes as eagle feathers are among the tribes 
of the plains. The standard price for such feathers in 1891 was 25 
cents a pair. The delegates who crossed the mountains to visit the 
messiah brought back with them quantities of these feathers, which 
thenceforth filled an important place in the ceremonial of the Ghost 
dance. In fact they were so eagerly sought after that the traders 
undertook to meet the demand, at first by importing genuine magpie 
feathers from the mountains, but later by fraudulently substituting 
selected crow feathers from the east at the same price. 

The song is also peculiar in referring to the messiah as ‘¢*my mother” 
(nena) instead of ‘‘our father” (hesimanin), as usual. 


57. ANI’QA Hi/TABI‘NUHU'NI'NA 


Ani’qa hé’‘tabi/nubnu’ni‘na, 
Ani‘qa hé'tabinuhu'ni/na. 
Hatina’wunini'na hestna‘nin, 
Hatina’ wunani’na hesfina‘nin. 
Ha/taini‘ni/ahu’hi’na he’sfina’‘nin, 
Ha’tani/niahu’hi'na he’stina/nin. 


Translation 


My father, I am poor, 

My father, I am poor. 

Our father is about to take pity on me, 
Our father is about to take pity on me. 
Our father is about to make me fly around. 
Our father is about to make me fly around. 


This song refers to the present impoverished condition of the Indians, 
and to their hope that he is now about to take pity on them and remove 
them from this dying world to the new earth above; the feathers worn 
on their heads in the dance being expected to act as wings, as already 
explained, to enable them to fly to the upper regions. 


58. NA’NISA/TAQU'THI HU'NA 


Nii/nisa’‘taqu’thi hu/’na—Hi'a hinini’! 
Ni/nisa‘taqu’thi hu/’na—Hi'a hi/ni’ni’! 
Hi/bithi’ni/na gasi’tu— Hi/a hi/ni/ni’! 
Hi'bithi/ni/‘na gasi‘tu—Hi/a hi/ni‘ni’! 


Translation 


The seven crows — Hid hi/ni'ni'! 


The seven crows— [i'd hi'ni'ni’! 
They are flying about the carrion— Hid hi'ni’ni’! 
They are flying abont the carrion— Hida hi'ni'ni’! 


1000 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


In this song the dreamer tells of his trance visit to the spirit world, 
where he found his friends busily engaged cutting up the meat after < 
successful buffalo hunt, while the crows were hovering about the car- 
rion. Four and seven are the constant sacred numbers of the Ghost 
dance, as of Indian ritual and story generally. 


59. AHU’NA HE/SUNA‘NIN 
Ahu/‘nii he’stina/nin — 
Ahu'nii he’sfina’‘nin— 
Ni‘tabii‘tani’ biita’/hina‘ni, 
Ni'tabii tani’ biita’hina’ni, 
Ha ka hii/sabini/‘na he’sina/nin, 
Ha’‘ka hi/sabini’na he’sfna‘nin. 


Translation 


There is our father — 

There is our father — 

We are dancing as he wishes (makes) us to dance, 
Weare dancing as he wishes (makes) us to dance, 
Because our father has so commanded us, 

Because our father has so commanded us. 


The literal meaning of the last line is ‘* because our father has given 
it to us,” the prairie idiom for directing or commanding being to “ give 
a road” or to ‘make a road” for the one thus commanded. To disobey 
is to “break the road” and to depart from the former custom is to 
“make a new road.” The idea is expressed in the same way both in 
the various spoken languages and in the sign language. 


60. GA‘AWA‘HU 


Ga‘awa‘hu, ga‘awa‘hu, 
Nihii/nii gu’shi‘nii, 
Niv/hii/nii gu’shi’nii. 
A’tanii‘tihini’na, 
A’tanii’tiihinii/na. 


Translation 


The ball, the ball— 

You must throw it swiftly, 
You must throw it swiftly. 
I want to win, 

I want to win. 


The author of this song was a woman who in her trance vision saw 
her girl friends in the other world playing the ball game, as described 
in song number 7. In this case, however, her partner is urged to throw 
the ball, instead of to strike it. 


61. ANU’ NIHIGA‘HU 


Ahu’ ni‘higa‘hu, 
Ahw ni/higa‘hu. 
Ha’‘tani ni/tani na, 
Ha’tanini‘tanina, 


MOONEY] SIGNIFICANCE OF THE SHELL 1OOL 


Translation 


The Crow is running, 
The Crow is running. 
He will hear me. 
He will hear me. 


This song implies that the Crow (messiah) is quick to hear the prayer 
of the dancer and comes swiftly to listen to his petition. 


62. YA’/THA-YO/NA TA/NA-U/QAHE'NA 


Ne’siina’ — He’e'ye’! 
Ne’stina’— He’e’ye’! 
Ya'thii-yana ta/na-u qahe’na— He’e’ye’! 
Ya‘thii-yfna ta/na-u’qahe/na— He’e'ye’! 
Ta‘bini/na hi’ticha’ni— He’e’ye’! 
Ta’/bini/‘na hi/ticha’‘ni— He’e’ye’! 
Bi‘taa’wu ta’thi/aku’tawa’—He’e'ye’! 
Bi'taa’wu ta’thi/aku'tawa’— He’e'ye’! 
Translation 

My father— He'e'ye'! 

My father— He’'e‘ye'! 

He put me in five places — He’e'ye'! 

He put me in five places — He'e'ye'! 

I stood upon the earth — He’e'ye'! 

T stood upon the earth — He’e'ye'! 


The author of this song tells how in his trance he went up to the 
other world, where he stood upon the new earth and saw the messiah, 
who took him around to five different places and gave him a pipe. The 
number five may here have some deeper mythic meaning besides that 
indicated in the bare narrative. 


63. Ni’NAXQA’WA CHIBA’TI 


Ni/naiiqa’ wa chibii’ti, 
Ni/naiiqa’wa chibii'ti. 
Ha/-ina'tii be/yi thi’ii 
Ha/-ina'tii be'yi thi'iiya’na. 


Translation 


Lam going around the sweat-house, 
I am going around the sweat-house. 
The shell lies upon the mound, 
The shell lies upon the mound. 


The maker of this song saw in his vision a sweat-house with a white 
shell lying upon the mound in front, where a buffalo skull is usually 
placed. The song evidently refers to some interesting religious cere- 
mony, but was heard only once, and from a young man who could give 
no fuller explanation. I have never seen a shell used in this connec- 
tion. It may be, as suggested by Reverend H. R. Voth, that the word 


1002 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION 


[ETH. ANN. 14 


shell is really a figurative expression for skull. In the old days the 
whole buffalo head was used, instead of the mere skull 


64. Hise/H1, HISE’HI 
Hise’hi, hise’hi, 
Hii/tine’biiku’tha ‘na, 
Hii/tine’biiku’‘tha‘na, 
Hiiti/ta-u’seta/na, 
Hiiti/ta-u’seta’na. 


Translation 


My comrade, my comrade, 
Let us play the awl game, 
Let us play the awl game, 
Let us play the dice game, 
Let us play the dice game. 


The woman who composed this song tells how, on waking up in the 
spirit world, she met there a party of her former girl companions and 
sat down with them to play the two games universally popular with 
the women of all the prairie tribes. 

The first is called né/baikuthana by the Arapaho and tsond or ‘awl 
game” (from tsov,an awl) by the Kiowa, on account of an awl, the Indian 
woinaw’s substitute for a needle, being used to keep record of the score. 

The game is becoming obsolete 


Fic. 95—Diagram of awl game. 


} OG asi) & Bie \e in the north, butis the everyday 
/ ws 
/ jes SS summer amusement of the wo- 
t+ les it = = 

eS men among the Kiowa, Coman- 
. : : 

che, and Apache in the southern 

i *|) plains. It is very amusing on 
-—~ *} account of the unforeseen * riv- 
ae ers” and ‘ whips” that are con- 


stantly turning up to disappoint 
the expectant winner, and a 
party of women will frequently 
sit around the blanket for half 


Se ge a day at a time, with a constant 
\ 3 ripple of laughter and good- 
ae ae ——— humored jokes as they follow 


the chances of the play. It 


would make a very pretty picnic game, or could readily be adapted to 
the parlor of civilization. 

The players sit upon the ground around a blanket marked in char- 
coal with lines and dots, and quadrants in the corners, as shown 
is a stone upon which the sticks are 
Each dot, excepting those between the parallels, counts a 


in figure 995. 
thrown. 
point, making twenty-four points for dots. 


In the center 


Bach of the parallel lines, 


and each end of the curved lines in the corners, also counts a point, 


MOONEY J THE AWL GAME 1003 


making sixteen points for the lines or forty pomts in all. The players 
Start from the bottom, opposing players moving in opposite directions, 
and with each throw of the sticks the thrower moves her awl forward 
and sticks it into the blanket at 
the dot or line to which her throw 
carries her. The parallels on each 
of the four sides are called ‘‘ rivers,” 
and the dots within these parallels 
do not count in the game. The 
rivers at the top and bottom are 
“dangerous” and can not be crossed, 
and when the player is so unlucky 
as to seore a throw which brings 
her upon the edge of the river (i. e., 
upon the first line of either of these 
pairs of parallels), she ‘falls into 
the river” and must lose all she 
has hitherto gained, and begin again 
at the start. In the same way, 
when a player moving around in 
one direction makes a throw which 
brings her awl to the place oceupied 
by the awl of her opponent coming 
around from the other side, the said 
opponent is “whipped back” to the 
starting point and must begin all 
over again. Thus there is a con- 
stant succession of unforeseen acei- 
dents which furnish endless amuse- 
ment to the players. 
The game is played with four ™ 
sticks, each from 6 to 10 inches long, peacocks used Iniewliecauie: 
flat on one side and round on the other (figure 96). One of these is 
the trump stick and is marked in a distinctive manner in the center on 
both sides, and is also distinguished by having a green line along the 
flat side (figure 97), while the 
others have each a red line. 
The Kiowa call this trump stick 
sahe, “ green,” on account of the 
green stripe, while the others 
are called guadal, “red.” There 
Teen ee een ean, ee are also a number of small green 
2 sticks, about the size of lead 
pencils, for keeping tally. Each playerin turn takes up the four sticks 
together in her hand and throws them down on end upon the stone in 
the center. The number of points depends on the number of flat or 


1004 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


round sides which taurnup. Aluekythrow with the green or trump stick 
generally gives the thrower another trial in addition, The formula is: 


One flat side up counts ......-.----------------------------- 1 
One flat side (if sake) counts ....--.- <-.:------------------- land another throw. 
Two flat sides up, with or without sahe, count. ...--..------- 2 
Three fab Sid eS Wp COUNT tc x mttaer sl 3 
Three flat sides up, including sahe, count.-.--.-.-.---------- 3 and another throw. 
All four flat sides. up count sesamiae etn a 6 and another throw. 
All foursround’sideswpicoun tee oat ere ee 10 and another throw. 


Only the flat sides count except when all the sticks turn round side 
up. This is the best throw of all, as it counts ten points and another 
throw. On completing one 
round of forty points the 
player takes one of the small 
green tally sticks from the 
pile and she who first gets 
the number of tally sticks 
previously agreed on wins 
the game. Two, four, or any 
even number of persons may 
play the game, half on each 
side. When two or more 
play on a side, all the part- 
ners move up the same nuin- 
ber of points at each throw, 
but only the lucky thrower 
gets a second trial in case 
of a trump throw, 

The other woman’s game 
mentioned, the dice game, is 
ealled ta-w stating (literal- 
ly, ‘ striking,” or “throwing 
against” something) by the 
Arapaho, and mo/nshiminh 
by the Cheyenne, the same 
name being now given to the 
modern ecard games. It was 
practically universal among 
all the tribes east and west, 
and under the name ot *hub- 
bub” is described by a New 
England writer as far back 
as 1634, almost precisely as 
it exists today among the 
prairie tribes. The only difference seems to have been that in the east 
it was played also by the men, and to the accompaniment of a song 
such as is used in the hand games of the western tribes. 


Fic. 98—Baskets used in dice game. 
g 


MOONEY] THE DICE GAME 1005 


The requisites are a small wicker bowl or basket (hatéchi/na), tive 
dice made of bone or of plum stones, and a pile of tally sticks such as 
are used in the awl game. The bowl is 6 or 8 inches in diameter and 
about 2 inches deep, and is woven in basket fashion of the tough fibers 
of the yueca (figure 98). The dice may be round, elliptical, or diamond- 
shape and are variously marked on one side with lines and figures, the 
turtle being a favorite design among the Arapaho (figure 99). Two of 
the five must be alike in shape and marking. The other three are 
marked with another design and may also be of another shape. Any num- 
ber of women or girls may play, each 
throwing in turn, and sometimes one set 
of partners playing against another. The 
players toss up the dice from the basket, 
letting them drop again into if, and score 
points according to the way the dice turn 
up in the basket. The first throw by each 
player is made from the hand instead of 
from the basket. One hundred points 
usually count a game, and stakes are 
wagered on the result as in almost every 
other Indian contest of skill or chance. 
For the purpose of explanation, we shall 
designate two of the five as “rounds” and 
the other three as ‘‘ diamonds,” it being 
understood that only the marked side 
counts in the game, excepting when the 
throw happens to turn up the three dia- 
monds blank while the other two show the 
marked side, or, as sometimes happens, 
when all five dice turn up blank. In 
every case all of one kind at least must turn up to score a point. A 
successful throw entitles the player to another throw, while a failure 
obliges her to pass the basket to some one else, The formula is: 


Fic. 99—Dice used in dice game. 


mon ygo freithengein dose ewer escicec cela else emis cree ee eee oe eee ane a 0 
P TOENG ES SEOs Cot Gaon EEE BCE Eee n BOGS ec ACME Be Scent eae ener 3 
3udiamonds (both rounds) with- blanc sideimp) sess ses sees as oe tae = ae aio 3 
3 diamonds blank (both rounds with marked side. up)...--. ..----.----.----.----- 3 
APMATKCOISIGES UP! soe sais aio eae nono a come ee ans = Sera eee ne assis ous Satie a as)ai= 1 
Saal bDlank¢sid esi poe eseeets cepa =.=, sins ecient se ereeic seein eS aceciectces coo es 1 
Saal pmankedisidessup yee sas tes 5 srs gin eae seinem Sots ares eee sis seroe cae 8 


A game similar in principle, but played with six dice instead of five, 
is also played by the Arapaho women, as well as by those of the 
Comanche and probably also of other tribes. 


65. Na‘TU/WANI’'SA 
Ninisa’na, niinisa’na, 
Na’‘tu’/wani’sa, na’tu’ wani/sa— 
Hii niitii/hi niiti’, 
Hii/niitiihi/niiti’. 


1006 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Translation 


My children, my children, 
My top, my top— 

It will win the game, 

It will win the game. 


The man who made this song when he entered the spirit world in 
his vision met there one of his boy friends who had died long years 
before, and once more spun tops with him as in childhood, 

Tops are used by all Indian boys, and are made of wood or bone. 
They are not thrown or spun with a string, but are kept in motion by 
whipping with a small quirt or whip of buckskin. In winter they are 
spun upon the ice. The younger children make tops to twirl with the 
fingers by running a stick through a small seed berry. 


66. H'NA‘GA’NAWA'NEN 


He’na'ga‘nawa nen niia’ wunani ni bi’eushishi He siina’nini’ — Ahe’e’ye'! 
He’na’ga‘nawa/nen nia’ wonani mi bi/gushi’shi He’sfna’nini’— Ahe’e ye’! 
Nithi‘na hesfina‘nini’— Ahe’e'ye'! 
Nithi‘na hesina/nini’ — Ahe’e’ye’! 


Translation 


When we dance until daylight our father, the Moon, takes pity on us— Ahe'e ye! 
When we dance until daylight our father, the Moon, takes pity on us— she'e ye! 
The father says so— dshe'e'ye'! 
The father says so— dhe'e'ye! 


With the Arapaho, as with many other tribes, the moon is masculine, 
and the sun is feminine. In mythology the two are brother and sister. 
There are various myths to account for the spots on the moon’s surface, 
some discerning in them a large frog, while to others they bear a like- 
ness to a kettle hung over the fire. The Arapaho name for the moon, 
bi'gushish, means literally “night sun,” the sun itself being called 
hishinishish, **day sun.” A similar nomenclature exists among most 
other tribes. 


67. Ni'NA'NINA’TIYYNAKU'NI'NA NA‘GA'QU 


A/nii-ni!-sa/-na, a/-ni- bi-sa’-na ni‘-na’-ni-na’ - i/-na-ku’ hi-ua ona’. ga’-qu 
= 

5 = == oe =r —= 
> ear a So ee s~ = | 

@ eT Eat EE C SE 

vo “verse ge os a A a eee 

ni’ - nii/-nina’- ti!- na-ku ni? - na na’-gal-qu ti’-na-ha'-thi-hu’ nii‘-ni - sa’-na, 

Sie a ee ee [eee =— [3 = =e SS 
is SS eral a rs Sd = | ~ = || 
— iy j—+|-4--3 4 — a = 
Lo @9 @ eee 4 0-9 a oe 1736-9 a 


li'-na-ha'thi-au’ mii’ - ai» sa’ na hii-thi-na He-st-na-nin, hii- thif-na He'-st-na/-nin. 


MOONEY] THE BATI‘QTUBA GAME 1007 


A‘niini’sa‘na, a/niini’sa’na, 
Ninii/nina’tinaku‘nina naga qu, 
Ni/nii/nina'ti‘naku’/ni/na naga qu’; 
Ti/naha’thihu’ nii/nisa/na, 
Ti/naha’thihu’ niinisa‘na, 
Hiithi‘na He’stna‘nin, 
Hiithi/na He’sfna’nin. 

Translation 


My children, my children, 

It is I who wear the morning star on my head, 
It is I who wear the morning star on my head; 
I show it to my children, 

I show it to my children, 

Says the father, 

Says the father. 

This beautiful song originated among the northern Arapaho, and is a 
favorite north and south, In it the messiah is supposed to be address- 
ing his children. There is a rhythinic swing to the vocalic syllables 
that makes the tune particularly pleasing, and the imagery of thought 
expressed is poetry itself. The same idea occurs in European ballad 
and legend, and has a parallel in the angel of the evangelist, ‘‘ clothed 
with a cloud, and a rainbow upon his head.” 


68, A’/-NENA’ TABI/NI'NA 
A’-nena’ tabi/ni’na né'tiqta’wa'‘hu’, 
A'-nena’ tabi/ni‘na né'tiqta’wa‘hu’, 
A/nii/nabu/gahu’nahnu, 
A/nii/nahu’gaho’nahu,. 
Tahu’naha’thihi’na niinisa‘na, 
Tahu/naha’thihi‘na nii’nisa’na. 

Translation 
My mother gave me my ti’qiawa stick, 
My mother gave me my ti’qtawa stick. 
I fly around with it, 
I fly around with it, 
To make me see my children, 
To make me see my children. 


This song was composed by a woman of the southern Arapaho. The 
reference is not entirely clear, but it is probable that in her trance 
vision she saw her children in the other world playing the game men- 
tioned, and that afterward she made the game sticks and carried them 
in the dance, hoping by this means to obtain another vision of the 
spirit world, where she could again talk with her children who had 
gone before her to the shadow land. In one Ghost dance seven different 
women carried these game sticks. 

The bati/gtiba (abbreviated ti/qtup) game of the Arapaho and other 
prairie tribes somewhat resembles the Iroquois game of the ‘snow 
snake,” and is played by children or grown persons of both sexes. It 

14 ETH—Pp?r 2——24 


1008 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [erH. ANN. 14 


is a very simple game, the contestants merely throwing or sliding the 
sticks along the ground to see who can send them farthest. Two per- 
sons or two parties play against each other, boys sometimes playing 
against girls or men against women. It is, however, more especially a 
girl’s game. The game sticks (bdtiqta‘wa) are slender willow rods about 
4 feet long, peeled and painted and tipped with a point of buffalo horn 
to enable them to slide more easily along the ground. In throwing, the 
player holds the stick at the upper end with the thumb and fingers, 
and, swinging it like a pendulum, throws it out with asweeping motion. 
Young men throw arrows about in the same way, and small boys some- 
times throw ordinary reeds or weed stalks. Among the Omaha, accord- 
ing to Dorsey, bows, unstrung, are made to slide along the ground or 
ice in the same manner. 
69, YP HAA XH 

Y hii hihi’, Yh wi’ hihi, 

Hii niinii/hi gutha’-u ga’qaii’-hu’hu, 

Hii/niinivhi gutha’-u ga‘qaii -hu/hu’. 


Translation 
VURwd@ Ghia, VURA AMEN, 
I throw the “ button,” 
I throw the ‘‘ button.” 


In his trance vision the author of this song entered a tipi and found 
it filled with a cirele of his old friends playing the ga‘qutit, or “hunt the 
button” game. This is a favorite winter game with the prairie tribes, 
and was probably more or less general throughout the country. It is 
played both by men and women, but never by the two sexes together. 
It is the regular game in the long winter nights after the scattered 
families have abandoned their exposed summer positions on the open 
prairie, and moved down near one another in the shelter of the tim- 
ber along the streams. When hundreds of Indians are thus camped 
together, the sound of the drum, the rattle, and the gaming song resound 
nightly through the air. To the stranger there is a fascination about 
such a camp at night, with the conical tipis scattered about under 
the trees, the firelight from within shining through the white canvas and 
distinctly outlining upon the cloth the figures of the occupants making 
merry inside with jest and story, while from half a dozen different diree- 
tions comes the measured tap of the Indian drum or the weird chorus 
of the gaming songs. Frequently there will be a party of twenty to 
thirty men gaming in one tipi, and singing so that their voices can be 
heard far out from the camp, while from another tipi a few rods away 
comes a shrill chorus from a group of women engaged in another game 
of the same kind. 

The players sit in a circle around the tipi fire, those on one side of the 
fire playing against those on the other. The only requisites are the 
“button” or ga/qaid, usually a small bit of wood, around which is 
tied a piece of string or otter skin, with a pile of tally sticks, as has 


MOONEY] THE ‘‘BUTTON” GAME 1009 


been already described. Each party has a * button,” that of one side 
being painted black, the other being red. The leader of one party takes 
the button and endeavors to move it from one hand to the other, or to 
pass it on to a partner, while those of the opposing side keep a sharp 
lookout, and try to guess in which hand it is. Those having the button 
try to deceive their opponents as to its whereabouts by putting one 
hand over the other, by folding their arms, and by putting their hands 
behind them, so as to pass the ga’qadé on to a partner, all the while 
keeping time to the rhythm of a gaming chorus sung by the whole 
party at the top of their voices. The song is very peculiar, and well- 
nigh indescribable. It is usually, but not always or entirely, unmean- 
ing, and jumps, halts, and staggers in a most surprising fashion, but 
always in perfect time with the movements of the hands and arms of 
the singers. The greatest of good-natured excitement prevails, and 
every few minutes some more excitable player claps his hands over his 
mouth or beats the ground with his flat palms, and gives out a regular 
war-whoop. All this time the opposing players are watching the hands 
of the other, or looking straight into their faces to observe every tell 

tale movement of their features, and when one thinks he has discovered 
in which hand the button is, he throws out his thumb toward that hand 
with a loud “that!” Should he guess aright, his side scores a certain 
number of tallies, and in turn takes the button and begins another 
song. Should the guess be wrong, the losing side inust give up an equiv- 
alent number of tally sticks. So the play goes on until the small hours 
of the night. It is always a gambling game, and the stakes are 
sometimes very large. 

The first line of the song here given is an imitation of one of these 
gainbling songs. Among the prairie tribes each song has one or per- 
haps two words with meaning bearing on the game, the rest of the 
song being a succession of unmeaning syllables. Among some other 
tribes, particularly among the Navaho, as described by Dr Washington 
Matthews, the songs have meaning. being prayers to different animal 
or elemental gods to assist the player. 

As specimens of another variety of gambling songs, we give here 
two heard among the Paiute of Nevada when visiting the messiah in 
the winter of 1891-92. They have pretty tunes, very distinct from 
those of the prairie tribes, and were borrowed by the Paiute from 
the Mohave, in whose language they may have a meaning, although 


unintelligible to the Paiute. 
Paiute Doig ie song 
Allegro vivace. 


ss = Sas 3 
-e=ee cf a ee 
& : 
- ho! ma- ho’ -yo o-wa'-na, ha/-ya-ma ha’-ya-ana ka-ni’-yo-wi 
ee ae - 
See aaa a See = 
C-e7@ ae Co (Omer Oe 0, e, . 


yoo-wa'-na, ha’ya-mit ha'-ya-mi ka-ni-yo-wi'. Ho’ - tsi-ni’-a’- ni tsai’ - o- wi/-a-ni/, 


1010 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. i4 


4 s + in - + 
agne . e eevee 
i - ‘ha - ha’ tsi-ma/-ni-mi-na, ha - tsi-ma/-ni-mi- na’. Ho’ - tsi - ni’-&- ni 


: —— — g— = en en 
A SS | SS == = as ey eee | 
= oa lace ae a ee = AR 


ee a %se6 


tsai’ -o-wi’-a-ni’; i - ha’ - ha tsi-ma’-ni-mi-na’, ha - tsi-ma/-ni-mi- na’. 


1. Yo’ho’ maho’yo owa‘na, 
Ha‘yama ha‘yama kani’yowi’. (Repeat.) 
2, Ho'tsini/ini tsai/-owi/ani’, 
Tha‘ha’ tsima/nimina’ ha’ tsima’nimina’. (Tepeat.) 


70. Ni/QA-HU' HU 


Ni/qa-hu‘hu’, ni’qa-hu/hn’, 
Hu’ wi'siina’, hu’ wi'siina’ — 
Ga‘qa‘ti-hu‘ha’, ga’qa‘ti-hwha’, 


Translation 


My father, my father, 
I go straight to it, I go straight to it— 
The ga‘qai, the ga'qad. 


This song also refers to the game of ga/qutit, just described. 
5 s gad > J 
ga’/qad is the “button.” 
71. A’HU'NAWU’HU' 


A’hu‘nawu ho’-u/-1/, a‘bu/naww hu’-u-w, 
Ha‘ tani/i/bii‘na— He’e’ye’! 
Ha‘tani‘i’bii’‘na— He’e’ye’! 
Ga‘qu’tina’ni, 

Ga‘qu’tina’ni, 

Hiniiiihii’k ga/qa/ii — He’e’ye’! 
Hi/nii/iihiik ga‘qa‘ii — He’e’ye’! 


Translation 


With red paint, with red paint, 

I want to paint myself— He’e'ye'! 
TI want to paint myself— He'e'ye'! 
When I play ga’qutit, 

When I play ga/qutit. 

It is the ‘ button” — He'e'ye 

It is the ‘‘ button” — He’e'ye'! 


The 


This song refers to the same game described under songs 69 and 70, 


and like them is based on the trance experience of the composer. 


72. ANI/QA NAGA/QU 


Ani’qa naga‘qu ! 

Ani’ga naga‘qu ! 
Ina‘habi/ii nina’ ginawa‘ni, 
Ina/habi/i nina’ gainawa ni. 
Aww nani’ ii— Hi'i'i'! 

Aww’ nini/ii— Hii’! 


MOONEY] REVERENCE FOR THE MORNING STAR 1011 


Translation 


Father, the Morning Star ! 
Father, the Morning Star ! 
Look on us, we have danced until daylight, 


Look on us, we have danced until daylight. 
, 


Take pity on us— Hivi'v'! 


This song is sung about daylight, just before the closing song, after 
the dancers have danced all night and are now ready to quit and go 
home. When the new doctrine came among the prairie tribes, the Ghost 
dance was held at irregular and frequent intervals, almost every other 
night, in fact—lasting sometimes until about midnight, sometimes 
until daylight, without any rule, As the ceremonial became crystallized, 
however, the messiah gave instructions that the dance should be held 
only at intervals of six weeks, and should then continue four consecu- 
tive nights, lasting the first three nights until about midnight, but on 
the fourth night to continue all night until daylight of the next morn- 
ing. The original letter containing these directions is given in chapter 
x. Fora long time these directions were implicitly followed, but the 
tendency now is to the original fashion of one-night dances, at short 
intervals. This song to the morning star was sung just before daylight 
on the final morning of the dance. 

With all the prairie tribes the morning star is held in great reverence 
and is the subject of much mythological belief and ceremony. It is 
universally represented in their pictographs as a cross, usually of the 
Maltese pattern. In this form it is frequently pictured on the ghost 
shirts. The Arapaho name, nagaq’, means literally ‘“‘a cross.” The 
Kiowa know it as Cainso, “the cross,” or sometimes, as di-e/dal, ** the 
great star.” 


Andantino. — 
fi 


= = = Sop = 
Gr = (oo o|4-6 


thi’-na he-st - na‘-ni-ni- hu’ -hu, ya-thi’n 


G? == Set =| = SS Se ee 
ae a a ose 64 
ta/-u - sii’ - ba, ni - thi’ - na he - stt- na’ - nin, ni - thi'-na he - si-na/-nin. 


Ahu’yu hiithi‘na hestna‘nini huhu, 
Ahu’yu hiithi‘na hestna/nini hu‘hu, 
Yathi’n iita’-usii’ ba — 


IKON} THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Yathtn iita’-usii’ bii— ‘ 
Nithi‘na hesfina’nin, 
Nithi’na hesfina/‘nin. 
Translation 
Thus says our father, the Crow, 
Thus says our father, the Crow. 
Go around five times more — 
Go around five times more— 
Says the father, 
Says the father. 


This is the closing song of the dance since the return of the great 
delegation of southern Arapaho and Cheyenne who visited the messiah 
in August, 1891. Before that time the closing song had been number 
52, beginning Ni/nini/tubi/na hwhu’. The literal rendering of the second 
part is “stop five times,” the meaning and practice being that they must 
make five circuits singing this song and then stop. As already stated, 
in accordance with the instructions of the messiah, the Ghost dance is 
now held (theoretically) at intervals of six weeks and continues for four 
consecutive nights, closing about midnight, excepting on the last night, 
when the believers dance until daylight. As daylight begins to appear 
in the east, they sing the song to the morning star, as just given (mum- 
ber 72), and then, after a short rest, the leaders start this, the closing 
song, which is sung while the dancers make five circuits, resting a 
few moments between circuits. Then they unclasp hands, wave their 
blankets in the air to fan away all evil influences, and go down to the 
river to bathe, the men in one place and the women in another, After 
bathing, they resume their clothing and disperse to their various camps, 
and the Ghost dance is over. 


ARAPAHO GLOSSARY 


In this and the other glossaries here given it is intended only to give 
a concise definition of the meaning of each word without going into 
details of grammar or etymology. The Ghost dance was studied for its 
mythology, psychology, ritual, and history, and language in this con- 
nection was only the means to an end, as it was impossible in a few 
months of time to devote close attention to the numerous languages 
spoken by the tribes represented in the dance, 

The Arapaho language, as will be seen from the specimens given, is 
eminently vocalic, almost every syllable ending in a vowel, and there 
being almost no double consonant sounds. Like the Cheyenne lan- 
guage, it lacks /and x. The most prominent vowel sounds are a, @, and 
j,and in some instances there are combinations of several vowel sounds 
without any intervening consonant. The soft th sound is also promi- 
nent. They and d frequently approximate to k and ¢, respectively, and D 
in the standard dialect becomes + among the northern Arapaho, The 
only sound of the language (excepting the medial k and ¢) not found in 
English is the gutteral g, and the language is entirely devoid of the 
hissing effect of Cheyenne or the choking sounds of Kiowa. 


MOONEY] ARAPAHO GLOSSARY 1013 


In the songs it is common to prefix a, and to add 7, hi, hu, huhu, ete, 
to the ends of words in order to fill out the meter. In a few cases 
changes are made in the body of the word for the same purpose. In 
the glossary these unmeaning syllables are not given where they occur 
at the end of words. Words beginning with a vowel sound may some- 
times be written as beginning with the breathing /, and s is sometimes 


pronounced sh, 


Adi/ninéna— the name by which the Arap- 
aho Grosventres of the Prairie, one of 
the five principal divisions of the Arap- 
aho, call themselves. It is said to sig- 
nify ‘‘white clay men,” from aiti, 
“white clay,’ and hiné’na, ‘* men.” 
They are called Hitu/néna, or “ beg- 
gars,” by the rest of the tribe, and are 
commonly known to the whites under 
the French name of Grosventres, ‘big 
bellies.” 

Aan hawa—another name for the Ha/na- 
hawuné’na division of the Arapaho. 
The meaning of the word is unknown. 

Abid’ thinahu— for Badthi'na, 

A'‘baha' —for Ba‘haa'. 

A bina’ déinahu'u' — for Binadi'na. 

Abd’ nihi—for Ba'ni. 

Abid qati—for Ba qati. 

Achiqahiwa—T am looking at him. Also 
Nina‘hawa, I look at him. Nda‘hdni, 
Here! Look! nahata, look at it (imper- 
ative singular); ina/habi/d@, look on us, 
Compare Hdtina' hawa’ bd. 

Achishini'qahi'na—he was 
around, 


taking me 

A’ ganda’ —)hed-covers of buffalo skin; sin- 
gular, a’/gd’. 

Aha’ kiiné'na— “crazy men,” one of the de- 
grees of the Arapaho military organiza- 
tion. The word is derived from aha‘ka, 
erazy, and hintna, men. The ‘‘fire 
moth,” which flies around and into the 
fire, is called aha‘kaa’, or crazy,” and 
the Aha’ kiinéna are supposed to imitate 
the action of this moth in the fire dance. 
See Arapaho song 45 and Cheyenne 
song 10. 

Aha’ kiénithi’i— they are crazy. Inthe In- 
dian idea ‘‘foolish” and ‘‘crazy”’ are 
generally synonymous. Compare Aha'- 
kdnen'a and Ahaka'wi, 

Ahaka'wi—the erazy dance. It is called 
Psam by the Cheyenne, from psa, 
erazy. See Arapaho song 43 and Chey- 
enne song 10. 


Ahe'eye'! —an unmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 

A‘hene’heni’ddé !—an unmeaning exclama- 
tion used in the songs. 

A’hesitina'nini— for Hesiina’nin. 

A‘ heye'ne hene’ !—an unmeaning exclama- 
tion used in the songs. 

Ahe yuhe yu! —an unmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 

Ahu'—for Ho, 

Ahwhu— for Ho. 

Ahu'ndi—there it is; there he is. 

Ahu'nawwhu—tor Hindw’', paint. 
pare Hina’ win. 

Ahuw yu—thus; in this way. 

Anani/nibind’ si— for Nani‘ nibinii’si. 

And’ nisa‘na—for Nini'sandi. 

Ana‘wati'n-hati— “ playing wheel” (hati, 
wheel); a netted gaming wheel. See 
Arapaho song 50. 

Anéd' thibiwa' hana—tor Ned thibiwa'na. 

Ane’na—tor Ne‘na. 

Ani‘anethahi nani'na—for 
nani'na, 

Anidsa'kua'na—for Nisa’ kua'na,. 


Com- 


Ni'ané hahi'- 


Ani dtdhi ndna—tor Hiind'tihind' na, 

A'niesa'na—for Niesa’na, 

Anihd'ya— the yellow (paint). 

A nii'nahu gahu nahu—for Héni/iniahu'na. 

Ani‘ niha'niahu na— for Niniha’niahw na, 

Ani/qa—tor Ni'qa. 

Ani'qu—for Ni'qa. 

Ani’ qana ga— for Ni'qgana’ga. 

A’nistina’ ahu—for Nisi’/na. 

Aqa'thiné'na—“ pleasant men,” from aqa’- 
thi, “pleasant,” and hiné/na, ‘‘men.” 
One of the five bands of the southern 
Arapaho. 

Ari/pXHo—the popular name for the 
Arapaho tribe. The derivation is uncer- 
tain, butitmay be, as Dunbar suggests, 
from the Pawnee verb tirapihu or lara- 
pihu, “he buys or trades,” in allusion 
to the Arapaho having formerly been 
the trading medium between the Paw- 
nee, Osage, and others in the north, and 


1014 


the Kiowa, Comanche, and others to the 
southwest (Grinnell), It is worthy of 
note that old frontiersmen pronounce 
the name Ariipihu. It is not the name 
by which they are called by the Chey- 
enne, Sioux, Shoshoni, Kiowa, Coman- 
che, Apache, Caddo, or Wichita. 

Aripa’kaTa—the Crow for the 
Arapaho, evidently another form of 
the word Arapaho. 

Atandtihind' na—I wish to win or beat. 

Ati tanw wa, 


name 


Atani‘tanw newa—I use it. 
use it! (imperative singular). 

Ata'-usii'bi— stop so many times (plural 
imperative). The verb applies only to 
walking, ete; the generic imperative 
for stopping or quitting is ni/hind'ni, 
q.v.; Hithéta’-usi, stop! (singular im- 
perative). 

Ale'be—for Teé'b’. 

Ate/betana'-ise ti— for Té be tana'-isét. 

Ati chibi ndsi'nd—let us goout gambling. 

ti’chani/‘na—your pipes. Hicha, apipe; 
hiti’cha, this pipe; s@icha, the sacred 
“flat pipe.”” See Arapaho song 2. 

Atini’ehini'na—for Théni’ehi' nina. 

A—the Blackfoot the 
Ad’'ninéna or Arapaho Grosventres. The 
word signifies ‘‘ gut people.” 

Awawa—for Wa'wa, 

Awatinani—for WVatdna'ni. 

Aww nani é— another 
unani—take pity on us, 

Ba(-hw)—a road or trail. 

Ba achiné'na—Another name for the Vaka- 
sinéna northern Arapaho. 
The word may mean ‘‘red willow (i. e., 
kinikinik) men,” or ‘‘blood-pudding 
men,” the latter etymology being de- 

rived from bd, blood, and chini/niki, to 

put liquid into a bladder. 

Biitiku'ni—** Ned Feather,” the Arapaho 
name of Paul Boynton, a Carlisle stu- 
dept, and formerly interpreter at Chey- 
enne and Arapaho agency. 

Baa'-ni' bina — “ thunder-berries,” from 
baa’, thunder, and ni'bin, berry; a wild 
fruit, perhaps the black haw. See Ara- 
paho song 51. 

Biitithi/na— cedar 
song 31. 

Bap PipEs—one of the three bands of the 
northern Arapaho. Their present chief 
is Sharp Nose. 

Baéna—turtle. 


name for 


form of ne chaw- 


(q. Vie) 101 


tree. See 


Arapaho 


See Arapaho song 25. 


THE GHOST-DANCE 


RELIGION 


[ETH. ANN. 14 


Bahaa', or Baa —the Thunder. See 
Arapaho song 14. 

Baéhibiwahina—oun their account I am 
made to ery (immediate present). 
Biniwa'nd or nibiwa‘na, I am erying; 
hit nibiwahina, on its account Iam made 
to ery, for its sake I am erying; ndhi- 
biwa‘huna'na, then I wept; ndahibiwa'- 
huna, then I began to ery or lament; 
ned thibiwa na, the place where erying 
begins. 

Ba hindnina'té—everything. 

3AHWETEGOW-ENINNEWAY —the Ojibwa 
name for the Ad@ninéna or Arapaho 
Grosventres (Tanner). It 
“men, or people of the falls,’ from 
bawitiy, “falls,” and ininiwiig, ‘men, or 
people.” They are so called on account 
of their former residence at the rapids 
of the Saskatchewan. 

Binaina—the thunderbirds; 
Ba'haa’, or Ba‘awa. 

Bda/ni—my (male) comrade. Vocative. 
Used by a boy or young man speaking 
to his comrade or partner of the same 

The corresponding female term is 


signifies 


singular 


SEX. 
hisd. 
Ba'qati— “* great’ wheel,” from 
great, and hati’, a gaming wheel, a 
An ordinary wheel is called 
turner.” Arapaho 


wagon. 

ni’ nae gti, See 
song 49. 

Bit qatibi —with the bd'qati, q.v. 

Bisawunéna—one of the five divisions 
of the Arapaho, and formerly a dis- 
tinet tribe. The name is variously 
rendered ‘‘ wood lodge men” or ‘‘ big 
lodge men,” or people, the terminal 
part being derived from hiné’na “men.” 

Bita‘hina‘ni—he makes me dance. (In 
the songs when, where, etc, are some- 
times understood with verbs). Bdta’t, 
adance; nibd'tana, I dance; nilabd tani, 
we are dancing; bdténa‘ni, when we 
dance; Thi'gtindwa't, the Ghost dance. 
Compare also Hena’ gana wanen. 

Biitinani—when we dance. Compare 
Biita’hina'ni. 

Batiqgtawa—the throwing-stick used in 
the bati'qtiba See Arapaho 
song 68. 

Bati qtiba— the game of the ‘ throwing- 
stick” or ‘‘snow-snake” the 
prairie tribes. See Arapaho song 68. 

Bena—for Baée'na. 


game. 


among 


MOONEY] ARAPAHO 
Beni néna—**warriors,” the military 
organization of the Arapaho. See 


Arapaho song 43. 

Beni'nina—he gave it tome. Beéni'na, I 
gave it to him; béenineé’ thin, 1 gave it to 
you; niibiinu, I gave it to them; idsa- 
bini'na, he has given it to us; tabini'na, 
he (she) gave it to me; da‘chi'bini'na, 
he will give me a hawk-feather. 

Betidéé —the Kiowa Apache name for the 
Arapaho. 

Beyi—a (white) shell. 

Bi'ga—night. 

Bi'gqushish—the moon, literally ‘‘night 
sun,” from biga, night, and hishi’sh, 
sun, or celestial luminary. The sun is 
distinquished as hishi-nishi’sh, or “ day 
sun,” from /ishi, day, and hishi’sh, In 
many Indian languages the sun and 
moon have but one name, with an ad- 
jective prefix or suffix to distinguish 
between day and night. ‘see Arapaho 
song 66. The morning star is called 
naga'g, ‘the cross;” the milky way is 
hi‘thina'na-ba, ‘‘the buttaio road,’ or 
thi'qini-ba, ‘‘the spirit or ghost road ;” 
the pleiades are bi/nakith, ** the group 
(sitting).” 

Biqdna'kaye'na—I am erying on account 
of thirst. Naka‘yena, I am thirsty. 
Bishiqa'wa—coming into sight, approach- 
ing from a distance. (Third person, 

singular. ) 

Bitaa'wu—the earth. 

Bitaha' wi— the dance of the Bita‘hinéna. 
See Arapaho song 43. 

Bita’hinéna—‘‘spear men;” one of the 
degrees of the Arapaho military organ- 
ization. ‘The name comes from the 
Cheyenne word for spear, bitahd na; the 
Arapaho word for spear is qavwd’. 
Arapaho song 43. 

Bi'tdye—eaptor, seizer; the name by 
which the Arapaho Hind chathi'dk,“ Sit- 
ting Bull,” was called when a boy. 

Chana ha't— where there 
hwh, it is all gone. 

Chiinii'‘nagu'nit—he wears them, he is 
wearing them. 

Cha‘qtha (singular, Chaqy) —‘‘ enemies,” 
the Arapaho name for the Comanche. 
Chi’ sédq— another, another of them; from 

chi'saiy’, one. See YVathin. 

Ché bi nh— greasy, something greasy ; fig- 
uratively used for See 
Arapaho song 46. 


See 


is none. IJya- 


pemmican, 


GLOSSARY 1015 


Chi'bét—a sweat-house. 

Chi'chita‘né—literally, a target, a mark 
to shoot at. A boy’s game, See Arap- 
aho song 4. 

Chinachi' chibd@ iha— venerable, (memora- 
ble or ancient) priests of the Chi/nachi- 
chi'bat, or sacred sweat-lodge, from 
chinachichi' bat, the sacred sweat-lodge, 
and baid, old man, 
43, 

Chi nachichi' biit—the sacred large sweat- 
house; from chi/bdt, sweat-house. See 
Arapaho song 43, 

Chindchi' chibé tina—immortal, venerable, 
or never-to-be-forgotten priests of the 
sweat-house; from chi bdt, sweat-house. 
See Arapaho song 43. 

Chi nachiné na — water-pouring men; the 
highest degree of the Arapaho mili- 
tary organization. See Arapaho song 
43. 

Di chabi' hati tanii — where there is gam- 
bling; where they are gambling. In 
the Arapaho language there is no ge- 
neric term for playing for amusement 
only. Chabi'hind’na, 1 am gambling; 
hini'chabihinéna, 1 am gambling with 
it; di chabihiti'tani'i, when 
they are gambling with it. 

Da chit'-ihi’na — in order to please me. 

Da chi binina —he will give me a (chiek- 
en-) hawk feather. 

Da chinathina—he having come for me 
(participle). Nichinwtiha, I come for 
him. 

Da‘ naa bdna'wa— I moved it (** when” is 
sometimes understood). 

Di nasaku'tawa— Tam standing upon it. 

Diina'tinénawa'ii— because I longed, or 
wished, to see him; dain composition 
gives the idea of ‘ because.” 


See Arapaho song 


while or 


Compare Beni'nina, 


De tawuni'na—he told me. Compare 
Hiithi'na. 

Di chibihdtitani'i— while or when, they 
are gambling with it. Compare 


Dd chabi' hati tanii. 


Di'chin— because. Haka is also some- 
times used. 

Diiné tita’nieég — living people ; human ex- 
istence. 

DoG SOLDIER—a popular but incorreet 
uame given by the whites to the mili- 


tary organizations of the prairie tribes. 


See Arapaho song 43. 
eye’! —an unmeaning exclamation used 


in the so 
Ehe' eye’! —ibid. 


1016 


Ehihdnakwowhunit—he turned into a 

Naku wu, moose; iwa'qu, elk. 

Ehihii' sina’ kawwhunit—for  E’hihdnaku- 
wu hunit. 

Ehihd'sinichi nit —he is beginning to be a 
bird, he is turning into a bird; ni’éhi, 
a bird. 

E'yahe'eye'!—an unmeaning exclamation 


moose. 


used in the songs. 

Bye'ae' yuhe yu! — ibid. 

E’yehe'!—ibid. 

FoRKS-OF-THE-RIVER MeN—the princi- 
pal of the three bands of the northern 
Arapaho, Their present chief is Black 
Coal. 

Gaahi'na—another form of Ga‘ahiné'na. 

Ga‘ ahiné’na—“ coyote men,” from gaa, 
coyote, and singular, 
gvahiné'n, The camp guards or pickets 
of the Arapaho. See Arapaho song 41. 

Gaawd, or ga’awaha—a all, used in 
the woman’s game of gi gahawa't or 
shinny. 

Gadwa’‘tina— canned 
fruits. 

Ga'ndni’na—he wiped me off, he cleaned 
me. (rané/naa, | wipe him off. 

Ga'qaii—the “button” or small object 
hidden by the players in the ga‘qutit 
game. See Arapaho song 69, 

Ga‘ qutina ni— when I play ga’qutit. 
Arapaho song 69, 

Ga‘ qutit—the “hunt the button” game 
of the western See Arapaho 
song 69. 

Gasi tu — carrion. 

Ga’ wuné hiina— another 


hiné/na, men; 


See Arapaho song 7. 


goods, canned 


See 


tribes. 


form of Gawu- 

nena. 

of the five bands of 
the southern Arapaho. The name 
is the same applied hy the Arapaho 
to the Blackfeet, {rom whom this 
band is said to be derived. It is 
also the Arapaho name for the Black- 
foot band of Sioux. The name is of 
foreign origin and can not be ex- 
plained by the Arapaho. The Black- 
feet are sometimes also called by them 
Watd'nitd si, “black feet.” 

-GrREASY Facks—one of the three bands 
of the northern Arapaho. 
ent chief is Spotted Horse. 

GROSVENTRES (OF THE PRAIRIE)—the 
name by which the Ad niné/na (Arapaho 


Gawune na — one 


Their pres- 


division) are commonly known to the 
whites. 


THE GHOST DANCE RELIGION 


[ETH. ANN, 14 


The correct French form is Gros Ven- 
tres des Prairies, ‘‘Big Bellies of the 
Prairie,” to distinguish them from the 
Minitari’, or Hidatsa, who were called 
Gros Ventres du Missouri. The term 
Gros Ventres, as applied to this division 
of the Arapaho, is derived from a mis- 
conception of the Indian gesture sign 
for the tribe, which 
“belly people,” i. e. 
‘‘heggars.” 
Gi g@hawa't — the 
shinny. 
Gun — but. 
Gushi/né—throw it! (imperative singu- 
lar). Asegi’, I throw it; chegi’, throw 
it here! 

Ha’ dnake'i—rock, the rock. 

Ha’ anini—toreibly, violently. 

Habatd' nani hi—for Bitina’ni. 


really denotes 

““spongers ” or 
y Io 

woman’s game of 

See Arapaho song 7. 


Ha‘ da wuha' na—we have made them des- 
olate; we have deprived them of all 
happiness. 

Hageni'stit—he is making it across the 
water. Compare Hani'stit. 

Hahat—the cottonwood tree (Populus 
monilifera). 

Ha-ina'té —it lies there, it lies upon it. 

Hiitnawa—I know, Nihawa, I do not 
know. 

Ha'ka—Weeause. Dichin has the 
meaning. 

Ha'ni— tor Ha’ dnind. 

Hind chi-thi'a/k— Sitting Bull, the Arap- 
aho apostle of the ghost dance; from 
hdnd’ chi, a buttalo bull, and thi/dk, he is 
sitting. Inearly youth, before going to 
Wyoming, he was called Bi'téye, ‘‘ Cap- 
tor.” 

Ha‘naéhi—little boy (vocative). 

Ha'nahawu'nén (singular). 

Ha'nahawuné na— one of the five divisions 
of the Arapaho, but now practically 
extinct. The meaning of the name is 
unknown, but the final syllables are 
from hiné/na, signifying ‘‘men,” or 


same 


‘“neople.” 
Hindi 
Hit’ niin higu tha-u— tor Né hiqu tha, 


i—at the boundaries. 


Hiina’nawu' ndinu—those who haye been 
taught (?). 
Hiinii téhiné na—1 win 
means of something). 
hi'ndt—It will win 
A niitiihi'nénd, Twin. 
Hiini—for Hiini'ini. 


the game (by 


the game. 


MOONEY] ARAPAHO 

Hiv nibiwd hind— on its account lam made 
tocry; for its sake I amerying. Com- 
pare Bahibiwa'hina. 

Hiini' chitbihindéna—I1 am gambling with 
it. Compare Dd'chibi/hati' tani. 

Hiini'in!—hby this means, by its means; 
abbreviated to hédinii or hini. 

Hiini‘iniahwna—I fly around with it. 

Hénina'ta—it is lying there (inanimate). 
Sdshi'ndna, I lie down. 

Hiini'nihiga huna’ — for Hani'ini nihiga’- 
huna,—by its means I am running 
swiftly. 

Hani'stit—he has finished it, now he has 
finished it. Compare Hageni'stit. 

Hiinita'quna‘ni—in the pitfall; 
ta'quna, apitfall, See Arapaho song 47. 

Ha qihana—‘‘ wolves,” one of the five 
bands of the southern Arapaho. 

Hii subinina—he has givenit to us. Com- 
pare Béni nina. 

Hii téi’naku'ni—you may have it. 
thana‘na, I have it. 

Haténa'wundni‘na—he is about to take 
pity on me. Néawu/ndina, I pity him; 
aww nani or ne'chawu'nani, have pity on 
me; nitawunana, I take pity on them. 
Compare Ti’ awawu nani, 

Hd tanbii na —I wish to paint myself with 
it. Biinanihd'ya, | paint myself. 

Ha tani‘ bit na— for Ha'tanbii'na. 

Hatdni/ina'dané’na—I am about to use 
him to ‘“‘make medicine,” i. e., to per- 
form a sacred ceremony (remote future), 
The immediate future is hatdni/nada- 
nena; int is the root of to use; nada- 
né'na, is to ‘‘make medicine,” from the 
root néna, to sing. 
for ‘‘song” and ‘‘medicine” are also 
nearly the same. See Arapaho song 
33. 

Hatiéni'niahwhi'na—he is going to make 
me fly around. 
flying; gaya’ahuha, I make him fly. 

Ha'tani'nitani‘na—for Hatni'tani/na. 

Hatéchi‘na—the basket bowl used in the 
dice game. See Arapaho song 64. 

Hii thiibé'na (-wa)—I hand it to you. 
Ha'thahii—star dance; the dance of the 
Hd'thahwha. See Arapaho song 43. 
Hd thahuw/ha—star people, from hd'tha, 
star; one of the degrees of the Arapaho 
military organization. See Arapaho 

song 43, 

Héthi‘na—he tells me, he says to me. 

Present, hithi’‘na; future, nihiithi'na; 


from 


Nini'- 


The gesture sign 


Hani niahu'na, 1 am 


GLOSSARY 1017 
perfect, hatnithiina; heitdwuni'na, it 
tells me; de tawuni'na, another form for 
“he told me.” 

Ha'ti—for Ha‘hat. 

Hatiku tha—the humming toy used by 
boys of the prairie tribes. 
aho song 

Hiitina hawa' béd—you 
hin; 


See Arap- 


Ds 

(plural) will see 

nana‘ hawd, I see him; 
wana, we see them; nahdbi'na, he saw 
me; na@hawi, I saw him; he'ndd‘awd, 
when I see it; fahunaha'thihi'na, to 
make me see them. Nina‘hawa, I look 
at him. 

Hiitine bitku'thana—let us play né'bihw'- 
thana, the awl game. See Arapaho 
song 64, ; 

Hitini' tubi/bé—he is calling you (plural) ; 
nini‘tuwa, Teall him. 

Hiiti ta-uséta‘na—let us play ta‘-uséta’na, 
See Arapaho song 64. 

Hii tnaa'waa' —it is about to move (imme- 
diate future). 

Hétnaawaa-uhu—tor Hd tnaa' waa’. 

Hatni‘tani'na—he will hear me. Néni/- 
ta‘nd, I hear him; nitabd'na, I hear it; 
nini'dandti, I heard him. In the form 
in Arapaho song 61, Hatani’nitani’na, 
the syllable ni is repeated in the body 
of the word to fill in the meter. 

Hatni'thi'aka'tana—we have it in the 
center. Nahi thad'ntand, I am the ecen- 
ter; ndéhi'thidni'na‘ta, it is in the center. 

Hayana'-w'si'ya— for Ya" na-u'si'ya. 

He!—an unmeaning exclamation used in 
the songs. 

Heché’ —when again. 


ni naha- 


He'e'e'} —an unmeaning exclamation used 
in the songs. 

He'ce' di ehe yuhe' yu! —ibid, 

He’ eye’! —ibid. 


He'itawuni’‘na—it tells me. Compare 
Hithi'na. 
He'ndd' awad—when I see it. Compare 


Hiitina hawa bi. 

He'nagana’wanén— when we dance until 
daylight. The root is naga’nh, daylight, 
ordawn. Nibd’tand, I dance; ni'nagdn- 
awa'ni, we have danced until daylight. 
Compare Bidta hina ni. 

Hest/‘na—the father. Hesina‘nin, 
father; nisi’na, my father, 
hi-nisi’na-hu of the songs. 

Hestina'nin—our father. Compare He- 
sina, 


our 
whence 


Heétabi'nuhu'nina—ILam poor; lam needy, 
b n 


1018 THE 


Héthéhinéna—Dog men, from héth, dog, 
and hiné’na, men; one of the degrees of 
the Arapaho military organization. 
See Arapaho song 43. 

Heéthéwa'wi— The dance of the Héthéhin- 
&na. See Arapaho song 43. 

He'wa-u'sa—you are a young crow, you 
are the offspring of the crow; ho or hu, 
crow; hosa, a young crow, a little crow: 
This was the Indian name of Little 
Raven, the noted Arapaho chief, who 
died a few years ago. 

He yahe' eye! —an unmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 

He yiiya' ahe'ye !— ibid. 

He'yoho'ho !—ibid. 

Hi'a!—ibia, 

Hi bithini'na —they are flying about it. 
Ninad'niahu'tawa, Tam flying abont it. 
Compare Ndnii‘ahu'na. 

Hichad qawi—the dance of the Hichad qu- 
thi. See Arapaho song 43, 

Hichad' quthi— Club men, from chad/tha, a 
club; one of the degrees of the Arapaho 
military organization. Arapaho 
song 43. 

Hi chiiba'-i—high up, on high, i. e., in 
heaven, in the sky, or in a tree top. 

Higa ahina’-it— ‘The man with the coy- 
ote gun;” from gaahi'na, the ‘coy- 
ote men;” a camp guard or picket 
among the Arapaho. See Arapabo 
song 41. 

Hiiti!'—an unmeaning exclamation used 
in the songs. 

Hindi —here; here it is. 

Hiniitihi’k—it is! (strongly affirmative), 
Compare Hi'nd. 

Hinwithi—the long wing-feather (re- 
ferring to the longest wing pinion, 
worn on the head). 

Hina’ wiin—his paint; hind/w’, (red) paint, 
the Indian clay paint; nina‘w, my 
paint; hena’w’, your paint. 

Hi'ni or i'ni—that, that one. 

Hi'nini’ !—an unmeaning 
nal. 

Hi'niqa aga’ yetu'sa—for Hi'ni niqaga' ya- 
tusd. 

Hinisa’na—his children, 
sana. 

FHinisti'nahu—tfor Nisi’na. 

Hisii'—my female comrade, or companion 
(vocative). 

FTi'stihihi—tor Hist’, 

FHise'hi—ibid. 


' 


See 


song termi- 


Compare Ndni- 


GHOST-DANCE RELIGION 


[ETH. ANN. 14 


Hitési'na— (singular, Hi'tési) — ‘‘ scarred 
people,” the Arapaho name for the 
Cheyenne. From hitdshi'ni, searred or 
eut. 

Hiti'cha — this 
nina. 

Hiticha'ni—for Hiti'cha. 

Hitu'nena—the name by whieh the Ad ni- 
néna or Arapaho Grosventres of the 
Prairie are known to the rest of the 
tribe. Another form 
It signifies ‘‘ begging men,” or more ex- 
actly ‘‘spongers,” the terminal part 
being from hind na, “men.” The Arap- 
aho call the Sioux Natni, and the As- 
iniboin Tu-natni, or ‘begging Sioux.” 

Hi‘yu—here it is. Néyu, there it is; 
hdyu, where is it? what is it? 

Ho—crow; usually duplicated as Huhu 
or Ahuhw in the songs. The crow is 
the sacred bird of the Ghost dance, and 
is also held sacred by the Algonquian 
tribes generally. See Arapaho song 36. 

Ho'sa—‘‘ Little Crow,” better known as 
“Little Raven,” the celebrated chief 
of the southern Arapaho, He died a 
few years ago and was succeeded by 
the present head chief Na’wat or Left 
Hand. 
“crow,” and sa, the diminutive. 

Hu! 
times used by devotees and priests in 
the Ghost dance when under strong 
excitement, as Hu! Hu! Hu! 

Hunspus—the name given by old New 
England writers to the Indian dice 
game. See Arapaho song 68. 

Huhu—tor Ho. 

Hu'nd—crows; plural of ho or hu; figura- 
tively used in the songs for crow feath- 
ers worn on the head. 

Hw nakwnithi—wearers of the 
feathers; the name given to the seven 
leaders of the Ghost dance who wear 
crow feathers on their heads. Ho, crow; 
plural, hona or huna. 

Hu'wisd'na—I go straight to it, 
you go, ete; qanu'wisit, he goes, ete, 

Huyu—another form of Hiyu. 

Ih!—an unmeaning exclamation used in 
the songs. 

IKUNUHKATSI — ‘ All Comrades,” 
military society of the Blackfeet. 
Arapaho song 43. 

Indhabi'i—Look on us! Nina‘hawa, I 
look at him, Compare Achiga/hawa. 


pipe. Compare Ati‘cha- 


is Hitu'néni’na. 


The name is derived from ho, 


an unmeaning exclamation some- 


crow 


Huwi sd, 


the 
See 


MOONEY | ARAPAHO 

I'nit— timber. 

Inita‘ta-usdé’na—stand ready ! (imperative 
plural) Néni‘tata’-usé’na, 1 am ready. 

Ini'na-i'na—the name used by the Arap- 
aho to designate themselves. It sig- 
nifies ‘four people,” or ‘‘ people of our 
kind.” 

I'thaq—a gut; a sheath or case made of 
bear gut. See Arapaho song 41. 

I'thetihi— good. 

TIyahwh— gone, it is all gone. 

Tyehe’ !— an unmeaning exclamation used 
in the songs. 

T'yehe'eye— ibid, 

Tyu—another form of Hi'yu. 

KANINAHOIC —the Ojibwa name for the 
Arapaho. 

KANINA/VISH — ibid. 
Kawinahan—the form used by Hayden 
for Gawuné'na or Gawunéhdna, q. Vv. 
Ku'niahu'na —I fly with it on my head. 
Magrl’ato —the Sioux name for the 
Arapaho. It signifies ‘‘ blue cloud, i.e., 
a clear sky;” reason unknown. 

MINNETAREES OF FORT DE PRAIRIE— 
The name given by Lewis and Clark to 
the dd/ninéna or Arapaho Grosventres. 
The Ad ninéna are known to the French 
Canadians as Gros Ventres des Prai- 
ries, while the Minitari are called by 
them Gros Ventres du Missouri, and 
the American explorers 
compounded the two names. 

Niia'wunani‘nid—he takes pity 
Compare Hatdna’wundni'na. 

Na'chichaba'n—they are still making it. 
Ni nistind, 1 make it; 
still make it. 

Naga'qg—the morning star. See Arapaho 
songs 67 and 72. The word literally 
means ‘‘ a cross.” 

Nahdbi/na—he saw me. 
na’ hawa' ba. 

Na‘hani—here! look! 
hawa, 

Naha'ta—look at it! (imperative singu- 
lar). Compare Achiqa‘hawa. 

Na‘hawaii’ — for Na‘hawii'. 

Noa‘ hawii—Tsaw him. Compare Hatina’- 
hawd ba. 

Ni‘hibiwa‘huna—then IL begin to ery or 
lament. Compare Bdahibiwa'hina. 

Nw hibi'wahuna'na—then I wept. 
pare Bihibiwd' hina. 

Ni hiqu'tha—I throw it. Nina/gu’tha, I 
throw it where it can not be found, 


incorrectly 


on us. 


Niisu'nistind, I 


Compare Hiéti- 


Compare Achiqa’- 


Com- 


GLOSSARY 1019 


Ni‘hind'n—stop! 
Ni'inaha’tddbi’nag —I then saw the mul- 
titude plainly. 
Na‘kash—sage; the wild sage (Arte- 
misia); the name of a prominent north- 
ern Arapaho. 
Na kasiné'na—the 


name by which the 


northern Arapaho call themselves. It 
signifies ‘sagebrush men,” from 


na‘kash, “sagebrush,” and hiné’na or 
hiné/nina, the plural of hiné’n, ‘man.’ 
They are called Ba/achinéna by the 
other Arapaho, and Tégyd‘ko by the 
Kiowa. 

Nand —it is that, that is the thing. 

Na’ naga’ qanet—- white-skinned (singu- 
lar); from na/‘gud, white (organic) and 
wand'g, skin. Nétna’cha, white (inor- 
ganic) ; either na gud or nina’ cha may be 
used in speaking of a house. Na‘na- 
ga qanet is one of the Arapaho names 
for the whites, the ordinary term being 
Nia’thn, q.v. See also Niha' nataye' chet. 

Nanaha'thahi—he showed me. 
a'tha, T show him. 

Néind/nina—it is I, 1 am he (emphatic). 

Nana'thina’ni—he came to take me, he 
came for me. In the songs the adverb 
‘¢when” ‘where’? is sometimes 
understood with the verb. See Arap- 
aho song 38, 

Niine'th — when I met him. 

Nii’ niahu' na —for Ndnii'ahu'na, 

Néinibii'tawd —I am singing it; Néni/bina, 
Ising; nibd’t, a song. 

Néinibé' tia—for Ndniba tawd. 

Na nihithdtw/hina—thus I shouted, or 


Nanah- 


or 


called. Nédni in composition signifies 
“thus.” 
Néani'ibé—it is spotted. 
Nani‘nibind'si—the wind makes them 
sing. Néni‘bina, I sing. Compare 
Nénibi' tawa. 


Nénisa'na—for Nédni'sanaii’. 

Néni'sandii’ or Néni’sandqg—my children. 
Néni'sa, my older child; néni‘sané'ae’, 
my young child. 

Ndnisa'tagi—tor Ni'sataq, seven. 

Nénisa' taquthi— for Ni sataq, seven. 

Nd nitha'tuhi’na—for Né nihithatu' hina. 

Néiniwwhund—I earry it as I fly aboutin 
circles. Compare Hi'bithini‘na with 
Taheti niahwna. 

Nasu‘siyakunawa—I am stripping it. I 
am unsheathing it. Compare Sd’ni- 
yagunawa’. 


1020 THE 


Na/tinuw'ya—what I am using. Tanu'- 
niwa’, L use it. 

Na’tenehi’'na—another form of Natni or 
Na’'tnihi'na, 

Na'tni or Na‘tnihi na—the Arapaho name 
for the Sioux. The etymology is un- 

known, but it may possibly be a form 

of Na‘dowe, the generic Algonquian 
name for Indians of a different stock. 
toy); from 

See Arapaho song 65. 

No waa tintii—I prayed to him; ni/awdaa'- 
tant, I am praying (to him). 

Na'wat—*“ Left Hand,” present head chiet 
of the southern Arapaho. 

Na'wathin’ha—the name by which the 
southern Arapaho are known to the 
rest of the tribe. It signifies ‘‘south- 
erners,” and is said to be an archaic 
form for Nawuné/na, the name by which 
the southern Arapaho call themselves. 

of the 
southern Arapaho. It signifies ‘‘south- 
ern men,” from na‘iwun, “south,” and 
hiné’na, ‘men.’ They are called Nawa'- 
thiné/ha, “southerners,” by the north- 
ern Arapaho, which is said to be the 
archaic form, 

Naya qit—the whirlwind. The powers 
and phenomena of nature are generally 
personified in Indian thought and lan- 
guage. 

Ni yu—-there it is. Compare /yu. 

Nea-i' qaha'ti—for Ne‘ia-i qahat. 


Natu wani'sa—my top (a 
uwani'sa, a top. 


Na winéna—the proper name 


Nei thibiwa'‘na—the place where crying 
begins. Compare Bihibiwa hina, 

Ne biiku'thana—the ‘‘awl game” 
women of the prairie tribes. 
aho song 64. 


of the 
See Arap- 


Né chit hit— he gave me this grateful gift; 
he gave ime this, for which Iam thank- 
ful. 

Né cha wu'nani—have pity on me (impera- 
tive singular). Compare Hatana’wun- 
ani na, 

Nehawawund'na—I have no sympathy 
with him, Compare Ti/awawu'nanu, 
Neé‘ia-i qahat—now he is collecting them; 

now he begins to gather them. 

Ne'na(-hu)—my mother. 
father. 

Nesii/na—another form of Nisi'na, 

Neti‘qtawa—my tigqtava or throwing- 
stick. The game is called bati qhiba, 
abbreviated to ti/qtip. The throwing- 
stick is called bati'qtawa or ti'qtawa. 
See Arapaho song 68, 


Nesi'na, my 


GHOST-DANCE 


RELIGION (ETH. ANN, 14 

Neé'tita’wahu—tor Neti‘gtawa. 

Nine thahi’nanina—he did not recog- 
nizeme. Thenegative idea is contained 
indné'th; éninani'na, he recognized me. 

Ni‘dnita'wathi—they push hard, i. e., they 
persevere. push 
hard; Ido my best; I do right. 

Nia'rhari’s - ktirikiwa’s -huski—proper 
Wichita name for the Arapaho, 

Nisa‘ kua‘na—Tam looking on, or watch- 

and 


Niini‘dni'tawana, I 


ing. Compare Hédtina/hawa' bi 
Achiqahawa. 

Nia‘thu or Nia’ thud —the white people; 
singular, Nia‘tha. The word signifies 
literally expert, skillful, or wise, and 
is also the Arapaho name for the spider, 
The word for ‘‘ white” is nu'na‘cha’d. 
Compare Na/naga'qdanét and Niha'nd- 
taye'chet. 

Niathu'a-u—for Niathu'a. 

Niati'biku'thahu— tor Niatibiku'thaihi. 

Niati/bikw'thathi— they are rolling it. 

Nibii'‘nakwnithi—they all wear it on 
their heads. Ninaku'na, I wear it on 
my head. 

Nibd‘t—song. Compare Ndnibd@'tawd. 

Nibié’tia— for Niba't. 

Ni'binu— for Niibi'na, 

Ni'bithi't—I have nothing to eat, 

Ni'chid —river. 

Ni‘chihiné’‘na—‘“viver men,” the Arapaho 
name for the Kiowa. From _ ni’chid, 
river, and hiné’na, men, so called from 
the former residence of the Kiowa on 
upper Arkansas river, from which they 
were driven by the Arapaho and Sioux. 

Niesa'na, or Ni’ehisa’‘na—the young birds. 
Nithé, bird; ni“hisa, a young bird. 

Niha‘ndtaye chet— yellow -hided 
lar); from niha/ne, yellow, and nata- 
yech, a hide; one of the Arapaho names 
for the whites. 


(singu- 


Tne ordinary term is 
Nia‘thu, q. v. 

Nihigvhu—he is running. Nédniga’na, I 
run; ndniihiga, he runs; nihiga‘huna, 1 
am running swiftly. 

Nihiqahuna—lLamrunning swiftly. Com- 


pare Nihiga‘hu. 
Nihii'nii— forcibly, swittly. 
Niibina—I gave it to them. 
Beni nina. 
Niitegu—for Nii téhag. 
Nii'téhag —it was he, he was the one. 


Compare 


Niitu'qawigi’nié —where they were com- 
ing down; where they were descend- 


ing toward us, 


MOONEY] ARAPAHO 
Ninad/niahu'na—I fly in circles (habit- 
ual); I am constantly flying about in 
Compare Hi bithini'‘na and 
Taheti'niahw na, 
Ninadi/niahw tawa—I am tlying 
Compare Hi bithini'na. 
Ninad' qawa' —I go around it. 
Ni‘nagdnawa‘ni—we have danced until 
daylight. Compare He nagana™ wanen 
and Bita‘hina ni. 
Ninahawa'na—we see 
Hiitina hawa' ba. 
Nindninati‘nakuni‘na—It is I who have 
(wear) it on my head; Tam the one who 
ties if on my head. 
Ninén—tallow. 
Niniha‘niahwna—1_ tly 


circles. 


about it. 


them. Compare 


around yellow. 
Niha‘ne, yellow. Compare Hi/bithini‘na 
and Ndnii’ahu'na. 

Ni/nini/tubi'na—he has called me. 


Nini‘ténd’i—1I heard him, Compare 
Hatni' tani na, 
Ninitu’sa—making a sound, resound- 


ing. 

Ni‘ga—father (vocative; no possessive 
pronoun implied). A more reverential 
or affectionate form than nisina. 

Niqaga'ydtusa—the loudest sounding, the 
loudest of all. The idea of “loudest” 
is contained in qaga’y’, and of ‘‘sound- 
ing” in tusa. See Ninitu’sa. 

Ni qahw hu’ —for Ni'qa. 

Ni/qana‘ga—that one buffalo bull; there 
is asolitary bull. Héindi'chii, a buffalo 
bull, is changed in the song to gana’ga. 
Ni in composition denotes alone, single, 
from nisi, only one; chiisaiy , one. 

Nisa'‘na—the same as nisii’na or nesina, 
my father. 

Ni/satag—seven. See Yathin. 

Nisi’na—my father. Compare Hesi'na. 

Ni’ tabé‘na—I hear it. Compare Hatni- 
tani'na. 

Nitabid‘tani— we are dancing. Compare 
Biita‘hina'ni. 

Nita-i/sa—my relative. 

Ni/tawuna’na—I take pity on them. Com- 
pare Hatdna’wunani na. 

Nithi/na—he said it, he has said it (im- 
mediate past). Compare Hathi'na. 

Nuha'wii— Fox dance; the dance of the 
Nuhiné'na. See Arapaho song 43, 

Nuhinéna--Fox men, from nu, fox and 
hine‘na, men; one of the degrees of the 
Arapaho military organization. 
Arapaho song 43. 


See 


GLOSSARY 1021 

Nw nagiina’-wdt—he came with it, he 
brought it with him. 

Minaha'wi—one of the degrees of the 
Arapaho military organization; the 


meaning of the word is unknown. See 
Arapaho song 43. 
Nw nani’ naa tani’na— he is circling above 


me. See Arapaho song 39. 

Ninani/naku'ti—I1 am cireling it, I am 

raving it about in circles. 

Nw sa-icha'‘tha—the ceremonial crook or 
lance carried by the leader of the 

See Arapaho song 43. 

Qa‘qa-wniitha—the ‘‘throwing sticks” 
used in the game of the béd’qati. See 
Arapaho song 49. 

Sani/TIKA—Pawnee name for the Arap- 
aho; from the Comanche name Sd'rétika, 
“dog eaters.” 

Si‘niyagunawa'—I have stripped it, I 
have unsheathed it. 
I am stripping it, I am unsheathing it. 

Si’pant—the Shoshoni name for the 
Ad'ninéna or Arapaho Grosventres. It 
signifies ‘belly people,” from  sdp, 
belly. and ni, the tribal suffix. 

‘RETEKA—Comanche and  Shoshoni 
name for the Arapaho. It signifies 
“ dog-eaters,” from sare, dog, and téka, 
a form of the verb to eat, in allusion 
to their special fondness for dog flesh. 
The name is also sometimes used by 
the Wichita. 

Siisa’bi-ithi— looking around, i.e., wateh- 

One of the five bands 

of the southern Arapaho. 

bear,” 


Bita' hinéna. 


Nasu’ siyakunawa, 


ers or lookouts. 


Se hiwiq —‘‘ weasel from sea 
weasel, and wig, bear; also rendered 
as ‘gray bear,” from se, gray, and 
wiq, bear. The name of the keeper 
of the séicha or sacred pipe of the 
Arapaho. See Arapaho song 2. 

Séicha—‘ flat pipe,” from séi, flat, and 
hicha, pipe. The sacred pipe and tribal 
“medicine” of the Arapaho. See Arap 
aho song 2. 

Ta dwin— strike it (imperative singular). 

Tabini‘na—he (she) gave it tome. Com- 
pare Leni’ nena. 

Ta‘ chawa'gina—while I am carrying a 
load of (buffalo) beef a horse. 
Ha‘ gi’, 1 carry a load of beef ona horse 
in motion; second person, hagi’ni; 
third person, hagi'ti; ta’, pretix in 
composition with the verb, implies 
“while.” 


on 


1022 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH ANN. 14 
Tahétiniahwna—1 make the deep, or Ti’awawu'ndnu—when I sympathized 
loud, thunder as [ fly about in circles with them, when [liked them. I sym- 
(habitual). Compare Ninad’niahu'na pathize with him, tidwu'ndnd. Ti or 


and Tahuna dnd'niahuna. See Arapaho 
song 27. 

Ta huna ind niahu'na—I make the thun- 
der (or loud resounding noise) as I fly 
about in cireles (habitual). Compare 
Ninad/niahwna and Taheti'niahu'na. 

Tahu nahathihi'na—to make me see them, 
Compare Hitina hawa' bd. 

Ta'na-w' qahe'na—he put me there. 
uqa’, | put him there (present). 

Tani bdthd —** pierced noses,” the Arap- 
aho name for the Caddo; tani, nose. 

Ta thiaku'tawa—I_ stood (?). 
The regular form for ‘‘T was standing 
upon it” is Niqtd’saku'na. 

Ta'-uscta‘na or Ta'-uséta‘tina— literally 
“striking,” or ‘throwing against” 
something; the dice game of the women 
of the prairie tribes. See Arapaho song 
64. 

Ta’ wind —for Ta‘cawin. 

Tébé—at first, the first time, in the be- 
ginning. 

Té' be tana’-isét— when he first eame; tébé, 
the first time. 

Tha kw hinéna—“* whetstone men,” or 
‘Kknife-whetting men,” the Arapaho 
name for the Kiowa Apache (Na-diisha- 
Dena), and for all other southern Atha- 
pasean tribes known to them, including 
the Lipan, Mescalero, Jicarilla, and 
Apache proper. The sign for Apache in 
the sien language of the plains also 
conveys the same idea, being made by 
briskly rubbing the left forefinger with 
the right, as though whetting a knife. 

the for the 

Kiowa Apache, seems to have a con- 


upon it 


Gataka, -awnee name 
nection with this word, 

Théni'ehinina— 1am a bird, from niehe, 
bird. 

Thi'aku— they are there. 

Thi dya—the sweat-house mound. The 
name is also applied to a stone heap or 

See Arapaho song 34, 

Thidiya' na—on the thi'dya or sweat-house 


monument. 


mound. 

Thidya'né—at the thi'dya or sweat-house 
mound, 

Thigiindwa't—the Ghost dance, from thig, 
ghost or spirit of a dead person, and 


biita't, a dance. Compare Bita‘hina’ni. 


Nita'- 


tihi in composition with verbs usually 
conveys the idea of ‘‘ when.” Nehawa'- 
wundna, I have no sympathy with him. 
Compare Hatdna’ wundni'na. 
Ti'naha'thihu—I show it to them (habit- 
ual), or to show it to them. 
thihu, I show it to him. 


Ni'naha'- 


Ti'qtip—the common abbreviated form 
of Bati'qtibd, q. v. 

Uhiyeyeheye!—an unmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 

Ctnitha’ wuchd wahdndinina—we shall 
surely again be put (with something 
understood). The idea of ‘‘ surely” is 
contained in wtni’ thawi; from 
chiéi/hti, “again.” 

Wa'ku(-hu) —a feather to wear on the 
head. 

Wa'ku'na — feathers worn on the head; 
a feather headdress. They are usu- 
ally painted and beaded, and sometimes 
mounted on a small stick. A single 
feather thus worn is called wa‘ku. 

WakINYAN-O1— Thunder’s Track. The 
Sioux name of a locality in eastern 
South Dakota. See Arapaho song 14. 

Waqui'si— Ugly Face Woman, an Arap- 
ahoman, Hi’si, woman, is frequently 
abbreviated to si in composition. 

Wa‘ quithi— Bad faces, or Ugly faces; the 
principal of the five bands of the south- 
ern Arapaho. Their chief, Nawat, or 
Left Hand, is also the principal chief 
of the southern branch of the tribe. 

Watdna'ni—a black mark or picture, 

black. Arapaho 


chad is 


from watd yd, See 
song 49, 

Wa’ téin-ga'a— Black Coyote, from wa'tén, 
black, and ga‘a, coyote. A southern 
Arapaho, captain of the Indian police, 
and one cf the principal leaders of the 
Ghost dance among the Arapaho. 

Wa'wa—now; it also gives the idea of 
done, or completed. 

Wa'wagathdé na—I have already put him 

Wawa 
or waw’, “now,” in composition, gives 
the idea of ‘‘already” or 
action. 

Wa'wdna'dand did —T am about to hum 
(i. e., with the Hétiku'tha), See Arap- 
abo song 25, 


aside, now I have put him aside, 


completed 


MOONEY] ARAPAHO 

Wawéthdbich& chininabdnaquwa-u-inagathi 
—I have given you (plural) again, a 
headdress of magpie feathers ; from wa’- 
withd' bichd chin nabd'nak, I have given 
it backagain; wa’-u-i, magpie ; waga’ this 
a bird’s tail feathers. In the verb the 
root is from bini’na, I give it to him; 
waw denotes completion, as “already” 
done; ché implies repetition or return 
of action. See Arapaho song 56. 

Winayw uhu—for they are 
new. Jii/nayd’, it is new. 

Ya gaahi'na—for Ya‘hagaahi'na. 

Yahagaahi'na—the ‘coyote gun” or 
ceremonial club of the Ga’‘ahiné’na or 
‘Coyote men.’”’ See Arapaho song 41. 

Yahe'eye'!—an unmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 

Ya‘ na-w'si'_ya—how bright the moonlight 
is! Na‘-w’si/ya, the moonlight is bright. 


Wi nayw'it 
, 


GLOSSARY 1023 
Ya thayti'na—five places, in five places; 
from ya'thin, five, and yina, places. 
Ya'thin—five. Other numerals are: 1, 
chii'saiy’ ; 2, héni’si; 3, hénd'si; 4, yen; 5, 
ya'thi or ya' thin; 6, ni‘tataq; 7, ni‘sa- 
taq; 8, ndsatag ; 9, thi‘ataq ; 10, wétdtag ; 
20, ni’sa ; 29, ni'sa-thi’atdqu'n ; 30, ndsa ; 
40, ye'ya; 50, ya'thaiya ; 60, nitati’sa ; 
70, ni‘satisa; 80, nd’sati’sa; 90, thi'- 

ati'sa; 100, we’ tdti’sa. 

Ye/nis —the wild rose. The rosebush is 
ye'nis; the seed berry is ye'nuwn, liter- 
ally ‘‘louse child,” from the resem- 
blance of the seeds to nits or lice. 
Arapaho song 29. 

Ye'nisiti’na— with the wild rose; from 
ye'nis, the wild rose, and ti/nag, with. 

Veh @@whihi’— an unmeaning word 
combination of syllables used in the 
gambling songs. See Arapaho song 69. 


See 


THE CHEYENNE 


TRIBAL SYNONYMY 


Ba hakosin—Caddo name; ‘‘striped arrows,” bah, arrow. 


The Caddo sometimes 


also call them Siii/niibo, from their Comanche name. 


Cheyenne— popular name, a French spelling of their Sioux name. 


It has no connec- 


tion with the French word chien, ‘‘ dog.” 
Dzitsi' stds — proper tribal name; nearly equivalent to “our people.” 


Gatsa’lghi— Kiowa Apache name. 


Hitdési'‘na (singular Hitési)— Arapaho name, signifying ‘‘scarred people,” from 


hitdshi'ni, ‘scarred or cut.” 


According to the Arapaho statement the Cheyenne 


were so called because they were more addicted than the other tribes to the 


practice of gashing themselves in religious ceremonies. 


The name may have 


more special reference to the tribal custom of cutting off the fingers and hands 


of their slain enemies. 


(See tribal sign, page 1024.) 


Ttdsupuzi— Hidatsa name, ‘spotted arrow quills” (Matthews). 
Ka’ nahedwastsik—Cree name, ‘‘ people with a language somewhat like Cree” (Grin- 


nell). 
Niere'rikwats-kini' ki— Wichita name. 
Nanoni' ks-kare'niki— Kichai name. 


. 


Pdgdndvo —Shoshoni and Comanche name; ‘‘ striped arrows,” from pdga, ‘ arrow,” 


and ndvo, ‘ striped.” 


Sik‘ o'ta— Kiowa name; seems to refer to ‘“ biting.” 
Sa-sis-e-tas — proper tribal name according to Clark (Indian Sign Language, 99, 1885). 
The form should be Dzitsi’stiés as given above. 


Shaiela or Shaiena— Sioux name; ‘‘red,” or decorated with red paint. 


According to 


Riggs, as quoted by Clark, the Sioux call an alien language a ‘‘ red” language, 
while they designate one of their own stock as ‘‘ white,” so that the name would 


be equivalent to ‘‘aliens.” 


The Sioux apply the same name also to the Cree. 


Shid’navo — another Comanche name, probably a derivative from the word Cheyenne. 
Shiée'da — another Wichita name, derived from the word Cheyenne. 


Staitan—unidentified tribal name, given by Lewis and Clark. 


Identical with the 


Cheyenne, from their own word Histé‘itén, ‘‘I am a Cheyenne.” 


14 ETH—PT 2 25 


1024 THE GHOST DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


TRIBAL SIGN 

The Cheyenne tribal sign, made by drawing the right index finger 
several times across the left forefinger, is commonly interpreted ‘cut 
fingers” or ‘cut wrists,” and is said to be derived from their custom of 
cutting off the fingers and hands of slain enemies. Although the 
same practice was found among other tribes, the Cheyenne were par- 
ticularly distinguished in this regard. In Mackenzie’s great fight with 
the Cheyenne in Wyoming, in 1876, two necklaces made of human 
fingers were found in the captured Indian camp, together with a small 
bag filled with hands cut from the bodies of children of the Shoshoni 
tribe, their enemies. One of these necklaces was afterward deposited 
in the National Museum at Washington. (See Bourke in Ninth Annual 
Report of the Bureau of Hthnology.) Some competent Indian authori- 
ties say, however, that the sign is intended to indicate “ stripe people,” 
or ‘“striped-arrow people,” referring to the fact that the Cheyenne 
usually feathered their arrows with the striped feathers of the wild 
turkey. This agrees with the interpretation of the name for the Chey- 
enne in several different languages. 


SKETCH OF THE TRIBE 


The Cheyenne are one of the westernmost tribes of the great Algon- 
quian stock. In one of their ghost songs they sing of the ‘turtle 
river,” on which they say they once lived. (Cheyenne song 3.) From 
several evidences this seems to be identical with the Saint Croix, which 
forms the boundary between Wisconsin and Minnesota. This state- 
ment agrees with the opinion of Clark (Indian Sign Language), who 
locates their earliest tradition in the neighborhood of Saint Anthony 
falls. They were driven out by the Sioux and forced toward the 
northwest, where they came in contact with the Asiniboin (called by 
them Hohe’), with whom they were never afterward at peace. At a 
later period, according to Lewis and Clark, they lived on the Chey- 
enne branch of Red river, in northern Minnesota, whence they were 
again driven by the Sioux into the prairie. 

In 1805 they wandered about the head of Cheyenne river of Dakota 
and in the Black hills, and were at war with the Sioux, though at 
peace with most other tribes. Since then they have pushed on to the 
west and south, always in close confederation with the Arapaho. 
These two tribes say they have never known a time when they were 
not associated. About forty years ago, in Wyoming, the band since 
known as the northern Cheyenne separated from the others (Clark), 
and have since lived chiefly in Montana or with the Sioux, with whom 
the Cheyenne made peace about sixty years ago. The other and 
larger portion of the tribe continued to range chiefly on the lands 
of the Arkansas and Canadian in Colorado and the western part of 


MOONEY] DIVISIONS OF THE CHEYENNE 1025 


Kansas and Oklahoma. They and the Arapaho made peace with the 
Kiowa and Comanche in 1840, and raided in connection with these 
tribes into Texas and Mexico until assigned in 1869 to a reserva- 
tion in what is now western Oklahoma. In 1874 they, as well as the 
Kiowa, Comanche, and Kiowa Apache, again went on the warpath in 
consequence of the depredations of the buffalo hunters, but the out- 
break was speedily suppressed. In 1890 they sold their reservation 
and took allotments in severalty. The northern Cheyenne joined the 
Sioux in the “Custer war” of 1876-77, At the surrender of the hos- 
tiles they were removed to Oklahoma and placed with the southern 
Cheyenne, but were much dissatisfied with their location, the dis- 
satisfaction culminating in the attempt of a large party, under Dull 
Knife, to escape to the north, in September, 1878. They were pursued, 
and a part of them captured and confined at Fort Robinson, Nebraska, 
whence they made a desperate attempt to escape on the night of Jan- 
uary 9, 1879, resulting in the killing of nearly all of the prisoners. 
They were finally assigned a reservation in Montana, where they now 
are, with the exception of a few among the Sioux. According to the 
official report for 1892, the southern Cheyenne in Oklahoma numbered 
2,119, the northern Cheyenne in Montana, 1,200, and those with the 
Sioux at Pine Ridge, South Dakota, 120, a total of 3,439. 

The Cheyenne have eleven tribal divisions. They have at least two 
dialects, but probably more. The tribal divisions in their order in the 
camping circle are— 

1. Evi’sts-uni' pahis («smoky lodges” —Grinnell, fide Clark). 

2. Siita’ya or Si’tasi/na. This is one of the most important divisions 
and formerly constituted a distinct tribe, but was afterward incorpo- 
rated with the Cheyenne. According to concurrent Cheyenne and 
Blackfoot tradition, as given by Grinnell, they seem originally to have 
been a part of the Blackfeet, who became separated from the main 
body of their tribe by the sudden breaking up of the ice while crossing 
a large river. They drifted to the southward and finally met and 
joined the Cheyenne in the Black hills. Their name, spelled Suti by 
Grinnell, is said to mean ‘strange talkers.” They live now on the 
upper Washita in Oklahoma and speak a dialect differing considerably 
from that of the rest of the tribe. 

3. Usium-iti/niuw’, (“ridge-people;” singular, /’siwmi-téin—Grinnell, 
fide Clark). 

4, Héwd-tii/niuw’, “hairy men.” The name is also sometimes used 
collectively to designate all of the southern Cheyenne as distinguished 
from the northern Cheyenne, called collectively Hmi’sis. The southern 
Cheyenne are also designated collectively as So/wdnid, ** southerners.” 

5. Olivimd'na, “scabby.” This name ts said to have been given them 
originally on account of an epidemic which once broke out among their 
horses and rendered them mangy. 

6. Wi'tapi’w (“ haters” —Grinnell, fide Clark). 


1026 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [BTH. ANN. 14 


7. Hotd'mi-ti/niuw’, “dog men,” or Mi'stévii/nit, “heavy eyebrows.” 
This is also the name of one of the divisions of their warrior organi- 
zation. 

8. Otw/gini. 

9. Hmi'sis, eaters.” This is the most important division of the 
northern Cheyenne, and the name is also used by those of the south 
to designate all the northern Cheyenne collectively. 

10. Anskowit/nis, 

11. Pini'tgw’. 


Fig. 100—Cheyenne camping cirele. 


These are the names given to the author by the Cheyenne them- 
selves as the complete list of their tribal divisions. Grinnell, on the 
authority of the Clark manuscript, names six of these with two others, 
Matsi'shkota, “corpse from a seaftold,” and Miayima, “red lodges,” 
which may be identical with some of the others named above, or may 
perhaps be degrees of their military organization instead of tribal 
divisions. ’ 

In the great ceremony of the “ medicine arrow,” last enacted on the 
Washita in 1890, the camping circle opened to the south. At all other 
gatherings of the tribe the circle opened to the east, agreeable to the 


MOONEY] CHARACTER OF THE CHEYENNE 1027 


general Indian custom, the several divisions encamping in the order 
shown in figure 100. 

The Cheyenne, like the prairie tribes generally, are, or were until 
within a few years past, a nation of nomads, living in skin tipis, and 
depending almost entirely on the buffalo for food. Yet they have a dim 
memory of a time when they lived in permanent villages and planted 
corn, and in their genesis tradition, which occupies four ‘ smokes” or 
nights in the telling, they relate how they “lost” the corn a long time 
ago before they became wanderers on the plains. They deposit their 
dead on scaffolds in trees, unlike their confederates, the Arapaho, who 
bury in the ground. Their most sacred possession is the bundle of 
“medicine arrows,” now in possession of the southern division of the 
tribe. They have a military organization similar to that existing among 
the Arapaho and other prairie tribes, as described under number 43 of 
the Arapaho songs. Above all the tribes of the plains they are dis- 
tinguished for their desperate courage and pride of bearing, and are 
preeminently warriors among people whose trade is war. They are 
strongly conservative and have steadily resisted every advance of civil- 
ization, here again differing from the Arapaho, who have always shown 
a disposition to meet the white man half-way. In fact, no two peoples 
could well exhibit more marked differences of characteristics on almost 
every point than these two confederated tribes. The Cheyenne have 
quick and strong intelligence, but their fighting temper sometimes 
renders them rather unmanageable subjects with whom to deal. Their 
conservatism and tribal pride tend to restrain them from following 
after strange gods, so that in regard to the new messiah they assume a 
rather skeptical position, while they conform to all the requirements of 
the dance code in order to be on the safe side. 

Clark, in his Indian Sign Language, thus sums up the characteristies 
of the Cheyenne: 

As a tribe they have been broken and scattered, but in their wild and savage way 
they fought well for their country, and their history during the past few years has 
been written in blood. Themen of the Cheyenne Indians rank as high in the scale of 
honesty, energy, and tenacity of purpose as those of any other tribe I have ever met, 
and in physique and intellect they are superior to those of most tribes and the equal 
of any. Under the most demoralizing and trying circumstances they have preserved 
in a remarkable degree that part of their moral code which relates to chastity, and 
public sentiment has been so strong in them in regard to this matter that they have 
been, and afe still, noted among all the tribes which surround them for the virtue of 
their women. 

The Cheyenne language lacks the liquids / and ry. It is full of hiss- 
ing sounds and difficult combinations of consonants, so that it does not 
lend itself readily to song composition, for which reason, among others, 
the Cheyenne in the south usually join the Arapaho in the Ghost dance 
and sing the Arapaho songs. 


1028 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


SONGS OF THE CHEYENNE 


1. O'TA NA‘/NISI/NXSISTS 
O'tii nii‘nisi/niisists— Ehe’e’ye’! 
O'tii nii/nisi/niisists — Ehe’e‘ye’! 
Mii tesemii‘moestii/nowe't— Ahe’e’ye’! 
Mii tesemii’moestiinowe’t— Ahe’e’ ye’! 
Ho’ivitu’simo’moj'ts— BE ‘iihe’e’ye’! 
Ho’ivitu’simo moi’ts— E’iihe’e’ye’! 
Nu'ka/eshe’viio’e’tse’ 
Nitu’si/mitii/nun, 
Nitu’si/mitii/nun. 


Translation 


Well, my children — Lhe'e/ye'! 

Well, my children — Ehe’e’ye'! 

When you meet your friends again — A he'e'ye'! 
When yon meet your friends again — A he'e'ye'! 
The earth will tremble — E’éihe’e/ye'! 

The earth will tremble— E’ihe'e‘ye'! 

The summer cloud (?) 

It will give it to us, 

It will give it to us. 


The interpretation of this song is imperfect and the meaning is not 
clear. It evidently refers to the earthquake which it is supposed will 
occur at the moment of contact of the spirit world with the old earth. 
The literal meaning of the second line, rendered “ when you meet your 
friends again,” is ‘“‘ when you are living together again.” 


2. EHA’N ESHO‘INI' 

Ehii'n esho ini’, 

Ehii‘n esho ‘ini’, 

Hoi’v esho’ini’, 

Hoi'y esho‘ini’, 

I'yohii’ — Eye’ye’! 
I'yohii'— Eye’'ye’! 
I/nisto/niwo/ni— Ahe’'e‘ye’! 
I/nisto‘niwo/ni— Ahe’e'ye’! 


Translation 


Our father has come, 

Our father has come, 

The earth has come, 

The earth has come, 

It is rising — Lye’ ye’! 

It is rising — Lye'ye'! 

It is humming — Ahe’e'ye'! 
It is hamming — she’e’ye!! 


This is the song composed by Porcupine, the great leader of the Ghost 
dance among the northern Cheyenne. It refers to the coming of the 


MOONEY] EARLY CHEYENNE HABITAT 1029 


new earth which is to come over this old world and which is represented 
as making a humming or rolling noise as it swiftly approaches. 


3. NA'NISO/’NASI'STSINI’ 
Nii/niso’niisi’stsihi’, 
Nii/niso’niisi/stsihi’, 
Hi'tiiiini mii/noyu’hii’, 
Hi'tiii‘ni mii/noyuw hii’, 
Owa’ni tsi/nitai'-wosi/hi’, 
Owa‘ni tsi/nitai’-wosi'bi’, 
Tsi/nitai/-womai’-wosihi’, 
Tsi nitai/-womai’-wosihi’. 
Vhiani’ i/hiwo’uhi’, 

Thini’ i/hiwo'uhi’. 


Translation 


My children, my children, 

Here is the river of turtles, 

Here is the river of turtles, 
Where the various living things, 
Where the various living things, 
Are painted their different colors, 
Are painted their different colors. 
Our father says so, 

Our father says so. 


This song has a very pretty tune. The Cheyenne claim to have lived 
originally in the north on a stream known to them as the ‘“ River of 
Turtles.” Reverend H. R. Voth, former missionary among the Cheyenne 
and Arapaho, states that the Indians say that along the banks of this 
stream were clays of different colors which they used for paint. In a 
letter of October 1, 1891, he says: ‘‘ I have now in my possession some 
red and some gray or drab paint that Black Coyote brought with him 
from the north, which he claims came from that ancient Turtle river, 
and which the Indians are now using to paint themselves. They say 
there are more than two kinds of color at that river, or at Jeast used to 
be.” According to Clark (Indian Sign Language, page 99) the oldest 
traditions of the Cheyenne locate their former home on the headwaters 
of the Mississippi in Minnesota, about where Saint Paul now is. Other 
facts corroborate this testimony, and the traditional ‘Turtle river” 
would seem to be identical with the Saint Croix, which is thus described 
by Coxe in i741: 

A little higher up is the river Chabadeda, above which the Meschacebe makes a 
fine lake twenty miles long and eight or ten broad. Nine or ten miles above that 
lake, on the east side, is a large fair river, called the river of Tortoises, after you 
have entered a little way, which leads far into the country to the northeast, and is 
navigable by the greatest boats forty miles. About the same distance farther up, 
the Meschacebe is precipitated from the rocks about fifty feet, but is so far navigable 


by considerable ships, as also beyond, excepting another fall, eighty or ninety miles 
higher, by large vessels, unto its sources, which are in the country of the Sieux, not 


1030 


ata very great distance from Hudson’s bay. 


THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION 


[ETH. ANN. 14 


There are many other smaller rivers 


which fall into the Meschacebe, on both sides of it, but being of little note, and the 
description of them of small consequence, I have passed over them in silence. 
(Coxe, Carolana, 1741, in French’s Hist. Coll. of La., part 2, 233, 1850.) 


4. NA/SEE/NEHE’ EHE/YOWO MI 


Nii/see/nehe’ ehe’yowo'mi, 
Nii/see‘nehe’ ehe’yowo'mi, 
E/niiii‘ne mii‘noyo/h ehe’yowo'mi, 
E/niii/ne mi/noyo’h ehe’yowo'mi. 


Translation 


I waded into the yellow river, 
I waded into the yellow river, 
This was the Turtle river into which I waded, 
This was the Turtle river into which I waded. 


This song is probably explained by the one immediately preceding. 


5. Wost'va-X!X! 


Wosi vii-a/a’, 
Wosi'vii-i/i’, 
Niinima-iyi, 
Niinima-iyii, 
A/hiya’e’yee’/heye’! 
Mhiya’e'yee/heye’ ! 


Translation 


The mountain, 

The mountain, 

It is circling around, 
It is circling around, 
A hiya'elyee'heye!! 

A hiya’e/yee/heye! ! 


The interpretation of this song is not satisfactory. 
that by the mountain was meant the new earth, which was represented 
as approaching rapidly with a circular motion. 


6. Niia-lV HU 


Ni‘/ha-i/hi‘hi’, 
Ni‘ha-i/hi/hi’, 
Na/eso'yutuw hi’, 
Na’eso/yutu'hi’, 
U’eguehvhi'hi’, 
U'guechi/hi/hi’, 
Na‘nisto‘hewu hi’, 
Na/nisto’heww'hi’, 
Ga’! Na/heww hi, 
Ga‘! Na‘hewu'hi. 


It was explained 


e 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE CHEYENNE 1031 


Translation 


My father, 
My father, 

I come to him, 
I come to him, 
The crow, 
The crow, 

I cry like it, 

LT ery like it, 
Caw! Tsay, 
Caw! I say. 


The connection of the crow with the doctrine of the Ghost dance has 
already been explained. See Arapaho song 30. 


7. HVawvu/HI— HUH HAI -YAL 


Hi‘aww hi— Hi/hi/hai’-yai’! 
Hi/aww’hi— Hi/hi/hai’-yai'! 
Ni‘iisi/tano/ni— Hi/hi‘hai'-yai’! 
Ni‘iisi‘tano/ni— Hi/hi‘/hai’-yai'! 
Hi‘iima’ wihu’i— Hi/hi/hai’-yai'! 
Hiiima’ wihu/i— Hihi‘hai’-yai'! 
Ni/hihi/no’ni— Hi/hi’hai’-yai’! 
Ni/hihi/no/ni— Hi/hi hai’-yai'! 
Ni’shibii’tiimo’ni — Hi’/hi/hai’-yai'! 
Ni’shibiitiimo’ni— Hi/hi/hai’-yai'! 


Translation 


The devil— Hi/hi/hai'-yai'! 

The devil— Hi’/hi‘hai'-yai' ! 

We have put him aside— Hi/hi/hai'-yai’! 
We have put him aside — Hi'hi'hai’-yai'! 
The White Man Above — Hi hi'hai'-yai'! 
The White Man Above— Hi/hi'hai'-yai'! 
He is our father— Hi/hi’/hai'-yai'! 

He is our father— Hi'/hi'hai'-yai'! 

He has blest us— Hi'hi/hai’-yai' ! 

He has blest us— Hi/hi/hai'-yai'! 


It is hardly necessary to state that the idea of a devil is not aborigi- 
nal, although now embodied in the Indian mythology and language 
from contact with the whites. The ‘White Man Above” is under- 
stood to mean the ruler whose precursor the messiah is, equivalent to 
our idea of God. 

8. Ni’HA—E/YEHE’! E‘HE/EYE 


Ni/ba—F‘yehe’! E‘he’eye’! 
Nijha—E‘yehe’! E‘he’eye’! 
Tsi/stamo‘/nohyo't— Ehe’eye’! 
Tsi’stamo/nohyo’t — Ehe’eye’! 
O'tiita’ wome’miipe’ wii— He’eye’! 
O’tiita’ wome’miipe’ wii— He’eye’ ! 
Ni mistii tuhii/mi— He’eye’! 

Ni mistii/tuhii/mi— He’eye’! 
E‘hiwou’, E’hiwou'— He’! 


1032 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


Translation 


My father—L’yehe'! E’he'eye'! 

My father— L’yehe'! E’he'eye'! 

When I first met him— Lhe'eye'! 

When I first met him— Ehe’eye'! 

“In the blue-green water — He'eye'l 
“In the blue-green water — He'eye'! 
You must take a bath” — He’eye'! 

You must take a bath” — He’eye'! 

Thus he told me, thus he told me— He’! 


Quite a number of the Cheyenne ghost songs refer to rivers seen in 
the spirit world, these being frequently designated by colors, as yellow, 
blue, etc. It may be that certain rivers play a prominent part in their 
mythology, and as has been said they locate their earliest traditional 
home on the “Turtle river.” The word here rendered “blue-green” 
might mean either blue or green, as in Cheyenne and in many other 
Indian languages the two colors are not differentiated. Compare 
Cheyenne song number 16. 

9, AMinv/Qr 
A’minti'qi— I'yahe‘yahe’e’! 
Amini’ qi— I’ yahe’yahe’e’! 
Ni’stsishi hiyo‘honi’miini— Ahe’e’ye’! 
Ni'stsishi/hiyo honi’miini— Ahe’e’ye’! 
Ni’shka/ni ni’stsishi/nutsi/mani— Ahe’e’ye’! 
Ni’shka/ni ni’stsishi/nutsi‘mani— Ahe’e’ye’! 
Ehii/ni ni/nini/etii/ni— Ahe’e’ye’! 
Ehii/ni ni/nini‘etii/ni— Ahe’e’ye'! 


Translation 
My comrade — I'yahe'yahe'e'! 
My comrade — I’ yahe'yahe'e'! 
Let us go and play shinny 
Let us go and play shinny — Ahe’e ye! 
Let us look for our mother— Ahe'e’ye'! 
Let us look for our mother — Ahe’e ye’! 
Our father tells us to do it— Ahe'e'ye! 
Our father tells us to do it— Ahe’e'ye'! 


Ahee ye! 


This song was composed by Mo ki, “ Little Woman,” the Cheyenne 
wite of Grant Left-hand. Although a young woman, she is regarded 
as a leader in the Cheyenne Ghost dance, having been in frequent 
trances and composed numerous songs. In this she relates her expe- 
rience in one trance, during which she and her girl comrade played 
together the woman’s game of shinny, already described, and then went 
to look for their mothers, who had gone to the spirit world years before. 


10. He’sTuTu’Al 
He'stutu/ai— Yii/ hii yi’! 
He’sutu iii— 

[Ad libitum]. 


MOONEY] THE CRAZY DANCE 1033 


Translation 


The buffalo head — Va hd yd! 
The half buftalo— 
{Ad libitum]. 


This song refers to the crazy dance, which the author of the song 
saw the former warriors of his tribe performing in the spirit world. 
The crazy dance, called Psam by the Cheyenne and Ahaka/wi by the 
Arapaho, belonged to one order of the military organization already 
described in treating of the Arapaho songs. (See Arapaho song 43.) 
The name in both languages is derived from the word for “crazy.” 
Men, women, and children took part in the ceremony, dressed in skins or 
other costume to represent various animals, as buffalos, panthers, deer, 
and birds, with one bear, two foxes, and seven wolves, besides two 
“medicine wolves.” Each strove to imitate the animal personated in 
action as well as in appearance. It was the business of the two foxes 
to be continually running and stumbling over the others in their efforts 
to escape from the crowd. The dance, whose essential feature was the 
doing of everything bycontraries, had its parallel among many eastern 
tribes, particularly among the old Huron and Iroquois. It was con- 
sidered the most picturesque and amusing dance among the prairie 
tribes. The ‘‘half buffalo” of the song refers to the robe worn by 
certain of the dancers, which consisted of the upper half of a buffalo 
skin, the head portion, with the horns attached, coming over the head 
of the dancers. The dance was an exhibition of deliberate craziness 
in which the performers strove to outdo one another in nonsensical and 
frenzied actions, particularly in constantly doing the exact opposite of 
what they were told to do. It was performed only in obedience to a 
vow made by some person for the recovery of a sick child, for a suc- 
cessful war expedition, or for some other Indian blessing. It lasted 
four days, the performers dancing naked the first three days and in 
full dance costume on the fourth. The leaders in the absurdities were 
two performers whose bodies and cheeks were painted with white clay, 
and whose ears were filled with hair shed by the buffalo, which was 
believed to confer strong “medicine” powers. They carried whistles, 
and shot at the spectators with blunt arrows. Almost every license 
was permitted to these two, who in consequence were really held in 
dread by the others. Among other things the crazy dancers were 
accustomed to dance through a fire until they extinguished it by their 
tramping. This was done in imitation of the fire-moth, ealled aha/kaa’, 
“crazy,” by the Arapaho, which hovers about a flame or fire and finally 
flies into it. They also handled poisonous snakes, and sometimes, it is 
said, would even surround and kill a buffalo by their unaided physical 
strength. The Cheyenne dance differed somewhat from that of the 
Arapaho. It was last performed in the south about ten years ago. 


1034 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


11. Ni’MIo’Ts 


Nii/mio‘ts— Ehe’ee’ye’! 

Nii/mio‘ts— Ehe’ee’ye’! 

Nii'tosi noe’yotsi/nots he’ wowi’tiis— E/yahe’eye’! 
Nii tosi/noe’yotsi’‘nots he’ wowi'tiis— E/yahe’eye’! 
Ni tsiivi’siwo/miitsi’nowa’ — 
Ni'tsiivi/siwo’miitsi‘nowa’, 


Translation 


Tam coming in sight — Fhe’ee’ ye'! 

Tam coming in sight— Ehe’ee'ye'! 

I bring the whirlwind with me— E’yahe' eye’! 
I bring the whirlwind with me— 1’ yahe'eye'! 
That you may see each other— 

That you may see each other. 


The whirlwind is regarded with reverence by all the prairie tribes. 
In the mythology of the Ghost dance it seems to be an important factor 
in assisting the onward progress of the new world and the spirit army. 
It is mentioned also in several Arapaho ghost songs. 


12. A’GACHI/HI 


A’gachi hi, 

A’gachi’hi, 

Tnimii‘iha’, 

Vnimii/iha’, 

Hi'tsina’yo, 

Hi'tsina’yo— 

Na‘vishi‘nima’ yu’suwu’nutu’, 
Na/vishi/nima’ yu’suww’nutu’. 


Translation 


The crow, the crow, 

He is circling around, 
He is circling around, 
His wing, his wing — 
I am dancing with it, 
Tam dancing with it. 


This song refers to the sacred crow feathers, which certain of the 
dancers wear upon their heads in the Ghost dance, as explained in 
the Arapaho songs. 


13. NA‘NISE’NASE’STSE 


Nii niseniis¢/stse nii/shi’nisto’ni/va— He’eye’! 
Nii/nise’niis¢’/stse nii shi/nisto‘ni’ va— He’eye’! 
Niv/niso/niwo’, nii/niso’niwo’, 
I'votii/omo’méstii’o— He’eye’! 
I'votii’omo/méstii/o— He’eye’ ! 
Niivisi' viimii’, nii/vi/siviimii’. 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE CHEYENNE 1035 


Translation 


My children, I am now humming — He eye’! 
My children, I am now humming— He'eye'! 
Your children, your children, 

They are crying — He’eye'! 

They are crying — He’eye'! 

They are hurrying me along, 

They are hurrying me along. 


This song is supposed to be addressed by the father or messiah to 
his disciples. He tells them that their children in the spirit world are 
crying to be reunited with their friends here, and thus are hastening 
their coming. The expression, ‘Iam humming,” may possibly refer to 
his rapid approach. 


14. OGO’CH—EHE’EYE’ 


Ogo’ch—Ehe’eye’! 
Ogo’ch—Ehe’eye’! 

Tseii/nehii’si nii/viho’m, 
Tseii/nehii’si nii/viho’m. 

A’ae’vii, A’ae’vii, 

Ni’stsistii/nii’ e’ wova’shimii nists, 
Ni'stsistii/nii’ e’/ wova’shimii‘nists. 
Ni'shivii'tiimii/ni, 
Ni’shivii'tiimii/ni. 


Translation 


The crow — EFhe'eye'! 

The crow — Ehe'eye'! 

I saw him when he flew down, 
I saw him when he flew down. 
To the earth, to the earth. 

He has renewed our life, 

He has renewed our life. 

He has taken pity on us, 

He has taken pity on us. 


This song was composed by Grant Left-hand’s wife. The Crow is 
here considered as the lord of the new spirit world. 


15. Tsiso’soyYo’TsiTo HO 


Tsiso’soyo’tsito’ho, 
Tsiso’soyo’tsito‘ho, 
He’stiinowii/hehe’, 
He’stiinowii/ hehe’, 
Niiviho’siini‘hi, 
Niiviho’siini‘hi, 
Tse‘novi 'tiitse’stovi, 
Tse novi tiitse’stovi, 
A’koyoni/viihe’, 
A’koyoni’viihe’. 


1036 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Translation 


While I was going about, 
While I was going about, 
Among the people, at my home, 
Among the people, at my home, 
I saw them, 

I saw them, 

Where they gambled, 

Where they gambled, 

With the @ ko’yo wheel, 

With the dko/yo wheel. 


This song was also composed by Mo/ki, the wife of Grant Left- 
hand. The expression here rendered ‘‘my home” is literally “ where L 
belonged,” as, since the death of her children, she speaks of the spirit 
world as her own proper home. In this song she tells how she found 
her departed friends playing the game of the d@ko‘yo or bd‘qati wheel, 
as deseribed in Arapaho song 49. 


16. Ni’HA—E/YEHE’E  YEYE 


Ni‘ha— E‘yehe’e‘yeye’! 
Ni/ha— E’yehe’e'yeye’! 
Hi/niso/nihu’ — Hi’ yeye’! 
Hi niso/nihu’— Hi’yeye’! 

y 
O'tiitii/womi’ mii’piva’— He’e’ye’! 
O'tiitii/womi’ mii/piva’— He’e’ye’! 
FE tiitu’/hamo'tu— He’eye’! 
Etiitu’/hamo’‘tu— He’eye’! 
Nii/hisi’maqa/niwo/m— Ahe’eye’! 
Nii/hisi/maqa‘niwo’m— Ahe’eye’! 
E'ta/wu/hoti/nu — He’eye’! 
E’ tii’ wu‘ hotii/‘nu — He’eye’! 


Translation 


My father — L’yehe'e' yeye!! 

My father — L’yehe'e'yeye'! 

His children — Hi'yeye!! 

His children — Hi'yeye' ! 

In the greenish water— He’'e'ye'! 
In the greenish water — He’e'ye' ! 
He makes them swim— He'eye’! 
He makes them swim — He’eye’ ! 
We are all crying — Ahe'eye!! 

We are all crying — Ahe’eye' ! 


This song conveys nearly the same idea as that of number 8. The 
expression “ We areall crying” might be rendered “ We are all pleading, 
or praying” to the father, to hasten his coming. 


MOONEY] SIGNIFICANCE OF RED 1037 


17. A’GA’CH—ENHE’E/ YE 


A’ga'ch— Ehe’e’ye’! 
A‘ga'ch— Ehe’e'ye’! 
Ve'ta chi— He’e’ye’! 
Ve'ta’chi— He’e'ye’! 
E‘hoi/otsi’stu, 

E ‘hoi otsi’stu. 
Ma/e‘tumu’nu’ — He’e ye’! 
Ma’e‘tumu’nu — He’e‘ye’! 
E‘ho’i’o'tso’, 

E‘ho’i’o'tso’. 
Nii'vi'siva’qewo' nit, 
Nii'vi'sivn qewo nit. 
Nistii’kona‘oe’vo, 
Nistii/kona/oe’vo. 
E/he'vo/o', E‘he’vo‘o’. 


Translation 


The crow — Ehe’e'ye'! 

The crow — Ehe’e'ye'! 

The grease paint — He’e' ye’! 
The grease paint— He'e'ye'! 
He brings it to me, 

He brings it to me. 

The red paint — He’'e'ye'! 
The red paint— He'e'ye'! 
He brings it, 

He brings it. 

I prepare myself with it, 

I prepare myself with it. 
It will make you strong, 

It will make you strong. 
He tells me, He tells me. 


Red is a sacred color with all Indians, and is usually symbolic of 
strength and success, and for this reason is a favorite color in painting 
the face and body for the dance or warpath, and for painting the war 
pony, the lance, ete. On all important occasions, when painting the 
face or body, the skin is first anointed with grease to make the paint 
adhere better, so as not to obscure the sharp lines of the design. 


18. NXA/NISO/NXSI/STSI—H¥’E/ YE’ 


Nii‘niso‘niisi/stsi— He’e’ye’! 
Niiniso‘niisi‘stsi— He’e’ye’! 
Vi/niinii/tuu’ wa o’gochi/— Ahe’e‘ye’! 
Vi/niinii‘tun’wa o’gochi’— Ahe’e’ye’! 
Ni’stsivi/shiwo/miitsi/no, 
Ni’stsivi/shiwo/miitsi/no. 


Translation 


My children — He’e'ye'! 
My children. — He'e‘ye’! 


1038 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN, 14 


Kill a buffalo (or beef) for the Crow — Ahe'e'ye'! 
Kill a buffalo (or beef) for the Crow — Ahe'e‘ye'! 
By that means I shall see you, 
By that means I shall see you. 


This song refers to the feast which accompanies every dance. The 
implied meaning is that the people must get ready for a dance in order 
that they may see the Crow, their father. 


19. A’GUGA’-IHI 
A’guga’-ihi, 
A’guga’-ihi. 
Tsi‘shistii/hi’sihi’, 
Tsi/shistii/hi’sihi’. 
Vhoo“tsihi’, 
hoo“ tsihi’. 
Tsitiiwo’ tihi’, 
Tsitiiwo’ tiihi’. 
Hi/nisa/nthi’, 
Hi/nisa/ntihi’. 
Tsitiiwo/mohu’, 
Tsitiiwo/mohu’. 


Translation 


The crow woman— 
The crow woman — 
To her home, 

To her home, 

She is going, 

She is going. 

She will see it, 

She will see it. 

Her children, 

Her children. 

She will see them, 
She will see them. 


This song was also composed by Mo“ki, “ Little Woman,” the wife of 
Grant Left-hand. On account of her frequent trances and consequent 
leadership in the Cheyenne Ghost dance, she assumes the title of the 
Crow Woman, i. e., the woman messenger from the spirit world. The 
story of her own and her husband’s connection with the Ghost dance is 
of interest for the light it throws on the working of the Indian mind, 
especially with regard to religion. 

Mo“kiis a young Cheyenne woman married to a young Arapaho, Grant 
Left-hand, about 30 years of age, a former Carlisle student, and the 
son of Nawat, or Left-hand, the principal chief of the southern Arap- 
aho. Notwithstanding several years of English education, Grant is a 
firm believer in the doctrine and the dance, and the principal organizer 
and leader of the auxiliary “crow dance” in his own tribe, while his 
wife is as prominent in the Ghost dance among the Cheyenne, and has 
composed a series of a dozen or more songs descriptive of her various 
trance experiences in the other world. 


GRANT LEFT-HAND AND THE 1039 


MOONEY } 


DANCE 


Her first child died soon after birth, and the young mother was 
keenly affected by the bereavement. Afterward a boy was born to 
them, and became the idol of his parents, especially of the father. He 
grew up into a bright and active little fellow, but when about 4 years 
of age was suddenly seized with a spasm in the night and died in a few 
minutes, almost before his father could reach his bed. This second 
loss brought deep sorrow to them both, and the mother brooded over 
it so that there was serious fear for her own life. Then came the Ghost 
dance and the new doctrine of a reunion with departed friends. The 
mother went to the dance, fell into a trance, met her children as in life, 
and played with her little boy. Onawaking and returning home she 
told her husband. He could hardly believe it at first, but it required 
but little persuasion to induce him to attend the next Ghost dance with 
her, because, as he said, ‘* Il want to see my little boy.” He himself 
fell into a trance, saw his children, and rode with his little boy on the 
horse behind him ever the green prairies of the spirit land. From that 
time both became devoted adherents and leaders of the Ghost dance; 
their trances have been frequent, and every dance is welcomed as another 
opportunity of reunion with departed friends. The young man was 
deeply affected as he spoke of his love for his children, the sudden 
death of the little boy, and their second meeting in the other world, 
and as his wife sat by his side looking up into our faces and listening 
intently to every word, although she understood but little English, it 
could not be doubted that their faith in the reality of the vision was 
real and earnest. Every Indian parent who has lost a child, every child 
who has lost a parent, and every young man and woman who has lost 
a brother, sister, or friend affirms a similar reason for belief in the 
Ghost dance. 


CHEYENNE GLOSSARY 


A'ae'vii—for Hoi'va. their Sioux name Shaie’na or Shai ela, 


A’‘gach —tor O'go chi. 
A’gachi'hi—tor O'go chi. 
A’guga'-ihi— for Ogo' gae. 
Ahe'eye'—an unmeaning 
used in the songs. 
Ahiya’eyee heye’ —ibid. 
Ako'yo—the Cheyenne name for the 
bd'qati gaming wheel. See Arapaho 


exclamation 


song 49, 

A koyoni/va —with the dko'yo wheel. 

Akwi'u — for i ko'yo, the Cheyenne name 
of the bd’ qati wheel. 

A miniqgi—my (female) comrade (yoca- 
tive). 

Anskowi'nis— a Cheyenne division. 
meaning of the name is unknown. 

CHEYENNE—the popular name for the 
Cheyenne tribe. It is derived from 

14 ETH—Ppr 2 26 


The 


“red,” and figuratively ‘‘ alien.” 

Dzitsi' stds — ‘‘ our people;” thenamenused 
by the Cheyenne for themselves. 

Bihe' eye’ — an exclamation 
used in the songs. 

Ehdn or Ehéini —for Ihéinh. 

Ehe‘ee'ye' —an 


unmeaning 


unmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 

Ehe'cye’ — ibid. 

LE‘ hevo — for T'hiwo. 

EX heyowo'mi— yellowish, 

Another form 

Nd‘ hoiotsi'st, I bring it. 


Ehoi otsist — he brings it. 
is Ehoi'otso. 
Ehoi'otso’ 


another form of Ehoi‘otsist. 
E'ndd'ne— tor Hint dni. 

Nii‘ hoin, I come. 
Etitwhamo'tu—for Itdtuhamo‘ t. 


E'shoin —he has come, 


E'téiww hotdinu—for Jtéwohwitd'nu. 


1040 


Evi sts- Uni pahis—‘‘smoky lodges” 
(Clark) a Cheyenne division. 

Ewo'va'shimdnists—he has renewed it, he 
has changed it. Ndwora'shimd’nists, I 
have renewed it. 

E‘yahe/eye’— an vnmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 

BE yehe' —ibid. 

E‘yehe'e' yeyo —ibid, 

Pyeye—ibia,. 

Ga!—caw! an 
the crow. 

GATSALGHI—the Kiowa Apache name for 
the Cheyenne. 

He! —an unmeaning exclamation used in 


imitation of the 


the songs. 

He'eye'— ibid. 

Hestiino' wh—the people, among the people. 

Hestutw ai—tor I’histutuai. 

Hesutuiih — for I's-hotu'-ai. 

He wi'- Ti niuw —“hairy men;” the name 
of a principal division of the southern 
Cheyenne, and also used to designate all 
of the southern Cheyenne collectively. 

He'wowitd’ su—the whirlwind. 

Hi dima-Wihwi— for Hid'inh-Wihu. 

Hid mh- Wihu—God; literally the ‘‘ white 

(wihu) “above” (hid’mh). See 
Cheyenne song 7. 

Hia’wihi—the devil. 
song 7. 

Hi'hi'hai’yai— an unmeaning exclamation 
used io the songs. 


” 
man 


See Cheyenne 


Hind ini—that is it; it is that one, 
Compare /itd dni. 

Hinisa'nithi—for Hini'sonh, 

Hini'sonh—her (his) children, Compare 


Nini sondsts. 

FH itd dini—here it is. 

Hité niwo/iv— “cloud men,” the Cheyenne 
name for the Arapaho, From 
man, and woiv, cloud, 

Hi‘ tsina’ yo—for ITi'tsino'n. 

Hi‘tsino‘n—his wing. There is no word 
for wing alone. 

Hi'yeye'—an wnmeaning 
used in the songs. 

Hmi'sis—‘‘ eaters,” the name of one of 
the most important divisions of the 
northern Cheyenne, and also used col- 
lectively in the south to designate the 
whole of the northern band. 

Hohe’ —the Cheyenne name for the Asini- 

The name is originally from the 

Sioux language, and is said to mean 


Compare Hind dni. 


hitdn, 


exclamation 


boin. 


“rebels.” 
Hovvd—the earth, the ground. 


THE GHOST-DANCE 


ery of 


RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 

Hoo isi yonots—the Cheyenne name for 
the gaqga-wnitha, or throwing sticks, 
used in the game of the biéqali. See 
Arapaho song 49. 

Ho so'ewo'ndt—dancing with it, dancing 
hy means of it. Né‘ho'so, I dance. 

Hotd'm-ité niuw — dog men;” the name 
of a division of the Cheyenne and 
also of one order of their military 
organization. 

hiinh—our father. Compare Ni/hiw'e. 

Uhistutuai— buffalo head ; hotw’-ai, butialo. 

’hiwo—he says, he says so. Nd@hir, I 
say, I say so. 

Thiwo!uhi—for I’hiwo. 

Ihoots—she (he) is going there. 

Ini’ mitiha' —he is cireling around, 
shini’maih, Lam circling (going) around ; 
ndnima-ia, it is circling around, 

T’nisto'niwon—he (she, it) is hamming, or 
making a rolling noise. 


Niivi'~ 


Nidinisto nivd, 
ndshinisto/niva, T am humming, ete. 

/'s-hotu'-ai—a half buttalo, i.e., the upper 
half of a buffalo hide, including the 
head and horns, worn in the Crazy 

From 


dance. 
is, half, and hotu’-ai, buffalo. 

Fsium-itd!/niwe' —“ri dge people” 
(Clark), a Cheyenne division, 

Tra/supuzt — ‘spotted quills ;” 
the Hidatsa name for the Cheyenne 
(Matthews). 

Ttétwhamo"t—he causes them to swim. 
Nd'tuham, I swim; nd‘ tdétuham, let me 


See Cheyenne song 10, 


arrow 


swim. 
Itéiwohwitéi'nu—he makes them better. 
Ttu'simo/moits —it will tremble, or shake. 
Néii'momoits, I tremble. 
T'votéomo' mésti’o—they are crying. Nd- 
qai'm, Lam erying; nithi’simaqd niwom, 
Compare Nidni'sto- 


we are all erying. 
hew’. 

Tyahe'yahe’e—an unmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 

Tyo'hiii —le (she, it) is rising. 
rise. 

Ma’etu'min—red paint. Ma‘etimh, paint. 

Ma'inoyohi—Turtle river; for md-inh, 
turtle (plural, mdino’nh), ohi, river. 
Miipi'va, water, 

Mé'noyo'h—for Mii’ inoyo'hi. 

Miinoyw hii—tor Md'inoyo hi. 

Mipi'va — water. 

MARrANSHOBISHGO— “ cut-throats;” ae- 
cording to Long, the name applied by 
the Cheyenne to the Sioux. The form 
is incorrect, as there is no r in the Chey- 


Nd'ohd, 1 


MOONEY] CHEYENNE 
enne language. According to Hayden, 
the Cheyenne call the Sioux Oo'homoio. 

Mité' sivamimowistéi nowit—when you 
(plural) are living together again. 
Niivistdé/nowimonh, I live with 
nama’ mowt sti nowin, we are living to- 
gether. 


him; 


Mé'tesemd' moestd’ nowet—for Mitd’ siva- 
mamowistd nowtt, 

Matsi' shkota— ‘‘corpse from the scaffold ;” 
an unidentified Cheyenne division, on 
the authority of Clark (Grinnell). 

Miayima—‘‘red lodges,” an unidentified 
Cheyenne division, on the authority of 
Clark (Grinnell). 

Mi'stiivt'init— ‘heavy eyebrows;”  an- 
other name for the Hotd'm-itd'niuw’, 
q. Vie: 

Mo’ ki—“ little woman;” a Cheyenne 
woman prominent in the Ghost dance. 

Mo'nshimonh —The Cheyenne name of the 
dice game, called ta’-uséta’na ly the 
Arapaho, See Arapaho song 64. 

Na’eso'yutuhi—for Na’'suyut. 

Nii‘hew’ —I say. 

Ni heww hi— for Ndhew’. 

Ni‘ hisimagd'niwom—we are all erying. 
Compare Ivotd omomésti'o. 

Nimi‘io'ts—I am coming in sight. 

Né'miots —for Naémi'io'ts. 

Niini/ma-i/d —it is circling around. Com- 
pare Imi/miiha’. 

Nii nise'nisé'stse—for Nani’ sonists. 

Niinisi'ndsists— for Ndni'sondsts, 

Nd niso'ndsiv’ stsi— for Niini'sondsts, 

Néni'sondsts—my children. Compare 
Arapaho Ndni’sanat. Nini’ soniwo, your 
children; hini’sonh, his, or her, children. 

Niini'soniwo—your children. Compare 
Niini'sondsts. 

Néni’stohew —I make the sound, I make 
aecry. Compare I'votiomo'mestd'o, 

Niisee'nehe’ —for Néséin-hna, 

Niiséin-hna—I waded in. 

Né'shinisto'‘niva—I am now humming. 
See I/nisto/niwon. 

Na'suyut—I come to him. 

Na'tost'noeyots—TI shall have it with me. 
Nd’ téinoeyo'tsi’nots, I have it. 

Niéi'vikomh—TI looked at him, I saw him. 
The present tense has the same form: 
Nédviho't, I look at it; nédviho'stinh, I 
looked on. Compare Tsitéwo'moh. 

Néaviho'stinh—I looked on (present tense, 
same form). Compare Nii’ vihomh. 

Navi'shin’maih—I am going (circling) 
around, Compare Ini’midihd’. 


GLOSSARY 1041 

Navi’ seviiqewo'nit—I prepare myself with 
it. 

Nédvi'sivémd —they are hurrying mealong. 
Né'vi 

Nidisatd'nonh—we have put him away, or 
aside. Né'satonh, I have put him aside. 

NIERERIKWATS-KUNIKI—the Wichita 
name for the Cheyenne. See also Shiéda. 

Ni‘ha —for Ni/hiiw’e. 

Ni ha-i' hihi’ —for Ni'hiw’'e. 

Nihi'hininh—he is our father. 
Nihiiw'e. 

Nihiiw'e—my father. Ni/hiw’, father; 
Nihiiw'e, my father; nihi‘hinonh, he is 
our father. Compare I/hdnh and Arap- 
aho niqa, father. 

Ni mi’ stitu/‘hdém —you should take a swim 
orbath. Nétu’ham, I swim or bathe. 
Ni'nh-nitéi'n—he asks, or tells, us to do it. 
Niinh-itit', I ask, or tell, him to do it, 
Ninini'e 
Nishivi' téimd'inh—he has taken pity on 
us, he has blest us, he has sympathy 

for us. Néshivi'timh, I pity him, 

Ni shiv timoni—tor Nishivd' tdimd inh. 

Nishkd'nh or N'shka’nh—our mother, 
Naku, mother; na“kui, my mother. 

Nistéko/naoe'vo — it will strengthen you, 
Nw@hiko'ndhi, IT am strong; ndhiko'nd- 
mdni/hu, I strengthen him. 

Nistsdvi'siwomdtst’nowd —so that, in order 
that, you shallsee each other; Ndwo'm, 
Isee him; niéwo't, I see it. 

Ni'stsishihi’ yohoni’ mdani—for Nistsishi'yo- 


sité’n, I hurry. 


Compare 


ni—for Ni'nh-nitd’n. 


ho'ni'ménh, 

Nistsishi/nutsima'nh— let us seek her, or 
ask for her. Néhi/nutsinh, I am look- 
ing for her. 

Nistsishi' yoho'ni'mdénh — let us go and play 


shinny. Ndho’qu, lam playing shinny; 
ohoni'stuts, shinny. See Cheyenne song 
9. 


Ni'stsistd'ndé—for Ni'stsistd’nowdn. 

Ni stsistdé’nowdn—our life, or existence. 
Niiwit'stinvhirvi'stits, my existence. 

Ni'stsivt’shiwomd’tsinoh— by that means I 
shall see you (plural), Compare Tsi- 
tdéiwo'moh. 

Ni'tusimi'téinun—he (she, it) will give it 
tous. Ni'mitits, give itto you; nd'mit, 
I give it to him. 

Nuka'eshe'vioe'tse—This form occurs in 
Cheyenne song 1. The correct form 
and rendering are uncertain, but it is 
doubtfully rendered ‘‘the summer 
cloud.” It seems to contain the word 
ishi'v, day. 


1042 


O'go'ch or O'go''chi or O'go'ki—the crow. 
In the Ghost dance the crow is the mes- 
senger of the spirit world. The messiah 
and God are frequently spoken of as 
“The Crow.” See Arapaho song 36. 

Ogo'gaé—‘‘the erow woman ;” 
oyochi, erow. 

Ohoni’stuts —the shinny game. See Chey- 
enne song 9 and Arapaho song 7. 

Olivima na—‘‘seabby;” a Cheyenne di- 
vision. 

Oti—now! well! 

Otd' si- Ti niuw’ — “‘ pierced-nose people :” 
the Cheyenne name for the Caddo. 

O'tdtawo'm— greenish. 

O' tata’ womemipewt —for Otid!tawo'm-md p- 


from 


vva. In the greenish (bluish) water, 
or river. O/téitawom, greenish; mép, 
water. 


O'tugini—a Cheyenne division. The 
meaning of the name is unknown. 

Owani—living things, creatures, ani- 
mals (ineluding quadrupeds, birds, 
insects, etc). 

PXGANX’ vo— “striped from 
piiga, arrow, and nro, striped; the 
Shoshoni and Comanche name for the 
Cheyenne. See also Shid’navo. 

Pini'tgi—a Cheyenne division. 
meaning of the name is unknown. 

Psam—the ‘‘crazy dance” of the Chey- 
enne; psa, crazy. Itis somewhat dif- 
ferent from the Arapaho crazy dance. 

10 and Arapaho 


arrows,” 


The 


Sce Cheyenne song 
song 43. 

Sa-sis-e-tas —the name used by the Chey- 
enne to designate themselves, according 
to Clark. It should be Dzitsi’stiés q. v. 

Suri/NAvo—another Comanche name for 
the Cheyenne, probably a derivation 
from the word Cheyenne. 

SHitpa—another Wichita name for the 
Cheyenne, probably a derivation from 
the word Cheyenne. See also Niererik- 
wats-kiini ki. 

Shishino’wits-itd niww’ —‘‘ snake people,” 
the Cheyenne name for the Comanche. 

Sv'wania— ‘‘ southerners ;” Cheyenne 
name sometimes used to designate the 
southern portion of the tribe in Okla- 
homa. 

STAITAN—a name used by Lewis and 
Clark to designate a tribe identical 
with the Cheyenne. It is a corruption 
of the Cheyenne word histd‘itdn, ‘‘T am 
a Cheyenne.” 


THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION 


(ETH. ANN. 14 


Siitasi‘na or Siita‘ya—‘‘ strange talkers” 
(Clark), one of the most important 
Cheyenne divisions and formerly a 
distinct tribe. 

Tsed nehii'si —for Tsi' dnw ids. 

Tsenovi titse' stovi— for Tsenowi? titsi stow?, 


Tsenow? tatst’stowi— where there was 
gambling. Nd now’shi, I gamble. 
Ts dnw’idis— (when) he flewdown. Nd’- 


miha'-u, I tly; nd nuiha’-u, I fly down. 

Tsinilai womai wosihi— for Tst’unitai’ wom- 
avw’s. 

Tsinitai' wosi/hi— for Tstunt'taiw’s. 

Tsi'shist@ hisihi—for Tsishi'stds. 

Tsishi’stiis — where she belongs, i. e., her 
home. Compare Deitsi'stiés, the name 
given by the Cheyenne to themselves. 

Tsisoso’yotst’to— while I was going about. 
Niisoso'yots, I go about, I ramble about. 

Tsi'stamo'nohyot— when I first reached 
him, when I arrived where he was. 
Niita‘hyot, I shall reach him. 

Tsistiiwo'moh—she (he) will see them, 
Niiwo'm, I see him; stawo’matsi mh, Lsee 
you; tsitdwo't, he (she) will see it; 
ni’ stsivi’ shiwomdtsinoh, by that means I 
shall see you (plural). Compare Nd ri- 
homh, 

Tsitdwo''t—she (he) will see it. 
Tsistdiwo'moh. 

Tsv initai’ womai'w's—where they are 
painted in different colors; tstiini'taiw’s 
different; mai’-tomh, paint. 

Tsiini taiw's— different, various. 

Ti‘gani—the Cheyenne name for the 
Wichita; evidently a derivative from 
their Comanche name, Do''kana, tat- 
tooed people. 

Ugu chi’ hihi—for O'go"ehi. 

Veta'chi—for Vichk. 

used in 


Compare 


Vichk— grease, painting or 
anointing the face and body. 

Vindndtu'wwd—kill a beef or buttalo for 
him (imperative). Nd'ndtun, I kill it; 
nd niétu'uh, I kill it for him; hoiwo'its, 
a beef. 

Witdpd hdt or Witapda'tu—the Cheyenne 
name for the Kiowa; from their Sioux 
name Wi tapdhd'tu, people of the island 
butte. 

Wi'tapiiu—‘‘ haters” (Clark); a Chey- 
enne division, 

Vos 

Vi hdyd@ —an 


—a mountain. 


unmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 


Yu'suww nutu—tfor Ho'so'ewo nat. 


MOONEY] SKETCH OF THE COMANCHE 1043 


THE COMANCHE 


TRIBAL SYNONYMY 


Bo'dalk‘inago — common Kiowa name, signifying ‘‘reptile people” or * snake men,” 
from bo‘dal, reptile, insect, and k'inago, people. 

Cha'tha — (singular Cha’) Arapaho name, signifying ‘‘ enemies.” 

Comanche — popular name; of Mexican-Spanish origin and unknown meaning. It 
occurs as early as 1757, and in the form Cumanche as early as 1720, 

Gyai-ko—the common name given by the Kiowa to the Comanche, signifying 
“enemies.” 

Iutan—the French spelling of the name applied by several of the plains tribes to the 
Ute Indians, and by extension to the cognate Comanche and Shoshoni. It is 
a derivative from the name Yuta or Ute, the final n representing a nasalized 
vowel sound. The nearest approximation is perhaps Liitii-go, the Kiowa (plural) 
name for the Ute. Variants are L’Iatan, Aliatan, Halitane, Ayutan, Tetaw (for 
Tetau or Ietan), Jetan, Yutan, ete. The form Liitanes oceurs as early as 1740 
(Margery, VU, 457). 

Idahi — Kiowa Apache name; meaning unknown. 

Tetan—a name applied by some of the prairie tribes to several Shoshonean tribes, 
particularly the Shoshoni andthe Comanche. It occurs in a number of forms and 
appears as Liitanes as early as 1740 (Margry, Vu, 457). 

La Playe— former French trader's name, perhaps a corruption of Téte Pelee. 

Na‘ lani— Navaho name, signifying ‘‘ many aliens” or ‘‘many enemies,” applied col- 
lectively to the southern plains tribes, but more especially to the Comanche. 

Na‘nita — Kichai name. 

Na‘tia’ — Wichita name, variously rendered * snakes,” i. e., “enemies” or ‘‘ dandies.” 

Niima— proper tribal name used by themselves, and signifying “people.” The 
Shoshoni and Paiute designate themselves by the same name. 

Pa douca — the name given to the Comanche by the Osage, Quapaw, Kansa, Oto, and 
other Siouan tribes. It has several dialectic forms and is used in this form by 
Pénicaut as early as 1719, It may perhaps be a contraction of Pe'nii-téka, the 
name of the principal eastern division of the Comanche. 

Stinko— obsolete Kiowa name; it may signify “snakes,” from sdne, snake. 

Saw hto— Caddo name. 

Shishino’wits-Itdéniuw’ —Cheyenne name, signifying “ snake people.” 

Tete Pele'e—a name said to have been applied to the Comanche by the French traders, 
signifying ‘bald heads.” The identification seems doubtful, as the Comanche 
cut their hair only when mourning. 

Yd’ mpai-ni or Ydi' mpai-Ri kani— Shoshoni name, signifying ‘‘ yampa people,” or 
‘‘yampa eaters.” It is properly the name ot only one division, but is used col- 
lectively for the whole tribe. The yampa plant is the Carum gairdneri. 


TRIBAL SIGN 


The tribal sign for the Comanche is ‘“‘snakes,” the same as that for 
the Shoshoni, but with the finger drawn toward the rear instead of 


thrust forward. 
SKETCH OF THE TRIBE 


The Comanche are one of the southern tribes of the great Shosho- 
nean stock, and the only one of that group living entirely on the 
plains. Their language and traditions show that they are a compara- 
tively recent offshoot from the Shoshoni of Wyoming, both tribes speak- 
ing practically the same dialect and until very recently keeping up 


1044 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (RYH. ANN. 14 


constant and friendly communication. Within the traditionary period 
the two tribes lived adjacent to each other in southern Wyoming, since 
which time the Shoshoni have been beaten back into the mountains by 
the Sioux and other prairie tribes, while the Comanche have been 
driven steadily southward by the same pressure. In this southern 
migration the Pe/niitéka seem to have preceded the rest of the tribe. 
The Kiowa say that when they themselves moved southward from the 
Black-hills region, the Arkansas was the northern boundary of the 
Comanche. 

In 1719 the Comanche are mentioned under their Siouan name of 
Pa/douca as living in what now is western Kansas. It must be remem- 
bered that from 500 to 800 miles was an ordinary range for a prairie 
tribe, and that the Comanche were equally at home on the Platte and 
in the Bolson de Mapimi of Chihuahua. <As late as 1805 the North 
Platte was still known as Padouea fork. At that time they roamed 
over the country about the heads of the Arkansas, Red, Trinity, and 
Brazos rivers, in Colorado, Kansas, Oklahoma, and Texas. For nearly 
two hundred years they were at war with the Spaniards of Mexico and 
extended their raids far down into Durango. They were friendly to the 
Americans generally, but became bitter enemies of the Texans, by whom 
they were dispossessed of their best hunting grounds, and carried on 
a relentless war against them for nearly forty years. They have been 
close confederates of the Kiowa for perhaps one hundred and fifty 
years. In 1835 they made their first treaty with the government, and 
by the treaty of Medicine Lodge in 1867 agreed to go on their present 
reservation, situated between Washita and Red rivers, in the south- 
western part of Oklahoma; but it was not until after the last outbreak 
of the southern prairie tribes in 1874-75 that they and their allies, the 
Kiowa and Apache, finally settled on it. They were probably never 
a large tribe, although supposed to be populous on account of their 
wide range. Within the last fifty years they have been terribly wasted 
by war and disease. They numbered 1,512 in 1893. 

The gentile system seems to be unknown among the Comanche. 
They have, or still remember, thirteen recognized divisions or bands, 
and may have had others in former times. Of these all but five are 
practically extinct. The Kwa/hari and Pe/niitéka are the most impor- 
tant. Following in alphabetic order is the complete list as given by 
their leading chiefs: 

1. Detsdna'yuka or No/koni. This band, to which the present head 
chief Quanah Parker belongs, was formerly called No‘koni, ‘wan- 
derers,” but on the death of Quanah’s father, whose name was also 
No’koni, the name was tabued, according to Comanche custom, and 
the division took the name of Detsdna/yuka, bad campers,” intended 
to convey the same idea of wandering. 

2, Ditsii/kdna, Wi'dyu, Yapd, or Ya/mpdri‘ka, This division was for- 
merly known as Wi/dyu, “awl,” but for a reason similar to that just 


MOONEY] DIVISIONS OF THE COMANCHE 1045 


mentioned the name was changed to Ditsd’kana, “sewers,” which con- 
veys the same idea, an awl being the substitute for a needle. They 
are equally well known as Ydpd, the Comanche name of the root of the 
Carum gairdneri, known to the Shoshoni and Bannock as yampa, or 
sometimes as Yimpd-ri/ka, a dialectic form signifying ‘ yampa eaters.” 
The whole Comanche tribe is known to the Shoshoni under the name 
of Ya'mpaini or Yimpai-ri‘kani, ““yampa people” or “yampa eaters.” 
The Yiipii are sometimes known also as Ltsitii/biwat, “ northerners,” or 
“people of the cold country,” from having usually ranged along the 
northern frontier of the tribal territory; a fact which may account for 
the Shoshoni having designated the whole tribe by their name. 

3. Kewa'tsana. “No ribs;” extinct. 

4. Kotsa’i, Extinct. 

5. Ko'tso-te/ka. ‘Buffalo eaters,” from ko‘tso, buffalo, and té‘ka, the 
root of the verb ‘to eat.” 

6. Kuwdhari or Kwa‘hadi, ‘“Antelopes.” This division was one of 
the most important of the tribe, and was so called because its members 
frequented the prairie country and the staked plains, while the Pe/nii- 
téka and others ranged farther east on the edge of the timber region. 
They were the last to come in after the surrender in 1874. The Kwa’. 
hari, Ditsié/kana, and Detsana/yuka were sometimes designated together 
by the whites as northern Comanche as distinguished from the Pe/nii- 
téka, who were known as eastern or southern Comanche. 

7. Motsai’. Perhaps from pd-motsan, ‘a loop in a stream.” These 
and the Téna/wa were practically exterminated in a battle with the 
Mexicans about 1845, 

8. Pd’/gatsu. ‘Head of the stream” (pd, a stream); extinct. 

9. Pe'ndtéka, or Pend/nde, ‘Honey eaters.” These and the Kwa/hari 
were the two most important divisions in the tribe. They lived on the 
edge of the timber country in eastern Texas, and hence were frequently 
known to the whites as eastern or southern Comanche. They had but 
a loose alliance with their western kinsmen, and sometimes joined 
the Texans against them. Other Comanche names for them are 
Te'yuwit, “hospitable ;” Tée“kapwai no meat,” and Ku/baratpat, “steep 
climbers.” 

10. Po/hoi. ‘ Wild-sage people,” i. e., Shoshoni. This is not properly 
the name of a Comanche division, but of some immigrant Shoshoni from 
the north incorporated with the Comanche. 

VW. Tini’ma. ‘Liver eaters,” from nim or niim, liver. This band is 
extinct, only one old man being known to survive. 

2. Tena’wa or Te'ndhwit. From té/ndi’, “down stream.” Extinet. 
See Motsai’ above. 

18. Wa-aiv/h. “Maggot.” Extinct. 

The Comanche were nomad buffalo hunters, constantly on the move, 
cultivating nothing from the ground, and living in skin tipis. Except- 
ing that they are now confined to a reservation and forced to depend 
on government rations, they are but little changed from their original 


1046 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


condition. They are still for the most part living in tipis of canvas, 
and are dressed in buckskin, They were iong noted as the finest horse- 
men of the plains, and bore a reputation for dash and courage. They 
have a high sense of honor, and hold themselves superior to the other 
tribes with which they are associated. In person they are well built 
and rather corpulent. Their language is the trade language of the 
region, and is more or less understood by all the neighboring tribes. 
It is sonorous and flowing, its chief characteristic being a rolling 7. 
It has no /. The language has several dialects, and is practically the 
same as that of the Shoshoni in the north. Their present head chief is 
Quanah Parker, an able man, whose mother was an American captive. 
His name, Awéna or Kicai‘na, signifies a sweet smell. 

Having taken but little part in the Ghost dance, the Comanche have 
but few songs in their own language, but these are particularly pleas. 
ing for their martial ring or soothing softness. They call the dance 
A'p-Ané‘ka'ra, “ the father’s dance” (from a/pd, father; né“ka/ra, a dance), 
or by another name which signifies the ‘‘dance with joined hands.” 


SONGS OF THE COMANCHE 
1. Heyo’Hink Hik/yo 


Allegro moderato con spirito. 


i —_— 
yay | aan ES 7 Sy Te as ee Se SGT SS 
és Caos saan | o—|—_--9-0-@ - | eo eee a Be o—e—e 
— t SS eee 
He’-e'-yo'! He - yo'-hii-nii hi-e’-yo! He - yo! - hii-nii hii-e’-yo! Te’ -% - yi’ to- 
# ——] ee - a ee = 
———9—» —=——— a oo 0 «| 0% ae u 
——— i SS =e +1 = ; 
o—o—@ — a o—e—e @ 
ri‘-bi ai - gi/naHe’ - e!-yo'! Te-i-yii’ to - ri’-bi ai" - gi’-naHe’ - e/- yo'! 
3 a: 
4 | H ; 
Ca rae er a ee 
ie of 


Teliiyii’ toa‘hi tii-bi wo'n'-gin A/hi-ni'-yo!! Te/iiyii’ toa/hii tii/-bi  wo/n'gin Avhi' ni’ - yo’! 


He’e’yo’! 
Heyo’hiinii’ Hiie’yo! 
Heyo’hiinii’ Hiie’yo! 

Viiyii’ tori’ bi ai’'-gina—He’e’yo'! 


Teiiyii’ tori’ bi ai’-gi/na— He’e'yo’! 


Te tiyii’ toa/hii til bi wo/n'gin— Ahi/ni‘yo’! 
Teliiyii’ toa/hii ti’ bi wo/n'gin— Ahi/ni/yo’! 
Translation 
Heeyo! 


Heyo'hiind Hite yo! 

Heyo'hiind’ Hie yo! 

The sun’s beams are running out— He'e'yo'! 

The sun’s beams are running out— He'e'yo'! 

The sun’s yellow rays are running out— Lhi/ni'yo!! 
The sun’s yellow rays are running out— dhi'ni'yo'! 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE COMANCHE 1047 


This song was probably sung at daylight, when the first rays of the 
sun shone in the east, after the dancers had been dancing all night. 
The introductory part is a suggestion from the songs of the meseal 
rite, to which the Comanche are so much attached. Although the 
words convey but little meaning, the tune is unique and one of the 
best of all the ghost songs on account of its sprightly measure. 

Te/dydé refers to the sun’s rays or beams; tord’/bi, a possessive form 
of td/bi, sun; (mi/d, moon); towhd, from a/hip, yellow; ai/-gi/na and 
wo'ngin or wan gin, running out, streaming out. 


2. Ya‘HI'YU/NIVA’HU 
Ya‘hi’yd/niva‘hu 
Hi'yiVniva‘hi’/yi/niva’‘hu 
Ya‘hi/y/niva’hi'na‘he’ne’na’ 
Hi/ya‘hinahi/ni'na’ 
Hiyiniva‘hu 
Hi/yt/niva/hi/yf/niva’‘hu 
Ya/hi/yt’niva ‘hi/ya‘he’/ne’na’. 


This song has no meaning, but is of the lullaby order, with a sweet, 
soothing effect. 


3. YANI'TSINI'HAWA‘NA 
Yani tsini’hawa‘na! 
Yani'tsini/hawa‘na! 
Hi/niswa’vita’ki/ni, 
Hi/niswa' vita’ ki/ni. 


Translation 


Yani tsinvhawa'na! 
Yani tsinihawa'na! 
We shall live again, 
We shall live again, 


The term hi/niswa’vita/ki/ni signities ‘we are coming to life again,” or 
“we shall live again;” from niiswa/vitaki/ni, “IT am beginning to be 
alive again.” 

4, NU'NINI'TUWI/NA 
Ni/nini/tuwina hu‘hu 
Ni/nini/‘tuwi’na hu’‘hu 
Wiita’tsina’na hu/hu 
Wiita’tsina’na hu‘hu 
Ni/hima’tsi asi’si 
Ni/hima’tsi asi’si. 


This is the Arapaho closing song (Arapaho song 52), as adopted by 
the Comanche, to whom, of course, it has no real meaning. It is given 
here as an example of the change which comes to an Indian song when 
adopted by an alien tribe. 


1048 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


THE PAIUTE, WASHO, AND PIT RIVER TRIBES 
PAIUTE TRIBAL SYNONYMY 


Hogdpd' goni—Shoshoni name, “rush arrow people” (hogdp, a small water reed; pdga, 
cV arrow): 

Niima— proper tribal name, signifying ‘‘ people” or “ Indians;” the same name is 
also used for themselves by the Shoshoni and Comanche. 

Pai-yu'chimi— Hopi name. 

Pai-yu'tsi— Navaho name. 

Pali— Washo name. 

Paiute or Piute—popular name, variously rendered ‘‘ true (pai) Ute” or “ water (pd) 
Ute”—pronounced among themselves Paiuti. 

Norre.—The northern bands of the Paiute are frequently included with Shoshoni 
and others under the name of Snakes, while the others are often included with 
various Californian tribes under the collective name of Diggers 


SKETCH OF THE PAIUTE 
CHARACTERISTICS 


The Paiute belong to the great Shoshouean stock and occupy most 
of Nevada, together with adjacent portions of southwestern Utah, 
northwestern Arizona, and northwestern and southeastern California. 
The Pahvant and Gosiute on their eastern border are frequently, but 
improperly, classed as Paiute, while the Chemehuevi, associated with 
the Walapai in Arizona, are but a southern offshoot of the Paiute and 
speak the same language. With regard to the Indians of Walker 
River and Pyramid Lake reservations, who constitute the main body 
of those commonly known as Paiute, Powell claims that they are not 
Paiute at all, but another tribe which he calls Paviotso. He says: 
“The names by which the tribes are known to white men and the 
department give no clue to the relationship of the Indians. For 
example, the Indians in the vicinity of the reservation on the Muddy 
and the Indians on the Walker River and Pyramid Lake reservations 
are called Pai or Pah Utes, but the Indians know only those on the 
Muddy by that name, while those on the other two reservations are 
known as Paviotsoes, and speak a very different language, but closely 
allied to, if not identical with, that of the Bannocks.” (Comr., 45.) 
The Ghost dance originated among these Indians in the neighborhood 
of Walker river, from whom the songs here given were obtained, and 
for convenience of reference we shall speak of them under their popular 
title of Paiute, without asserting its correctness. 

The different small bands have little political coherence and there is 
no recognized head chief. The most influential chiefs among them in 
modern times have been Winnemucea, who died a few years ago, and 
Natchez. Wovyoka’s leadership is spiritual, not political. The Indians 
of Walker river and Pyramid lake claim the Bannock as their cousins, 


MOONEY] SKETCH OF THE PAIUTE 1049 


and say that they speak the same language. As a rule they have been 
peaceable and friendly toward the whites, although in the early sixties 
they several times came into collision with miners and emigrants, 
hostility being frequently provoked by the whites themselves. The 


Fic. 101—Paiute wikiup. 


northern Paiute are more warlike than those of the south, and a con- 
siderable number of them took part with the Bannock in the war of 
1878. Owing to the fact that the great majority of the Paiute are not 
on reservations, many of them being attached to the ranches of white 
men, it is impossible to get any correct statement of their population, 


1050 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


but they may be safely estimated at from 7,000 to 8,000 and are thought 
to be increasing. In 1893 those on reservations, all in Nevada, were 
reported to number, at Walker River, 563; at Pyramid Lake, 494; at 
Duck Valley (Western Shoshone agency, in connection with the Sho- 
shoni), 209. Nevada Indians off reservation were estimated to number 
6,815, nearly all of whom were Paiute. 

Asa people the Paiute are peaceable, moral, and industrious, and 
are highly commended for their good qualities by those who have had 
the best opportunities for jadging. While apparently not as bright in 
intellect as the prairie tribes, they appear to possess more solidity of 
character. By their willingness and efficiency as workers, they have 
made themselves necessary to the white farmers and have been enabled 
to supply themselves with good clothing and many of the comforts of 
life, while on the other hand they have steadily resisted the vices of ciy- 
ilization, so that they are spoken of by one agent as presenting the 
“singular anomaly” of improvement by contact with the whites. 
Another authority says: “To these habits and excellence of character 
may be attributed the fact that they are annually increasing in num- 
bers, and that they are strong, healthy. active people. Many of them 
are employed as laborers on the farms of white men in all seasons, but 
they are especially serviceable during the time of harvesting and hay- 
making.” (Comr., 46.) They would be the last Indians in the world to 
preach a crusade of extermination against the whites, such as the mes- 
siah religion has been represented to be. Aside from their earnings 
among the whites, they derive their subsistence from the fish of the 
lakes, jack rabbits and small game of the sage plains and mountains, 
and from pinon nuts and other seeds which they grind into flour for 
bread. Their ordinary dwelling is the wikiup or small rounded hut of 
tulé rushes over a framework of poles, with the ground for a floor and 
the fire in the center and almost entirely open at the top. Strangely 
enough, although appreciating the advantages of civilization so far as 
relates to good clothing and such food as they can buy at the stores, 
they manifest no desire to live in permanent houses or to procure the 
furniture of civilization, and their wikiups are almost bare of every- 
thing excepting a few wicker or grass baskets of their own weaving. 

The Paiute ghost songs have a monotonous, halting movement that 
renders them displeasing to the ear of a white man, and are inferior in 
expression to those of the Arapaho and the Sioux. A number of words 
consisting only of unmeaning syllables are inserted merely to fill in the 
meter. Like the cognate Shoshoni and Comanche, the language has a 
strong rolling r. 

GENESIS MYTH 

At first the world was all water, and remained so a long time. Then 
the water began to go down and at last Kura/ngwa (Mount Grant) 
emerged from the water, near the southwest end of Walker lake. There 
was fire on its top (it may have been a voleano), and when the wind 
blew hard the water dashed over the fire and would have extinguished 


MOONEY] PAIUTE GENESIS 1051 


it, but that the sage-hen (hutsi—Centrocercus urophasianus) nestled 
down over it and fanned away the water with her wings. The heat 
scorched the feathers on the breast of the sage-hen and they remain 
black to this day. Afterward the Paiute got their first fire from the 
mountain through the help of the rabbit, whois a great wonder-worker, 
“same as a god.” As the water subsided other mountains appeared, 
until at last the earth was left as it is now. 

Then the great ancestor of the Paiute, whom they call Niimi/nad’, 
“Our Father,” came from the south in the direction of Mount Grant, 
upon which his footprints can still be seen, and journeyed across to the 
mountains east of Carson sink and made his home there. A woman, 
Tbhidsti, “Our Mother,” followed him from the same direction, and they 
met and she became his wite. They dressed themselves in skins, and 
lived on the meat of deer and mountain sheep, for there was plenty 
of gaine in those days. They had children—two boys and two girls. 
Their father made bows and arrows for the boys, and the mother fash- 
ioned sticks for the girls with which to dig roots. When the children 
grew up, each boy married his sister, but the two families quarreled 
until their father told them toseparate. So one family went to Walker 
lake and beeame Aga’/ih-tika‘ra, ‘fish eaters” (the Paiute of Walker 
lake), while the other family went farther north into Idaho and became 
Notso’-tikara, “buffalo eaters” (the Bannock), but both are one peo- 
ple and have the same language. After their children had left them, 
the parents went on to the mountains farther east, and there Niiminad 
went up into the sky and his wife followed him. 


THE WASHO 


Associated with the Paiute are the Washo, or Wd’siu, as they eall 
themselves, a small tribe of about 400 souls, and having no affinity, so 
far as known, with any other Indians. They occupy the mountain 
region in the extreme western portion of Nevada, about Washo and 
Tahoe lakes and the towns of Carson and Virginia City. They formerly 
extended farther east and south, but have been driven back by the 
Paiute, who conquered them, reducing them to complete subjection and 
forbidding them the use of horses, a prohibition which was rigidly 
enforced until within a few years. Thus broken in spirit, they became 
mere hangers-on of the white settlements on the opening up of the 
mines, and are now terribly demoralized. They have been utterly 
neglected by the government, have never been included in any treaty, 
and have now no home that they can call their own. ‘They are devoted 
adherents of the messiah, but usually join in the dance with the nearest 
camp of Paiute, whose songs they sing, and have probably no Ghost 
songs in their own language. We quote a gloomy account of their con- 
dition in 1866. The description will apply equally well today, except- 
ing that their numbers have diminished: 

This is a small tribe of about 500 Indians, living in the extreme western part of 
the state. They are usually a harmless people, with much less physical and mental 


1052 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


development than the Piutes, and more degraded morally. They are indolent 
improvident, and much addicted to the vices and evil practices common in savage 
life. They manifest an almost uncontrollable appetite for intoxicating drinks. 
They are sensnal and filthy, and are annually diminishing in numbers from the dis- 
eases contracted through their indulgences. A few have learned the English lan- 
guage and will do light work for a reasonable compensation. They spend the winter 
months about the villages and habitations of white men, from whom they obtain 
tolerable supplies of food and clothing. The spring, summer, and autumn months 
are spent in fishing about Washo and Tahoe Jakes and the streams which flow 
through their country. They also gather grass seed and pine nuts, hunt rabbits, 
hares, and ducks. There is no suitable place for a reservation in the bounds of their 
territory, and, in view of their rapidly diminishing numbers and the diseases to 
which they are subjected, none is required. (Comr., 47.) 


THE PIT RIVER INDIANS 


Another group of Indians closely associated with the Paiute on the 
northwest consists of a number of small tribes, known collectively to 
the whites as Pit River or Hot Springs Indians, holding the basin of 
Pit river in northeastern California from Goose lake to the junction 
with the Sacramento. Among their tribes or bands are the Achoma/wi, 
Huma/whi, Estakéwach, Hantéwa, Chuma/wa, Atua/mib or Hamef- 
ku’ttelli, Ima/wi, and Pa/‘kamalli. (Powers, Tribes of California.) 
They are at present supposed to constitute a distinct linguistic group, 
but it is probable that better information will show their affinity with 
some of the neighboring Californian stocks. With the exception of a 
few at Round Valley reservation, California, none of them are on res- 
ervations or have any official recognition by the government. They 
probably number 1,000 to 1,500 souls. The northern bands have 
suffered much from Modoe slave raids in former days, and are much 
inferior in physique and intellect to those lower down the river, who 
were the terror of northern California thirty years ago, and who are 
described by recent observers as good workers, intelligent, brave, and 


Y 


warlike. (A. G. O., 9.) 


SONGS OF THE PAIUTE 


1, NivA' KA RO’RANI’ 
Niivii’ ka ro/rini’! 
Niivii’ ka ro/rani’! 
Niivii’ ka ro’rini’! 
Niivii’- ka ro’rini’! 
Gosi pa’ héivi’gint’, 
Gosi pa’ hiivi’gini’. 


Translation 


The snow lies there—ro'rani’! 
The snow lies there—ro'rdni'! 
The snow lies there—ro'rani ! 
The snow lies there—ro/rdani'! 
The Milky Way lies there, 
The Milky Way lies there. 


MOONEY | MYTH OF THE MILKY WAY 1053 


This is one of the favorite songs of the Paiute Ghost dance. The 
tune has a plaintive but rather pleasing effect, although inferior to the 
tunes of most of the ghost songs of the prairie tribes. The words as 
they stand are very simple, but convey a good deal of meaning to the 
Indian. It must be remembered that the dance is held in the open air 
at night, with the stars shining down on the wide-extending plain 
walled in by the giant sierras, fringed at the base with dark pines, and 
with their peaks white with eternal snows. Under such circumstances 
this song of the snow lying white upon the mountains, and the Milky 
Way stretching across the clear sky, brings up to the Paiute the same 
patriotic home love that comes from lyrics of singing birds and leafy 
trees and still waters to the people of more favored regions. In the 
mythology of the Paiute, as of many other tribes, the Milky Way is 
the road of the dead to the spirit world. Ro/rdni’ serves merely to fill 
in the meter, : 

2. DENA’ GAYO'N 
Dena’ gayo’n, Dé’na ga’yoni’, 
Dena’ gayo'n, Dé'na yoni’, 
Bawi’ doro’n, Ba’wa do’roni’, 
3awi’ doro’n, Ba’wi do’roni’. 


Translation 


A slender antelope, a slender antelope, 
A slender antelope, a slender antelope, 
He is wallowing upon the ground, 
He is wallowing upon the ground, 
He is wallowing upon the ground, 
He is wallowing upon the ground. 


This song evidently refers to a trance vision in which the sleeper 
saw an antelope rolling in the dust, after the manner of horses, buf- 
falo, and other animals. 

; 3. Do’ Ti‘MBI 
Do’ tiimbi, Do’ ti’mbi-nii/n, 
Do’ tiimbi, Do’ ti/mbi-nii/n, 
Tiimbi bai/-yo, Ti’mbi ba‘i-yo-ii/n, 
Timbi bai’-yo, Ti‘mbi ba‘i-yo-ii‘n. 
Translation 
The black rock, the black rock, 
The black rock, the black rock, 
The rock is broken, the rock is broken, 
The rock is broken, the rock is broken. 


This song may refer to something in Paiute mythology. Né/n and 
wn are unmeaning syllables added to fill out the measure. 


4, PAs’ wi'NOGHAN 
Pisii’ wi/noghiin, 
Pisii’ wi/noghiin, 
Piisii’ wi/noghiin, 


1054 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Wai’-va_ wi/noghiin, 
Wal-va wi/noghiin, 
Wai-va wi/noghiin. 


Translation 


The wind stirs the willows, 
The wind stirs the willows, 
The wind stirs the willows, 
The wind stirs the grasses, 
The wind stirs the grasses, 
The wind stirs the grasses. 


Wai'-va (or wai in composition) is the sand grass or wild millet of 


Nevada (Oryzopsis membranacea), the seeds of which are ground by the 
Paiute and boiled into mush for food, 


5. PAGU‘NAVA! 
Piigii/niivii’! Piigii niivii’ 
Tingwii/ kwiji’! Tangwii’kwiji’! 
Wimbe'doma’! Wimbe’doma’! 


Translation 
Fog! Fog! 
Lightning! Lightning! 
Whirlwind! Whirlwind! 


This song is an invocation of the elemental forces. It was composed 
by an old woman, who left the circle of dancers and stood in the center 
of the ring while singing it. 


6. WOMBINDOMK'N 


Wimbindomii'n, Wimbi/ndomii’n, 
Wambindomi/n, Wimbindomii’n. 
Nuvii/ri’p noyo’wana’, Nuviiri/p neyo wani’, 
Nuviiri’p noyo’wana’, Nuvii/ri’p noyo’wani’'. 


Translation 


The whirlwind! The whirlwind! 

The whirlwind! The whirlwind! 
The snowy earth comes gliding, the snowy earth comes gliding; 
The snowy earth comes gliding, the snowy earth comes gliding. 


This song may possibly refer to the doctrine of the new earth, here 
represented as white with snow, advancing swiftly, driven by a whirl- 
wind. Such an idea occurs several times in the Arapaho songs. 


7. Kost’ woMBINDOMX’ 


Kosi’ wtmbi'ndomii’, 
Kosi’ wambindomii’, 
Kosii’ wimbi'ndomii’. 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE PAIUTE 1055 


Kai-va wimbi ndomii’, 
Kai-va wimbi/ndomii’, 
Kai/-va witmbi/ndomii’. 


Translation 


There is dust from the whirlwind, 
There is dust from the whirlwind, 
There is dust from the whirlwind. 
The whirlwind on the mountain, 
The whirlwind on the mountain, 
The whirlwind on the mountain, 


8. DOMBI'NA SO’ WINA’ 


Dombi'na so’ wina’, 
Dombi'na so’ wina’, 
Dombi‘na so’ wina’. 
Kai’-va so/wina’, 
Kai’-va_ so’wina’, 
Kai’-va so/wina’ 


Translation 


The rocks are ringing, 
The rocks are ringing, 
The rocks are ringing. 
They are ringing in the mountains, 
They are ringing in the mountains, 
They are ringing in the mountains. 


This song was explained to refer to the roaring of a storm among the 
rocks in the mountains. 


9. SO/NG-A kO‘YONJI’ 


Sa/ng-ii ro’yonji’, Sa‘ng-a ro’yon, 
Sa/ng-ii ro/yonji’, Sa‘ng-a ro’yon, 
Sa/ng-ii ro/yonji’, Si’ng-a ro‘yon. 
Pu'i do’yonji’, Pui do’yon, 
Pui do’yonji’, Pu’i do’yon, 
Puii do’yonji’, Pui do’yon. 


Translation 


The cottonwoods are growing tall, 
The cottonwoods are growing tall, 
The cottonwoods are growing tall. 
They are growing tall and verdant, 
They are growing tall and verdant, 
They are growing tall and verdant. 


This song seems to refer to the return to spring. Throughout the 
arid region of the west the cottonwood skirting the borders of the 
streams is one of the most conspicuous features of the landscape. See 
Arapaho song 13. 

14 ETH—PT 2 


27 


1056 


THE GHOST-DANCE 


RELIGION 


(ETH. ANN. 14 


PAIUTE GLOSSARY 


” 


Agai‘h-tika'ra —“‘ fish eaters;” the dis- 
tinctive name of the Paiute of Walker 
lake, Nevada. 

Bai'-yo — it is broken. 

Ba' wd — going around in a circle 

Déna— for Tina. 

Do — black. 

Dombi'na —for Ti’mbi or Tiibi. 

Do’roni — rolling on the ground, wallow- 
ing. 

Do'yon or Do'yonji—it is growing tall. 

Ga'yon or Ga‘yoni—slender, tall and 
slender. 

Gosi'pa—the Milky Way, the road of the 
dead. See Paiute song 1 

Hiivi'gint —it lies there, it lies there 
asleep; hdvi'kwa, sleep. 

Hogdpd' goni— ‘‘rush-arrow people;” the 
Shoshoni name for the Paiute; from 
hogap, a small water reed; pdgd, arrow, 
and ni, the tribal suffix. 

Hutsi—the sage-hen (Centrocercus uro- 
phasianus). 

Tbidsi'i—“ our mother;” the mythic ma- 
ternal ancestor of the Paiute. 

JACK WILSON— see Wovoka. 

Ka— the root of the verb sit; yd’nakatii', 
T am sitting down. 

Kai-va — mountain. 

Kosi— for Kosi'ba. 

Kosi'ba— dust. 

Kotso'-tika'ra—‘“‘ buffalo eaters;” the 
Paiute name for the Bannock. Com- 
pare Ko'tso-té‘ka, a Comanche division. 

Kura'ngwa—‘‘ very high peak;” applied 
to Mount Grant, the sacred mountain 
of the Paiute, west of Hawthorne and 
near the southwestern end of Walker 
lake, Nevada. 

Kwohi'tsaug or K'wijawh—‘‘big rum- 
bling belly,” one of the names assumed 
by Wovoka the messiah. It was orig- 
inally the name of his paternal grand- 
father. 

Ninigi’kwa—the Paiute name of the 
Ghost dance. The word signifies the 
“dance in a eircle;” niika, a dance. 

Noyo’i—to come gliding or creeping; the 
verb is applied to the movement of a 
snake or of an object which progresses 
without the aid of feet. 

Noyo'wana— for Noyo'a. 


Niimaé—‘‘ people,” or ‘‘Indians,” the 
name used to designate themselves by 
the Paiute, Shoshoni, and Comanche. 

Niimi'-nad'—‘‘our father;” the mythie 
ancestor of the Paiute. 

Niivé— for Niivd’ bi. 

Niivd’ bi— snow. 

Niivi'-ri' pa —snowy earth, snow-covered 
earth (compound word); from niiva’bi, 
snow, and ri/pd or ti/pd, earth. 

Pagi ndiva —fog. 

Paiute or Piu'te—(Pai-yw't) the name by 
which the Niima of Nevada and the 
adjacent region are popularly and offi- 
cially known. It has been rendered as 
“true (pai) Ute” or ‘‘ water (pa) Ute.” 
They themselves pronounce the word 
in three syllables, Pai-u’-ti. 

Pat-yu/cHimt—the Hopi name for the 
Paiute. 

Pai-yu/TsI—the Navaho name for the 
Paiute. 

PaLt —the Washo name for the Paiute. 

Piisii’ —for Piasii'bi. 

Pisii'bi— willow. 

Pavi1o'Tso —the proper tribal name of the 
Indians of Walker River and Pyramid 
Lake reservations in Nevada, according 
to Powell, who considers them distinct 
from the Paiute. 

Pwi—for Pu'igai'-yu. 

Pwigai'-yu—verdant, green (applied to 
growing plants). 

Ro'rdni—an unmeaning word used to fill 
out the measure of the songs. 

Ro'yon or Ro'yonji— other forms of Do‘yon. 

SNAKE INDIANS—a name loosely applied 
to various northern bands or tribes of 
Shoshonean stock, including Paiute, 
Bannock, Shoshoni, and sometimes even 
the Comanche. 

Sowi/na—ringing like a bell, roaring. 

Sti'ng-é—for Su'ng-abi. 

Sii/ng-dibi— cottonwood. 

Taivo—the Paiute, Shoshoni, and Co- 
manche name for a white man. See 
Tét'vibo. 

Takwi' kwij—lightning. 

Té'vibo—‘‘ white man,” the father of 
Wovyoka the messiah. The word has 
a connection with (abi or tdvi, the sun; 
tdvd/nagwat, the east or sunrise place, 


MOONEY] 


and tai’-vo, the Shoshoni and Comanche 
name for a white man. 

Timbi or Ti'mbin—a rock; another form 
is tiibi. 

Ti na—antelope. 

Tiingwit kwiji— for Takww kwi)j. 

Wai'-va—the sand grass or wild millet of 
Nevada (Oryzopsis membranacea). In 
composition the word becomes wai. 
See Paiute song 4. 

Wa/‘stu—the name by which the Washo 
call themselves. 

Wi ktup—the popularname of the Paiute 
dwelling, made in conical form, about 
8 or 10 feet high, and open at the top, 
of tulé rushes woven over a framework 


PAIUTE GLOSSARY 


1057 


of poles. The word is of uncertain 
origin. 

Wit'noghtin—shaken by the wind, waving 
in the wind. 

Wo'voka or Wii'voka—‘*‘the cutter,” the 
proper name of the Paiute messiah, 
known to the whites as Jack Wilson. 
A few years ago he assumed also the 
name of Kwohi'tsaug, “big rumbling 
belly,” from his paternal grandfather. 
See chapter 1x ante. 

Wibi'doma—w hirlwind, hurricane. 
Hi'gud, wind; pitd’ndgwd-higwa’, the 
south wind. 

Wimbe'doma—for Wibi'doma. 

Wimbt ndomdn—for Wibi'doma. 


THE SIOUX 


TRIBAL SYNONYMY 


Chahrarat — Pawnee name (Grinnell). 


Dakota, Nakota, or Lakota—proper tribal name, according to dialect, “allies, 
friends; ” sometimes also they speak of themselves as Oceti Sakowin, the ‘seven 
council fires,” in allusion to their seven great divisions. 

Ttahatski— Hidatsa name, “long arrows ” (Matthews). 

K odalpi-Kinago — Kiowa name, ‘‘ necklace people,” perhaps a misconception of neck- 


cutting people, i. e., beheaders. 


Maranshobishgo— Cheyenne name, ‘ cut-throats” (Long). 


The name is plainly 


incorrect, as the Cheyenne language has no r. 
Nadowesi or Nadowesiu—‘‘ little snakes” or ‘‘ little enemies,” Nadowe, ‘‘ snake” and 
figuratively ‘“‘ enemy,” being the common Algonquian term for all tribes of alien 


lineage. 


The Ojibwa and others designated the Iroquois, living east of them, 


as Nadowe, while the Sioux, living to the west, were distinguished as Nadowesi 
or Nadowesiu, whence come Nadouessioux and Sioux. 

Natnihina or Natni— Arapaho name; Hayden gives the form as Natenehina, which he 
renders ‘‘cut-throats or beheaders,” but it may be derived from Nadowe, as 


explained above. 
Niake' tsikitk— Kichai name. 


Pambizimina— Shoshoni name, ‘‘ beheaders.” 
Papitsinima— Comanche name, ‘‘beheaders,” from papitsi, signifying to behead, 


and nima or niima, people. 


Shahan — Osage, Kansa, Oto, ete, name (Dorsey). 
Sioux— popular name, abbreviated from Nadouessioux, the French form of their 


Ojibwa name. 
Tsaba' kosh—Caddo name, ‘ cut-throats.” 


TRIBAL SIGN 


A sweeping pass of the right hand in front of the neck, commonly 
rendered ‘“cut-throats” or ‘beheaders,” but claimed by the Kiowa to 
refer to a kind of shell necklace formerly peculiar to the Sioux. 


1058 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


SKETCH OF THE TRIBE 


The Sioux constitute the largest tribe in the United States, and are 
too well known to need an extended description here. Although now 
thought of chiefly as a prairie tribe, their emergence upon the plains 
is comparatively recent, and within the historic period their range 
extended as far eastward as central Wisconsin, from which, and most 
of Minnesota, they have been driven out by the westward advance of 
the Ojibwa. There is ground for believing that the true home of the 
whole Siouan stock is not in the west, or even in the central region, but 
along the south Atlantic slope. (See the author’s Siouan Tribes of the 
East.) 

The Sioux language has three well-marked dialects —the eastern or 
Santee, the middle or Yankton (including the Asiniboin in the north), 
and the western or Teton. The tribe consists of seven great divisions, 
each of which again has or had subdivisions. Dorsey enumerates over 
one hundred in all. Each grand division had its own camping cirele, 
and when two or more such divisions camped together they usually 
camped in concentric circles. (Dorsey.) The seven great divisions are: 
1. Mde-wakan-tonican (Medewacanton), “village of the Spirit lake;” 2. 
Wagpekute (Wahpacoota), “leaf shooters;” 3. Waqgpetonwan (Wah- 
peton), ‘leaf village ;” 4. Sisitonwan (Sisseton), variously rendered 
“slimy village” or ‘swamp village ;” 5. [hanktonwan (Yankton), ‘end 
village;” 6. Ihanktoniwanna (Yanktonais), ‘upper end village;” 7. 
Titonwan (Teton), ‘prairie village.” 

The first four divisions collectively are known as Isanati or Santee 
Sioux. The name is supposed to be derived from isan, the dialectic 
word for “knife.” They formerly held Mississippi, Minnesota, and 
upper Red rivers in Minnesota and were afterward gathered on reserva- 
tions at Devils lake, North Dakota; Lake Traverse (Sisseton agency) 
and Flandreau, South Dakota; and Santee ageney, Nebraska. Those 
at Lake Traverse and Flandreau have now taken allotments as citizens. 

The Yankton and Yanktonais, together speaking the middle dialect, 
occupied chiefly the country of James river, east of the Missouri, in 
North Dakota and South Dakota and extending into Iowa. They are 
now on Yankton aud Crow Creek reservations in South Dakota, and 
Fort Peck reservation, Montana. 

The Teton constitute more than two-thirds of the whole Sioux tribe, 
and held nearly the whole country southwest of the Missouri from 
Cannonball river to the South Platte, extending westward beyond the 
Black hills. They are all now on reservations in South and North 
Dakota. They are again subdivided into seven principal divisions: 
1. Sichatgu, “burnt thighs” (Brulés), now on Rosebud reservation ; 
2. Ogalala, referring to “scattering” of dust in the face (Clark), now 
on Pine Ridge reservation, under the celebrated chief Red Cloud 
(Maqpe-Luta); 3. Hunkpapa, ‘those who camp at the end (or opening) 


MOONEY] SKETCH OF THE SIOUX 1059 


of the camping circle” (Clark), on Standing Rock reservation; 4. Wdini- 
kanzu, those who plaut by the water,” on Cheyenne River reservation ; 
5. Itazipko, “without bows” (Sans Ares), on Cheyenne River reserva- 
tion; 6. Sihasapa, black feet” (not to be confounded with the Black- 
foot tribe), on Cheyenne River and Standing Rock reservations; 
7. Ohenotipa, “two kettles,” on Cheyenne River and Rosebud reserva- 
tions. According to the official report for 1893, the Sioux within the 
United States number about 23,410, which, with 600 permanently settled 
in Manitoba, make the whole population about 24,000 souls. 

The Sioux, under the name of Nadouessi, are mentioned by the Jesuit 
missionaries as early as 1632. They made their first treaties with our 
government in 1815. The most prominent events in their history since 
that date have been the treaty of Prairie du Chien in 1825, which 
defined their eastern boundary and stopped the westward advance of 
the Ojibwa; the Minnesota massacre of 1862, which resulted in the 
expulsion of the Sioux from Minnesota; the Sioux war of 1876-77, 
largely consequent on the unauthorized invasion of the Black hills by 
miners, and the chief incident of which was the defeat and massacre 
of an entire detachment under General Custer; the treaty by which the 
great reservation was broken up in 1889, and the outbreak of 1590, 
with the massacre of Wounded Knee. 

By reason of their superior numbers the Sioux have always assumed, 
if not exercised, the lordship over all the neighboring tribes with the 
exception of the Ojibwa, who, having acquired firearms before the 
Sioux, were enabled to drive the latter from the headwaters of the 
Mississippi, and were steadily pressing them westward when stopped 
by the intervention of the United States government. The Sioux in 
turn drove the Cheyenne, Crow, Kiowa, and others before them and 
forced them into the mountains or down into the southern prairies, 
The eastern bands were sedentary and largely agricultural, but the 
Teton were solely and preeminently wandering buffalo hunters. All 
dwelt in tipis—the word is from the Sioux language—which were of bark 
in the timber country and of buffalo skins on the plains. In warlike 
character they are probably second only to the Cheyenne, and have an 
air of proud superiority rather unusual with Indians. Clark says of 
them, ‘‘In mental, moral, and physical qualities I consider the Sioux 
a little lower but still nearly equal to the Cheyenne, and the Teton 
are the superior branch of the family.” (Indian Sign Language, 345.) 
The eastern Sioux are now far advanced toward civilization through 
the efforts of teachers and missionaries for over a generation, and the 
same is true in a less degree of the Yankton, while the majority of the 
Teton are still nearly if their original condition. 

I found the Sioux very difficult to approach on the subject of the 
Ghost dance. This was natural, in view of the trouble that had resulted 
to them in consequence of it. When I was first at Pine Ridge, the 
troops still camped there served as a reminder of the conflict, while in 


1060 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH ANN. 14 


the littie cemetery at the agency were the fresh graves of the slain 
soldiers, and only a few miles away was the Wounded Knee battlefield 
and the trench where the bodies of nearly three hundred of their people 
had been thrown. To my questions the answer almost invariably was, 
“The dance was our religion, but the government sent soldiers to kill 
us on account of it. We will not talk any more about it.” Another 
reason for their unwillingness was the fact that most of the interpreters 
were from the eastern or Santee portion of the tribe, and looked with 
contempt on the beliefs and customs of their more primitive western 
brethren, between whom and themselves there was in consequence but 
little friendly feeling. On one occasion, while endeavoring to break 


Fic. 102—Native drawings of Ghost dance—A, Comanche; B, Sioux 


the ice with one of the initiates of the dance, I told him how willingly 
the Arapaho had given me information and even invited me to join in 
the dance. ‘‘Then,” said he, “don’t you find that the religion of the 
Ghost dance is better than the religion of the churches?” I could not 
well say yes, and hesitated a moment to frame an answer. Ile noticed 
it at once and said very deliberately, “Well, then, if you have not 
learned that you have not learned anything about it,” and refused to 
continue the conversation. 

The Sioux ghost songs are all in the dialect of the Teton, who took 
the most active interest in the dance, which was hardly known among 
the bands east of the Missouri. The vocalic character of the language, 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE SIOUX 1061 


and the frequent liquid / of this dialect, renders these songs peculiarly 
musical, while for beauty of idea and expression they are second only 
to those of the Arapaho. 


SONGS OF THE SIOUX 
1. A’TE HE’YE E'YAYO 
Opening song 


A‘te he’ye e’yayo! 

A’te he’ye e’yayo! 

A’te he’ye lo, 

A'te he’ye lo. 

Nitu/nkanshila wa‘niyegala’ke—kta’ e’yayo’! 
Nitu/nkanshila wa/iyegala’‘ke—kta’ e'yayo’! 
A’te he’ye lo, 

A’te he’ye lo. 

Ni‘takuye wanye’gila’‘ke—kta e’yayo’! 
Ni/‘takuye wanye’gila‘ke—kta e’yayo’! 

A'te he’ye lo, 

A’te he’ye lo. 


Translation 


The father says so— P'yayo! 

The father says so— E’yayo! 

The father says so, 

The father says so. 

You shall see your grandfather — E’yayo’! 
You shall see your grandfather — E’yayo'! 
The father says so, 

The father says so. 

You shall see your kindred — LH’ yayo'! 
You shall see your kindred— E'yayo'! 
The father says so, 

The father says so, 


This is the opening song of the dance. While singing it, all the 
dancers stand motionless with hands stretched out toward the west, 
the country of the messiah and the quarter whence the new spirit 
world is to come. When it is ended, all cry together, after which they 
join hands and begin to circle around to the left. Grandfather,” as 
well as ‘‘ father,” is a reverential term applied to the messiah. 


2. Mi’cHi’/NKSHI NANPE 


Michi/nkshi nanpe ma/yuzaye, 
Michi/nkshi nanpe ma/yuzaye, 
A'te he’ye lo, 

A’te he’ye lo. 

Ini‘chaghe-kte, 

Ini‘chaghe-kte, 

A’‘te he’ye lo, 

A'te he’ye lo. 

Chino‘Dpa wa't chi’cha-u'pi, 


1062 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


Chano’npa wa’n chi/cha-u’pi, 
A'te he’ye lo’, 

A’te he’he lo’. 
Cha’-yani'pi-kta’, 
Cha/-yani’pi-kta’, 

A'te he’ye lo’, 

A‘te he’ye lo’. 


Translation 


My son, let me grasp your hand, 

My son, let me grasp your hand, 
. Says the father, 

Says the father. 

You shall live, 

You shall live, 

Says the father, 

Says the father. 

I bring you a pipe, 

I bring you a pipe, 

Says the father, 

Says the father. 

By means of it you shall live, 

By means of if you shall live, 

Says the father, 

Says the father. 


This song refers to the sacred pipe which, according to the Sioux, 
tradition, was brought to them by a mysterious young woman from the 
spirit world. The story, as outlined by Captain J. M. Lee, is as follows: 
In the old times the Sioux were always at war, not only with other tribes, 
but also among themselves. On one oceasion two young men were out 
hunting when they saw a young woman approaching them with folded 
arms. Seeing that she was not of their own tribe, one proposed to the 
other that they kill her, but he refused and urged that they wait until 
they learned what she wanted. The first speaker, however, was about 
to kill her as she drew near, when she suddenly stooped down and 
took from around her ankle something resembling an anklet, which she 
waved about her head. The motion was so rapid that it seemed as 
though a cloud encircled her for a few moments, when she ceased, and 
the snake which she had taken from off her ankle glided away through 
the grass. But the young warrior who had thought to kill her had 
disappeared, swept from the face of the earth. 

Turning now to his companion, she said, “To you I come as a friend 
and helper. Your people have been killing each other. I bring you a 
pipe, which is a token of peace,” and she held out a pipe as she spoke. 
“When you smoke it your thoughts will be of peace, and no murderer 
(i. e., no one who kills a member of his own tribe) must be allowed to 
smoke it.” She returned with him to his village, where the women 
prepared for her reception a large tipi, to which the chiefs of the tribe 
came to listen to her instructions. She taught them to be at peace with 


MOONEY] SACRED PIPE OF THE SIOUX 1063 


one another, if they would be happy, and when they listened to her words 
and accepted her teachings, she gave them the sacred medicine pipe 
to smoke thenceforth in their councils as a perpetual reminder of the 
peace covenant of the Lakota. Her mission now ended, she said she 
must leave them, and although they begged her earnestly to stay with 
them, she could not tarry longer, but disappeared as suddenly and 
mysteriously as she had come. 

A variant of this legend is given by Colonel Mallery in his paper in 
the Tenth Annual Report of the Bureau of Ethnology, where it is illus- 
trated by a colored plate from a picture by the Indian story teller. 
According to this version, the pipe maiden was the mysterious white 
Buffalo Cow, and brought, with the pipe, a package of four grains 
of maize of different colors, This corn sprang from the milk which 
dropped from her udder, and was thus, with the flesh of the buffalo 
itself, appointed from the beginning to be the food of all the red tribes. 
The seeming snakes about her waist and ankles were really blades of 
grass (corn?). She taught the people to call her “grandmother,” a 
reverential title among Indians, and after leading them to her relatives, 
the buffalo, she faded from their sight as they stood gazing at her. 

The pipe holds an important part in the mythology and ritual of 
almost all our tribes, east and west, and no great ceremony is complete 
and no treaty was ever ratified without it. It is generally symbolic of 
peace and truth, As a peace emblem, it was formerly carried by every 
bearer of a friendly message from one tribe to another and was smoked 
in solemn ratification of treaties, the act of smoking being itself in the 
nature of an oath. Among the prairie tribes an individual accused of 
crime is offered the sacred pipe, and if he accepts it and smokes he is 
declared innocent, as no Indian would dare to smoke it if guilty. The 
ordinary ceremonial pipe of the prairie tribes is made of the red stone, 
known as catlinite. from the famous pipestone quarry in Minnesota in 
the old country of the Sioux. The peace pipe of the Cherokee was 
made of a white stone, somewhat resembling tale, from a quarry near 
Knoxville, Tennessee. It is said to have had seven stem holes, 
emblematic of the seven clans of the Cherokee, and was smoked by 
seven counselors at the same time. In every case the tribe has a 
legend to account for the origin of the pipe. A flat pipe is the tribal 
“medicine” of the Arapaho, and is still preserved with the northern 
band in Wyoming. (See Arapaho songs 1 and 2.) Besides the stone 
pipe, there are also in use pipes of clay or bone, as well as cigarettes, 
but as a rule no ceremonial character attaches to these. In ceremonial 
smoking the pipe is passed around the circle of councilors, each of 
whom takes only a few whiffs and then hands it to his neighbor. Each 
one as he receives the pipe offers it first to the sun, holding the bowl 
up toward the sky and saying, ‘Grandfather, smoke;” then to the 
earth, the fire, and perhaps also to each of the four cardinal points 
and to one or another of their mythologic heroes. Among the Kiowa 


1064 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


I have seen a man hold up the pipe to the sky, saying, ‘‘ Smoke, Sinti” 
(Sinti being their great mythologic trickster), and then in the same 
way, ‘Smoke, Jesus.” 

In the Ghost dance at Rosebud and Pine Ridge, as usually per- 
formed, a young woman stood in the center of the cirele holding out a 
pipe toward the messiah in the west, and remained thus throughout 
the dance. Another young woman usually stood beside her holding 
out a bdqati wheel (see Arapaho song 49) in the same way. This 
feature of the dance is said to have been introduced by Short Bull. 


3. HE TUWE’CHA HE 

He tuwe’cha he u echa’/ni hwo? 
He tuwe’cha he u echa/ni hwo? 
Hunku oki‘le chaya he u hwo? 
Hunku oki/le chaya he u hwo? 
A’te-ye he’ye lo, 

A'te-ye he’ye lo. 


Translation 


Who think you comes there? 

Who think you comes there? 

Is it someone looking for his mother? 
Is it someone looking for his mother? 
Says the father, 

Says the father. 


In this the singer tells how he was greeted by his former friend upon 
entering the spirit world, to which he had gone in search of his mother. 


4. WANA/YAN MA’NIYE 


Wana’yan ma/niye, 
Wana’yan ma/niye. 
Tata‘ika wan ma/‘niye, 
Tata‘nka wan ma/niye, 
A’te he’ye lo, 

A’te he’ye lo. 


Translation 
Now he is walking, 
Now he is walking. 
There is a buffalo bull walking, 
There is a buffalo bull walking, 
Says the father, 
Says the father. 


The maker of this song, in her vision of the spirit world, evidently 
saw a herd of buffalo, with a bull walking about near them, The form 
of the verb shows that a woman is supposed to be talking. 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE SIOUX 1065 


5. LECHEL MIYO’QAN-KTE 


Lechel miyo’qan-kte lo— Yo’yoyo’! 

Lechel miyo’qan-kte lo— Yo/yoyo'! 

Taku maka’ a-icha’gha hena mita’wa-ye lo— Yo'yoyo’! 
Taku maka’ a-icha’gha hena mita’/wa-ye lo— Yo’yoyo'! 
A’te he’ye lo— Yo'yoyo’! 

A‘te he’ye lo— Yo’yoyo’! 

E’ya Yo'yoyo’! 

E‘ya Yo’yoyo’! 


Translation 


This is to be my work — Yo'yoyo’! 

This is to be my work — Yo'yoyo'! 

All that grows upon the earth is mine — Yo'yoyo’! 
All that grows upon the earth is mine — Yo'yoyo'! 
Says the father — Yo'yoyo'! 

Says the father — Yo'yoyo'! 

E’ya Yo'yoyo'! 

E‘ya Yo'yoyo'! 


6. MICHINKSHI YI TEWA’QILA CHE 


Michinkshi’yi tewa’qila che —Ye’ye’! 
Michinkshi’yi tewa’qila che — Ye'ye’! 
Oya’te-ye i/nichagha’pi-kta che — Ye'ye’! 
Oya’te-ye i/nichagha’pi-kta che — Ye'ye’! 
A’teye he’ye lo, 

A’teye he’ye lo. 

Haye’ye’ E’yayo’yo’! 

Haye’ye’ E’yayo'yo'! 


Translation 


T love my children— Ye'ye'! 

T love my children— Ye'ye'! 

You shall grow to be a nation— Ye'ye'! 
You shall grow to be a nation— Ye'ye'! 
Says the father, says the father. 
Haye'ye Eyayo'yo'! Haye'ye’ E’yayo'yo'! 


7. MILA KIN HIYU/MICHI'/CHIYANA 


Mila kin hiyu’michi’chiyana, 

Mila kin hiyn’michi’chiyana, 

Wa’ waka’bla-kte— Ye’ye’! 

Wa’ waka’bla-kte— Ye'ye'! 

Onichi he’ye lo—Yo‘yo'! 

Onchi he’ye lo—Yo'yo'! 

Puye chinyi wa‘sna wakaghinyin-kte, 
Puye chinyi wa/sna wakaghinyin-kte, 
Onchi heye lo—Yo'yo ! 

Ofichi heye lo—Yo’yo! 


1066 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN, 


Translation 


Give me my knife, 

Give me ny knife, 

T shall hang up the meat to dry — Ye'ye'! 
I shall hang up the meat to dry — Ye'ye'! 
Says grandmother— Yo'yo'! 

Says grandmother— Yo'yo!! 

When it is dry I shall make pemmican, 
When it is dry I shall make pemmican, 
Says grandmother— Yo'yo! 

Says grandmother— Yo'vo! 


This song brings up a vivid picture of the old Indian life. In her 
trance vision the old grandmother whose experience it relates came 
upon her friends in the spirit world just as all the women of the camp 
were engaged in cutting up the meat for drying after a successful buf- 
falo hunt. In her joy she-calls for her knife to assist in the work, and 
says that as soon as the meat is dry she will make some pemmican. 


Fic. 103—Jerking beef. 


In the old days an Indian camp during the cutting up of the meat 
after a buffalo hunt was asceneof the most joyous activity, some faint 
recollection of which still lingers about ration day at the agency. 
Thirty years ago, when a grand hunt was contemplated, preparations 
were made for days and weeks ahead. Couriers were sent out to col- 
lect the neighboring bands at a common rendezvous, medicine-men 
began their prayers and ceremonies to attract the herd, the buffalo 
songs were sung, and finally when all was ready the confederated bands 
or sometimes the whole tribe—men, women, children, horses, dogs, 
and travois—moved out into the buffalo grounds. Here the immense 
camp of hundreds of tipis was set up, more ceremonies were performed, 


MOONEY] JERKED MEAT AND PEMMICAN 1067 


and the mounted warriors rode out in a body to surround and slaughter 
the herd. The women followed close after them to strip the hides from 
the fresh carcasses and cut out the choice portion of the meat and tal- 
low and bring it into camp. Here the meat was cut into thin strips 
and hung upon frames of horizontal poles to dry, while the tallow was 
stripped off in flakes. In the dry prairie atmosphere one day is usually 
sufficient to cure the meat, without the aid of salt or smoke. When 
thus dried it is known as ‘“‘jerked beet.” While the meat is fresh, for 
the first day or two the camp is a scene of constant feasting, the juicy 
steaks or the sweet ribs being kept broiling over the coals in one tipi 
or another until far into the night. It is the harvest home of the 
prairie tribes. As soon as the meat is dry, the tipis are taken down 
and packed into the wagons along with the meat, and one family after 
another starts for home until in a short time the great camp is a thing 
of the past. 

The jerked beef or venison is commonly prepared for eating by being 
boiled until reasonably tender. In eating, the Indian takes a strip thus 
cooked, dips one end into a soup made by dissolving some salt in warm 
water, takes the portion thus salted between his teeth, and saws off 
enough for a mouthful with a knife held in his other hand. Between 
mouthfuls he takes bites from a strip of dried tallow placed in the dish 
with the meat. 

For pemmican the jerked beef or other meat is toasted over a fire 
until crisp and is then pounded into a hash with a stone hammer, In 
the old times a hole was dug in the ground and a buffalo hide was 
staked over so as to form a skin dish, into which the meat was thrown 
to be pounded. The hide was that from the neck of the buffalo, the 
toughest part of the skin, the same used for shields, and the only part 
which would stand the wear and tear of the hammers. In the mean- 
time the marrow bones are split up and boiled in water until all the 
grease and oil come to the top, when it is skimmed off and poured 
over the pounded beef. As soon as the mixture cools, it is sewed up 
into skin bags (not the ordinary painted parfléche cases) and laid away 
until needed. It was sometimes buried or otherwise cached. Pem- 
mican thus prepared will keep indefinitely. When prepared for imme- 
diate use, it is usually sweetened with sugar, mesquite pods, or some 
wild fruit mixed and beaten up with itin the pounding. It is extremely 
nourishing, and has a very agreeable taste to one accustomed to it. On 
the march it was to the prairie Indian what parched corn was to the 
hunter of the timber tribes, and has been found so valuable as a con- 
‘densed nutriment that it is extensively used by arctic travelers and 
explorers. A similar preparation is in use upon the pampas of South 
America and in the desert region of South Africa, while the canned 
beef of commerce is an adaptation from the Indian idea. The name 
comes from the Cree language, and indicates something mixed with 
grease or fat. (Lacombe.) 


1068 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


8. Lr HE/YAHE’ 
Le he’yahe’— Ye'ye! 
Le he’yahe’— Ye'ye! 
Kanghi-ye oya’te-ye cha-ya waon we lo, 


n 
Kanghi-ye oya‘te-ye cha-ya waon we lo, 
Translation 
This one says— Ye'ye! 
This one says— Ye'ye! 


I belong indeed to the nation of Crows, 
I belong indeed to the nation of Crows. 


This song may better be rendered, “I am a Crow nation,” i. e., I 
represent the nation of Crows, the Crow nation probably typifying the 
spirits of the dead in the other world, as explained in Arapaho song 
36. In several of the ghost songs there occur such expressions as 
“T am a Crow,” “the Crow woman is going home,” ete. Compare 
Sioux song 18. 


9, Nrya’TE-YE’ HE’UW’E 


Niya‘te-ye’ he‘uw’e, niya'te-ye’ he’uw’e, 
Wanbali galé’shka wa‘i-yan nihi’youwe, 
Wanbali galé/shka wa/i-yan nihi’youwe. 


Translation 


It is your father coming, it is your father coming, 
A spotted eagle is coming for you, 
A spotted eagle is coming for you. 


This song probably refers to a transformation trance vision, such as 
is frequently referred to in the ghost songs, where the spirit friend 
suddenly assumes the form of a bird, a moose, or some other animal. 


10. Mryo0/QaAN KIN WANLA‘KI 


Miyo’qan kin wanla‘ki—Ye'yeye’! 
Miyo’qan kin wanla’ki— Ye’yeye’! 
Hena wa/‘nlake, 
Hena wa/nlake, 
Ha’eye’ya he’yeye’, 
Ha’eye'ya he’yeye’. 
Translation 
. You see what I can do— Ye'yeye'! 
You see what I can do— Ye'yeye'! 


You see them, you see them, 
Ha'eye'ya he'yeye'! Ha'eye'ya he'yeye'! 


In this song the Father is probably represented as calling his chil- 
dren to witness that he has shown them visions of the spirit world 
and their departed friends. 


MOUNEY] SONGS OF THE SIOUX 1069 


11. MicHi/NKSHI MITA’ WAYE 


E'yaye'ye’! E’yaye'ye’! 
Miebi‘nkshi mita’waye, 
Michi/nkshi mita’waye. 


Translation 


Piyayeye! E'yaye'ye'! 
It is my own child, 
It is my own child. 


The form of the verb indicates that this song was composed by a 
woman, who had evidently met her dead child in the spirit world. 


12. A’TE HE’ U-WE 


A’te he’ u-we, A’te he’ u-we, 
A’te eya’ya he’ u-we' lo, 
A'te eya’ya he’ u-we’ lo, 
Ya/nipi-kta’ e’ya u’-we lo, 
Ya/nipi-kta’ e/ya u’-we lo. 


Translation 


There is the father coming, 

There is the father coming. 

The father says this as he comes, 

The father says this as he comes, 
“You shall live,” he says as he comes, 
“You shall live,” he says as he comes. 


This is a reiteration of the messiah’s promise of eternal life in the 
new spirit world. 


13, Wa’‘sNA Wa/‘TIN-KTA!’ 


Wa/sna_ wa'tin-kta’ — E/yeye’yeye’! 
Wa’sna wa'tin-kta— E’yeye’yeye'! 
Le’chiya’-ya eya’pi-lo—E‘yeye'yeye'! 
Le’chiya’-ya eya’pi-lo—E’yeye’yeye'! 
E‘ya he’-ye lo, E’ya he’-ye lo, 
A“te-ye he’ye lo, A’‘te-ye he’ye lo. 


Translation 


I shall eat pemmican — E’yeye'yeye'! 

I shall eat pemmican — E’yeye'yeye'! 
They say so, they say so, 

The father says so, the father says so. 


For the explanation of this song reference, see song number 7. 


14, A’TE LENA MA’QU-WE 


A’te lena ma/qu-we— Ye'ye’ye’! 

A’‘te lena ma’qu-we— Ye ye'ye’! 

Peta wan—yanyan ma’/qu-we— Ye'ye’ye'! 
Peta wai—yanyan ma/qu-we— Ye’ye'ye’! 
A‘te ma’qu-we— Ye’ye’ye’! 

A’‘te ma‘qu-we — Ye’ye’ye’! 


1070 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


Translation 
It was the father who gave us these things — Ye ye ye’! 
It was the father who gave us these things — Ye'ye'ye'! 
It was the father who gave us tire — Ye'ye ye! 
It was the father who gave us fire — Ye'ye'ye'! 
The father gave it to us— Ye'ye'ye'! 
The father gave it to us— Ye'ye'ye'! 


This was frequently used as the opening song of the Sioux Ghost 
dance. Fire is held in reverence among all Indian tribes as one of the 
greatest gifts of the Author of Life, and every tribe has a myth telling 
how it originated and how it was obtained by the people. In most of 
these myths the fire is represented as being at first in the possession 
of some giant or malevolent monster, from whom it is finally stolen by 
a hero, after a series of trials and difficulties worthy of the heroes of 
the Golden Fleece. 

15. INA’ HE KUWO’ 
Ina’ he’kuwo’; ina’ he’kuwo'. 
Misu/nkala che'yaya oma/ni-ye, 
Misu’nkala che'yaya oma‘ni-ye. 
Ina he’kuwo’; ina he’kuwo’. 


Translation 


Mother, come home; mother, come home. 
My little brother goes about always crying, 
My little brother goes about always crying. 
Mother, come home; mother, come home. 


This touching song was a favorite among the Sioux. It was composed 
by a young woman who saw her dead mother in the other world, and 
on waking out of her trance vision implores the mother to come back 
to them again, as her little brother is forever crying after her. 


16. WA'NA WANASA’PI-KTA 


Wa’‘na wanasa’'pi-kta, 
Wa’na wanasa’pi-kta. 
Unehi’ ita/zipa michu’-ye, 
Unehi’ ita/zipa michu’-ye, 
A’te he’ye lo, a‘te he’ye lo. 


Translation 


Now they are about to chase the buttalo, 
Now they are about to chase the buffalo, 
Grandmother, give me back my bow, 
Grandmother, give me back my bow, 
The father says so, the father says so, 


The author of this song, in his trance vision of the spirit world, sees 
his old-time friends about to start on a butfalo hunt, and calls to his 
grandmother to give him back his bow, so that he may join them. The 


MOONEY] BUFFALO HUNTING 1071 


form, **give it back to me,” is intended to show how far remote is 
the old life of the Indians, before they used the guns and other things 
of the white man. The last line has no particular connection with the 
rest, except as a common refrain of the ghost songs. 


17. He’! KI’NYANKA A’GALI'-YE 
He’! kiinyanka a’gali’-ye, 
He’! kiityanka a’gali’-ye, 
Wan! lechiya wanasa'pi-kta’ keya pi lo, 
Wan! le’chiya wanasa’pi-kta’ keya’pi lo, 
Wanhinkpe ka’gha-yo! 
Wanhinkpe ka’gha-yo! 
A'te he’ve lo, A’‘te he’ye lo. 
Translation 
He! They have come back racing, 
He! They have come back racing, 
Why, they say there is to be a buffalo hunt over here, 
Why, they say there is to be a buffalo hunt over here, 
Make arrows! Make arrows! 
Says the father, says the father. 

This song may be considered supplementary to the last. In the old 
times, when going on a buffalo hunt, it was customary among the Sioux 
to send out a small advance party to locate the herd. On finding it, 
these men at once returned at full gallop to the main body of hunters, 
but instead of stopping on reaching them they dashed past and then 
turned and fell in behind. It is to this custom that the first line refers. 
The author of the song, on waking up in the spirit world, sees the scout- 
ing party just dashing in with the news of the presence of the buffalo. 
Everyone at once prepares to join the hunt and ‘the father” commands 
him to make (or get ready) his arrows and go with them. 


18. Mi’yr WANMA'YANKA-YO 


Mi'ye wanma’yanka-yo! 

Mi'ye wanima‘yanka-yo! 

Katighi oya’‘te wan chanku’ waka’ghe lo, 
Kanghi oya’te wan chanku’ waka’ghe lo, 
Yani pi-kta'-cha, yani’pi-kta’-cha. 

Koia he'ye lo, kola he'ye lo. 


Translation 


Look at me! Look at me! 

I make a road for one of the Crow nation (?), 
I make a road for one of the Crow nation (?). 
You shall live indeed, you shall live indeed. 
Our friend says so, onr friend says so. 


The idea of this song is somewhat similar to that of number 8. It 
has no reference to the Crow Indians. As has been already explained, 
14 ETH—Pr 2——2s 


1072 


THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION 


(ETH. ANN, 14 


the crow 18 symbolie of the spirit world, and when the “ friend”—the 
father or messiah —declares that he makes a road for one of the Crow 
nation he means that he has prepared the way for the return of their 
friends who are gone before. 


19. Maka’ SITO’MANIYAN 


Maka’ sito'maniyan ukiye, 

Oya'te uki'ye, oya’te uki’ye, 
Wa’nbali oya‘te wan hoshi‘hi-ye lo, 
Ate heye lo, ate heye lo, 

Maka o’wancha’ya uki’ye. 

Pte kin ukiye, pte kin ukiye, 
Kanghi oya‘te wan hoshi‘hi-ye lo, 
A’te he’ye lo, a’te he’ye lo. 


Translation 


The whole world is coming, 

A nation is coming, a nation is coming, 

The Eagle has brought the message to the tribe. 
The father says so, the father says so. 

Over the whole earth they are coming. 

The buffalo are coming, the buffalo are coming, 
The Crow has brought the message to the tribe, 
The father says so, the father says so. 


This fine song summarizes the whole hope of the Ghost dance—the 
return of the buffalo and the departed dead, the message being brought 
to the people by the sacred birds, the Eagle and the Crow, The eagle 
known as wan/bali is the war eagle, from which feathers are procured 


for war bonnets. 


This song refers to the sacred pipe (see Sioux song 2 and 


20. LE’NA WA'KAN 


Lena wa/kan waka’gha-che, 

A’te he’ye lo, a’te he’ye lo, 

O’gale kinhan wakan waka/gha-che, 
A’‘te he’ye lo, a’‘te he’ye lo, 
Chinon‘/pa kin waka’gha-che, 

A'te he’ye lo, a’te he’ye lo. 


Translation 


It is 1 who make these sacred things, 
Says the father, says the father. 

It is I who make the sacred shirt, 
Says the father, says the father. 

It is 1 who made the pipe, 

Says the father, says the father. 


song 2) and the ghost shirt. 


21. Miyo’QAN KIN CHICHU'-CHE 


Miyo’qan kin chichu’-che, 
A‘te he’ye lo’, a‘te he’ye lo’, 
O’gile kin ni/niye’-kta, 

A'te he'ye lo’, a‘te he’ye lo’. 


Arapaho 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE SIOUX 1073 


Translation 
Verily, I have given you my strength, 
Says the father, says the father. 
The shirt will cause you to live, 
Says the father, says the father. 


This song also refers to the ghost shirt, which was supposed to make 
the wearer invulnerable. 


22. MicHI’NKSHI TAHE’NA 


Michi/‘nkshi tahe’na ku’piye, 
Michi/nkshi tahe’na ku’piye, 
Mako’che wan washte aya’gali’pi-kte, 
A'te he’ye lo’, a‘te he’ye lo’. 


Translation 


My child, come this way, 

My child, come this way. 

You will take home with you a good country, 
Says the father, says the father. 


This song may refer to the vision of the new earth, which the mes- 
siah showed to the Sioux delegates when they visited him. (See page 
797.) The first line means literally “return in this direction,” the 
imperative form used being between a command and an entreaty. 


23. WANA WICHE’SHKA 


Wana wiché’shka a’ti-ye, 

Wana wiché’shka a’ti-ye. 

Wihu'ta oho/mani, wihu’ta oho’mani, 
Oka’tanna, oka‘tanna, 

Koyan wowa’hin-kte, 

Koyan wowa’hin-kte. 


Translation 


Now set up the tipi, 

Now set up the tipi. 

Around the bottom, 

Around the bottom, 

Drive in the pegs, 

Drive in the pegs. 

In the meantime I shall cook, 
In the meantime I shall cook. 


The form of the verb oka‘taina shows that it is a woman speaking, 
even if we did not learn this from the context. To those who know the 
Indian life it brings up a vivid picture of a prairie band on the march, 
halting at noon or in the evening. As soon as the halt is called by 
some convenient stream, the women jump down and release the horses 
from the wagons (or the travois in the old times), and hobble them to 


1074 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH ANN. 14 


prevent them wandering away. Then, while some of the women set up 
the tipi poles, draw the canvas over them, and drive in the pegs around 
the bottom and the wooden pins up the side, other women take axes 
and buckets and go down to the creek for wood and water. When they 
return, they find the tipis set up and the blankets spread out upon the 
grass, and in a few minutes fires are built and the meal is in prepara- 
tion. The woman who composed the song evidently in her vision 
accompanied her former friends on such a march, 


24. A/TE MI'CHUYE 


A'te mi’chuye, 

A’‘te mi chuye, 
Wanhi/nkpe mi’chuye, 
Wanhinkpe mi‘chuye, 
A’hiye, a’‘hiye. 
Wa'sna wa'tinkte, 
Wa/sna wa’'tinkte. 


Translation 


Father, give them to me, 

Father, give them to me, 

Give me my arrows, 

Give me my arrows. 

They have come, they have come. 
I shall eat pemmican, 

I shall eat pemmican. 


The maker of this song, while in the spirit world, asks and receives 
from the Father some of the old-time arrows with which to kill buffalo, 
so that he may once more feast upon pemmican. 


25. HANPA WECHA’GHE 


Hanpa wecha’'ghe, 

Hanpa wecha'che, 

Tewa qila-la he, 

Tewa’qila-la he. 
Wa/nbleni’chala he kaye lo, 
Wa/nbleni‘chala he kaye lo, 
Toke'cha wa/iwegalaki/n-kte, 
Toke'cha wa/iwegalaki ii-kte, 
Nihun kon he he’ye lo, 
Nihu’nh kon he he’ye lo. 


Translation 


I made moccasins for him, 
I made moccasins for him, 
For I love him, 

For I love him. 

To take to the orphan, 

To take to the orphan, 


MOONEY]} 


SONGS OF THE SIOUX 


1075 


Soon I shall see my child, 
Soon I shall see my child, 
Says your mother, 
Says your mother. 


This song evidently relates the trance vision of a mother who saw 
her child in the spirit world, and expresses the hope that she may soon 


be united with him. 


In accordance with the custom of the Ghost 


dance, it is probable that she made a pair of moccasins to give him 
when next they met, and that she carried them in the dance as she 


sang. 


26. WAKA'NYAN INYA NKIN-KTE 


Waka‘nya 
T 


Waka‘tya 


n 
n 


inyankin-kte, 

y inya nkin-kte. 
Changile’shka wan luza’ha 
Changale’shka wan luza‘ha 


ya/‘nkin-kte, 
a 


n iny 
nh inya/nkin-kte, 


Watwa'yag upo, watiwa’yag upo, 
A'te he’ye lo, a’‘te he’ye lo. 


Translation 


The holy (hoop) shall run, 
The holy (hoop) shall run, 
The swift hoop shall run, 
The swift hoop shall run. 
Come and see it, 

Come and see it, 

Says the father, 

Says the father. 


This song refers to the game wheel and sticks (bé/qati, Arapaho) 
already described in the Arapaho songs. It is said that the medicine- 
man of Big Foot’s band carried such a hoop with him in their flight 
from the north, and displayed it in every dance held by the band until 
the fatal day of Wounded Knee. A similar hoop was carried and hung 
upon the center tree at the dance at No Water’s camp near Pine Ridge. 
To the Indian it symbolizes the revival of the old-time games. 


SIOUX GLOSSARY 


A’gali (-ye)—they have returned; waku, 
Tamreturning orcoming home; wagali’, 
Ihave returned. 

Ahi’ (-ye)—they have come; 
come; hi, he has come, 

A-icha'gha— growing upon; from kagha, 
to grow or spring up. 

Ate or Ate-ye—father; ate kin, the father ; 
ate-mita, my father; ni'-ate, your father; 
at-kuku, his or her father. Ye is a syl- 
lable sometimes added to fill in the 
meter. 

Ati’-ye—set up the tipi; here ye is the im- 
perative suffix, 


wa-u', I 


Aya gali pi-kte—you (plural) will take 
home with you, you will bring back 
with you; fromawa qile, I take it home. 

Changdle'shka—a hoop; the bd qati hoop. 
See Sioux song 26, and Arapaho songs. 

Chankw' —road, trail. 

Chano'nipa— pipe; o hpa, to smoke; cha’ i- 
li, tobacco. 

Cha-yani' pi-kta—you (plural) will live; 
from ni’wa-un, I live, I go about alive; 
the regular form is Yanipi-kta q.v. 

Cheya'ya—he is constantly crying. JWa- 
che'yd, L ery; the tinal ya implies repe- 
tition or habit. 


1076 


Chi'cha-w pi—T bring it to you (plural). 
Chicha implies I to thee, or I mean thee; 
w implies come, from wa-u, I come; pi 
is the plural participle, and with chi- 
cha implies I bring it to you, or I come 
with it to you. 

Chichu-ché—I give it to you, indeed; 
waku', I give it to him; ché conveys 
the idea of verily or indeed. Compare 
Maqu'-we. 

Chinyi—for Kinhin, when, when it is so. 

Echani—you think so about it; echa'mi, 
Ithink; echa’ni hwo, who do you think? 

Eya!—an unmeaning exclamation used in 
the songs. 

Eya—he says; Eya ya, he 
reiterates, he says again; e’yahe, eya'pi, 
they say. 

E'yahe—another form of eya, he says, 
q. v. 

Eya' pi—they say. 

Eya ya—he reiterates, he says again. 
The final ya implies repetition. Com- 
pare Eya. 

E’yaye'ye!/—an unmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 

E’yayo'!—an exclamation 
used in the songs to fill in the meas- 
ure. 

EB’ yeye' yeye!—an unmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 

Gale’ shka—spotted. 

Ha'eye ya!—an unmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 

Hanpa—moceasin. 

Ha'yeye'!—an 
used in the songs. 

He—(1) anexclamation, look! look here! 
(2) an interrogative particle, after the 
sentence; (3) the demonstrative 
“that.” 

Héku'wo—come home now, return home 
at once; 
implying now, or directly. 

He'na —those, plural of he, that. 

He uwé—that is he coming; from he, that ; 
u, coming; and we, the feminine par- 
ticle. 

Heyahe (-ye)—he says that, he says this; 


epa, 1 say. 


Compare Lya. 


unmeaning 


unmeaning exclamation 


wa-u, I come; he, a prefix 


yeis usually the female suffix, Com- 
pare Je ye. 

He'ye—he says. 

He'yeye'!—an unmeaning exclamation 


used in the songs. 
Hiyumichi'chiya' na—hand me my own; 
na, the female imperative particle. 


THE GHOST-DANCE 


RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 

Hoshi‘hi (-ye) —he has arrived witb a mes- 
sage; he has brought a message; from 
hoshi’, to tell news, to carry a mes- 
sage. 

Hinku—his mother; indi, mother. 

Hwo—an interrogative sign, used by < 
man; 2 woman says wi. 

Ina'—mother; my mother. 

Ini’ chaghapi-kte—you (plural) will grow 
or live. Compare Inichaghe-kte. 

Inichaghe-kte—you (singular) will grow, 
i,e., you will live; icha’‘ghehe, it is 
growing, 

Inyankin-kte—it shall run; from inyanka, 
to run, 

Ita'zipa—a bow (to shoot with). 

Ka'gha-yo—make them; waka’ghe, | make 
it; yo, an imperative particle. 

Kanghi’ —a crow. 

Kaye—another form of kaya, to take to 
one, 

Keya'pi—they say that, they say it; epa, 
to say. 

Kit iyanka—racing; from inyanka, to 
run; the prefix ki implies a contest or 
emulation. 

Ain—the. 

Kvitihan—explained as another form of 
kin; the ordinary meaning is when or if. 

Ko'la—triend, 

Aon—that (demonstrative); it 
times conveys the idea of ‘ aforesaid.” 

Avo'yan—in the meantime. 

Ku'pi-ye— you will return. 

Lechel—thus, in this way; from le, this. 

Lechi ya—over here in this place; from 
le, this. 

Lena—these things; from le, this. 

Lo—an emphatic or euphonie particle 
used at the end of a phrase or sentence; 
it may be described as an emphatic or 
euphonie period. Lo is used by men, 
ye by women. 

Lu zahan—switt. 

Maka —earth, the earth. 

Mako'che—a country. 

Mani'ye—he walks (habitual); mawani, 
I walk; the suffix ye usually denotes a 
female speaker. 

Mag pe-Luta— Red Cloud, the noted chief 
of the Ogalala Teton Sioux at Pine 
Ridge; from maqpi'ya, a cloud, and 
luta, red. 

Maqu-we—he gave to me, indeed; from 
wakuw', I give it; we is an emphatic 
particle. Compare Chichu’-ché. 


some- 


MOONEY} 


Ma’ yuza (-ye)— grasp it with me, let me 
grasp it. 

Michi'nkshi (-yi) my son, my offspring ; 
chinksh, son. 

Mi'chu (-ye)— give it back to me. 

Mila—knife. 

Miswikala —my little brother. 
la, the diminutive. 

Mita’wa or Mita’waye—it is mine, from 
mi, I, my, and tawd, it belongs. 

Mi'ye—I, myself, me. 

Miyo'qai—my power, my work. 
pare Miyo'qan-kte. 

Miyo'qan-kte—it will be my work, my 
power, the way I shall do; from mi, 
my; ogan, action, work, strength, and 
kte, the future suffix. 

Nanpe—hand; mi-na‘npe, my hand. 

Nihi'youwé—he is coming for you; from 
the root u, to come; wé is the feminine 
particle, which shows that a woman is 
speaking. 

Nihu’t—your (singular) mother. 

Niniye'-kta—it will cause you to live; 
miye’, to come to live; ni, in composi- 
tion, you, your; kta, the future suffix. 

Nita/kuye—your kindred; mita’ kuye, my 
relative. 

Nitw'ikanshi'la—your grandfather; mi- 
twakanshi'la, my grandfather, ‘The final 
la is a euphonie diminutive. 

Niya’'te—for Ni-a'te, your father. 

O'gdle—shirt, coat. 

Oho’mani—around, round about. 

Oka‘ tanna— drive it in, drive them in (as 
nails or tipi pegs); na is the female 
imperative particle. 

Okiv‘ile—looking for its own; owa'le, I 
look for it; owa’kile, look for my own. 

Omani (-ye) — walking going 
about. 

Onchi— grandmother. 

O'wancha' ya—all over, everywhere. 

Oya'te—tribe, nation. 

Peta—fire. 

Pte—buffalo (generic), buffalo cow. 

Puze or Puza— dry. 

Shaie‘la or Shaie/na — ‘‘red,” i.e.,*‘ alien ;” 
the Sioux name for the Cheyenne. The 
root of the word is sha, red, with la or 
na, the diminutive, frequently used 
merely for euphony. 

Sitomdni-yan— every body, all over, every- 
where. 

Tahe'‘na—on this side, this way, in this 
direction. 


Mi, my; 


Com- 


around, 


SIOUX GLOSSARY 


1077 


Ta'ku—something, whatever. 

Tatanka—a buttalo bull; pte, a buffalo 
cow. or a buffalo (generic). 

Tewa'qi la or Tewa'qila-la—I love him; the 
final Ja is a diminutive or endearing 
particle, sometimes added to verbs as 
well as to nouns. 

Tipi—a tent, a house; from ti, to dwell 
or abide. 

Toke cha —soon, before long. 

Tuwe'-cha—who indeed? who canit be? 
tu'we, who? 

U—coming; wa-u, 1 come. 

Uki'ye — they 
come. 

Unchi’ — grandmother, my grandmother. 

Upo—you (plural imperative); 
from wa’-u, I come. 

U-we— coming, as he comes; see u; we is 
another form of ye, an emphatic or eu- 
phonic particle. 

Wa'chipi—a dance. 

Wa kat — sacred, 
thing. 

Waka'gha-ché—it is I who made it, I 
made it indeed. The particle ché con- 
veys the idea of indeed, verily. 

Waka'ghe— IL make it. 

Wakaghi'ayin-kte—I shall make it; wa- 
ka'ghe, 1 make it. 

Waka'nyan—sacredly, mysteriously ; 
from wa‘kan, sacred, mysterious. 

Wan—a. 

Wan! —look! see! why! 

Wana—now. 

Wana'ghi— ghost, spirit of the dead. 

Wana'ghi wa'chipi— Ghost dance, from 
wana'ghi, ghost, or spirit of the dead, 
and wa’chipi, a dance. 

Wanasa'pi—see Wanasa'pi-kta. 

Wanasa'pi-kta—they will chase buttalo, 
they are about to chase butialo; from 
wana’sa, to hunt game by surrounding 
and shooting it. Ata or kle is the 
future sign. 

Wanbale'nichala—a little orphan; from 
wa’ nbdle'nicha, an orphan, 

Wa‘ nbdli— eagle, the war eagle. 

Wanhi'nkpe— arrow, arrows. 

Wan-la'ki—you see it; wanbdla'ki, I see 
it. 

Wanma yanka-yo—look at me! wanbdl- 
wka, I see it; yo, the imperative 
suffix. 

Wa'on we—I am in that condition, Iam 
it; we is the feminine suffix. 


are coming; wa-u, I 


come 


mysterious, sacred 


Wanwayag—to see it. Wan- 


ma‘ yanka yo. 


Compare 


Wanwe gala kin-kte—1 shall see my own. 
Compare HWanma'yanka-yo. 

Wanyan—for wan, a (the article). 

Wanyegalake-kta— you (plural) shall see 
yourown; from wanbdla‘ ki, Tsee it. Kte 
or kta is the future suffix. 

Washte’ — good. 

Wa'sna—pemimican. 

Wati'n-kte—I shall eat; wawa’'te, I eat. 

Wawa'kabla-kte—I shall spread out the 
meat to dry; ka’/bla, to spread out meat 
for drying. 

Wa'yana—now; another form of wana. 

We—an emphatic suffix particle equiva- 
lent to verily or indeed. 

Wecha'ghe—I1 made them for him. 


See Sioux song 7. 


THE GHOST-DANCE 


RELIGION [ETH. ANN, 14 

Wiché'shka—a tipi; the word literally 
means only the opening at the top of 
the tipi. 

Wihu'ta—the bottom of a tipi. 

Wowa hin-kte—I shall cook; wowa’han, I 
cook (generic). 

Yanipi-kta— you (plural) will live; from 
ni/wa-un, I am alive. 

Yaryai—an unmeaning word used in the 
songs to fill up the measure. 

Ye—an emphatic, imperative, or preca- 
tory particle or suffix, usually spoken 
by a woman. In the songs it seems 
frequently to be used merely for en- 
phony. 

Ye/ye! —an unmeaning exclamation used 
in the songs. 

Yoyoyo — ibid. 


THE KIOWA AND KIOWA APACHE 


KIOWA TRIBAL SYNONYMY 


Be'shiltchi — Kiowa Apache name, meaning unknown. 

Caygua—Spanish form, from their proper name, Kaijwu. 

Gahe'wa— Wichita and Kichai name; another form of Kiowa. 

K@igwi— ‘real or principal people,” proper tribal name, 

Kai-waé —Comanche and Caddo name; from their proper name, Aaigwu. 

Kiowa—popular name, a corruption of the name used by themselves. 

Kwi’da—“ going out;” old name formerly used by the Kiowa for themselves. 

Ni'chihiné'na—‘‘river men,” Arapaho name; so called because they formerly lived on 
upper Arkansas river, from which the Arapaho claim to have driven them. 


Tepda—‘‘ coming out,” ‘issuing ;” 
for themselves. 


another old name formerly used by the Kiowa 


Witapi hat or Witapd/tu—Cheyenne name, from their Sioux name, MWitapdhd'tu. 
Wi tapéihd@ tu— ‘island butte people” (?), Sioux name. 


KIOWA TRIBAL SIGN 


The Kiowa tribal sign indicates “hair cut off at right ear,” in allusion 
to a former custom of the warriors. From a careless habit in making 
this sign it has sometimes been wrongly interpreted to mean ‘ foolish,” 
or “rattle-brain.” 

SKETCH OF THE KIOWA 


So far as present knowledge goes, the Kiowa constitute a distinct 
linguistic stock; but it is probable that more material will enable us to 
prove their connection with some tribes farther north, from which 
direction they came. They are noticed in the Spanish records as early 
at least as 1732. Their oldest tradition, which agrees with the con- 
current testimony of the Shoshoni and Arapaho, locates them about 
the junction of Jefferson, Madison, and Gallatin forks, at the extreme 
head of Missouri river, in the neighborhood of the present Virginia 


MOONEY] SKETCH OF THE KIOWA 1079 


City, Montana. They afterward moved down from the mountains and 
formed an alliance with the Crow, with whom they have since continued 
on friendly terms. From here they drifted southward along the base 
of the mountains, driven by the Cheyenne and Arapaho, About 1840 
they made peace with the latter tribes, with which they have since 
commonly acted in concert. The Sioux claim to have «riven them 
out of the Black hills, and in 1805 they were reported as living upon 
the North Platte. According to the Kiowa account, when they first 
reached Arkansas river they found their passage opposed by the 
Comanche, who claimed all the country to the south, A war followed, 
but peace was finally concluded, when the Kiowa crossed over to 
the south side of the Arkansas and formed a confederation with the 
Comanche, which continues to the present day. In connection with 
the Comanche they carried on a constant war upon the frontier settle- 
ments of Mexico and Texas, extending their incursions as far south 
at least as Durango. Among all the prairie tribes they were noted as 
the most predatory and bloodthirsty, and have probably killed more 
white men in proportion to their numbers than any of the others. 
They made their first treaty with the government in 1837, and were 
put upon their present reservation jointly with the Comanche and 
Apache in 1868. Their last outbreak was in 1874-75, in connection 
with the Comanche, Apache, and Cheyenne. While probably never 
yery numerous, they have been greatly reduced by war and disease. 
Their last terrible blow came in the spring of 1892, when the measles 
destroyed over 300 of the three confederated tribes. Their present 
chief is Guw/i-pd'go, Lone Wolf. They occupy the same reservation 
with the Comanche and Apache, between Washita and Red rivers, in 
southwestern Oklahoma, and numbered 1,017 in 1895. 

The Kiowa do not have the gentile system, and there is no restric- 
tion as to intermarriage among the divisions. They have six tribal 
divisions, including the Apache associated with them, who form a 
component part of the Kiowa camping circle. A seventh division, the 
K wito, is now extinet. The tribal divisions in the order of the camp- 
ing circle are: 

1. Ka‘ta—*biters,” i. e., Arikara or Ree; so called, not because of 
Arikara origin, but because they were more intimate with that tribe 
in trade and otherwise when the Kiowa lived in the north. 

2. Ko! guwi—*elks.” 

3. Kaige —“ Kiowa proper.” This is the oldest division, to which 
belongs the keeping of the medicine tipi, in which is the grand medi- 
cine of the tribe. 

4. Kinep—“big shields.” This is the largest division in the tribe 
and of corresponding importance. 

5. Semdit—‘‘ thieves,” the Apache. 

6, Konti/lyui —“black boys.” Sometimes also called Si'ndiyu'i, 
“Sindi’s children.” Said to be of darker color than the rest of the 


1080 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [PITH ANN. 14 


tribe, which, if true, might indicate a foreign origin. Sindi is the 
great mythic hero of the Kiowa. 

7. K'wato—* pulling up from the ground or a hole.” An extinet 
division, speaking a slightly different dialect, and exterminated by the 
Sioux in one battle about the year 1780. On this occasion, according to 
tradition, the Kiowa were attacked by an overwhelming force of Sioux 
and prepared to retreat, but the chief of the K uato exhorted his peo- 
ple not to run, “because, if they did, their relatives in the other 


Fic. 104—Kiowa camping circle. 


world would not receive them.” So they stood their ground and were 
killed, while the others escaped. Their place in the tribal camp circle 
is not known. 

In the annual sun dance and in other great tribal gatherings the 
several divisions camped in the order shown in figure 104. 

Although brave and warlike, the Kiowa are considered inferior in 
most respects to the Comanche. In person they are dark and heavily 
built, forming a marked contrast to the more slender and brighter- 
complexioned prairie tribes farther north. Their language is full of 


MOONEY] THE KIOWA APACHE 1081 


choking and nasal sounds, and is not well adapted to rhythmic compo- 
sition, for which reason they frequently used the Arapaho songs in the 
Ghost dance, without any clear idea of the meaning or correct pronun- 
ciation, although they have quite a number of songs of their own. 


THE KIOWA APACHE 


A small tribe of Athapascan stock, calling themselves Na/-isha or 
Na-di‘isha-de'na, and popularly known as Apache or Kiowa Apache, 
has been associated with the Kiowa as far back as the traditions of 
either tribe go. While retaining their distinct language, they nearly 
all speak and understand Kiowa and form a component part of the 
Kiowa camping circle. In dress and general habits of life they are in 
no way distinguishable. They have come from the north with the 
Kiowa, and are mentioned under the name of Cataka as living in the 
Black-hills country in 1805, La Salle speaks of them under the name 
of Gattacka as early as 1681, There is no reason to suppose that they 
ever formed a part of the Apache proper of Arizona and New Mexico, 
but are probably, like the Sarsi, a distinct Athapascan people who have 
always lived east of the mountains, and who, having been obliged by 
weakness of numbers to unite themselves with a stronger tribe, have 
since shared their migratory fortunes southward along the plains. The 
Na-isha are called Ga/taqka by the Pawnee and sometimes by the 
Wichita; Cataka by Lewis and Clark, in 1805; NKataka in their first 
treaty with the government, made jointly with the Kiowa in 1837; 
Ta'shin by the Comanche; Gini’s by the Wichita; Ma/ntsi, “ deceivers,” 
by the Caddo; Wiri/ndhis by the Kichais; Thakahiné/na, “knife-whet- 
ting men (?)” by the Arapaho, and Mitsidniti/niuw’, ‘whetstone 
people,” by the Cheyenne. They have several names among the Kiowa, 
but are commonly known by them as Semédt, “thieves.” Other Kiowa 
names for them are Tagu/i, of unknown meaning, and Sa/ddlso/mte-k in- 
ago, ‘*weasel people.” The tribal sign for them, as for the Apache, 
Lipan, and Navaho, conveys the idea of “knife whetters.” In 1891 they 
numbered 325, In 1893 they had been reduced, chiefly by an epidemic 
of measles, to 224. 

More extended information in regard to the Kiowa and Kiowa 
Apache will be given in the author’s memoir, “Calendar History of the 
Kiowa Indians,” now in preparation for the Bureau of Ethnology. 


SONGS OF THE KIOWA 
1. Da‘TA-I SO’DA‘TE 


Da’‘ta i so’da’‘te, 
Da‘ta-1 so‘da‘te. 
Do'm ezii/nteda’te, 
Do'm ezii‘nteda’te. 
De/imhii' date, 
De‘imhii' date. 
Be/a‘ma‘nhiiyi'’, 
Be/a'ma’nhiiyi’. 


1082 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ErH. ANN. 14 


Translation 


The father will descend, 
The father will descend. 
The earth will tremble, 
The earth will tremble. 
Everybody will arise, 

Everybody will arise. 

Stretch out your hands, 
Stretch out your hands. 


This is a summary of the Ghost-dance doctrine, closing with an 
invocation to all present to stretch out their hands toward the west 
and pray to the Father to hasten his coming. 


2. Da/K'VNaGo (1M) ZA'NTEAHE’DAL 


Da‘kifago (im) zii/nteiihe dal, 
Da‘k i/nago (im) zii/nteiihe’dal, 
De‘dom ezii/nteiihe dal, 
De‘dom ezii/nteiihe dal. 
De'imgo (ii-)dii'tode'yo’, 

De imgo (ii-)dii'tode'yo’. 

De’ beko'datsii , 

De’ beko’datsii’. 


Translation 


The spirit army is approaching, 

The spirit army is approaching, 

The whole world is moving onward, 
The whole world is moving onward. 
See! Everybody is standing watching, 
See! Everybody is standing watching. 
Let us all pray, 

Let us all pray. 


In this song the verb imzd/ntedhe/dal implies that the spirits are 
coming on like an army or like a great herd of animals. The termina- 
tion he/dal implies that it is a matter of report or common belief and 
not of personal knowledge. 


3. GU/ATO ADA'GA 


Guato iida/ga nyi’ongum, 
Guiato iida’ga nyi’onguin, 
fitso/dalsa‘dal, 


Go mtiyi 
Go mtiiyii’ iitso’‘dalsé‘dal. 
Anyi rilo/nte, 
A‘nyii'gdlonte. 
Ti/lyi imbii'go, 
Ti/lyi imhii'go. 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE KIOWA 1083 


Translation 
I scream because I am a bird, 
IT scream because I am a bird, 
I bellow like a buttalo, 
I bellow like a buffalo. 
The boy will rise up, 
The boy will rise up. 


This song was composed by Pa-guadal, **Red Buffalo.” at a Ghost 
dance held on Walnut creek in the summer of 1893, under the direction 
of the prophet Pa-ingya (see page 907), for the purpose of resurrecting 
Red Buffalo’s son, who had recently died. Pa-ingya assured the 
people that if they held the dance as he directed, the dead boy would 
rise up alive from the ground before their eyes. In the dance Red 
Buffalo became “crazy” and composed this song. In his trance he 
evidently imagined himself a bird. His father was one of the * buffalo 
doctors,” or surgeons of the tribe, who are under the special protec- 
tion of the buffalo and whose war ery is an imitation of the bellowing 
of a buffalo bull. Red Buffalo claims to have inherited his father’s 
knowledge; hence his assertion that he bellows like a bull. The boy 
was not resurrected. 


4. Da’'Ta-l NYA/HOANGA’MO 


A/htiyii’ Ehii’eho’! A/hiiyii’ Ehii/eho’! 
E‘hiiyii’ Ehii’eho’! E’hiiyii’ Ehii/eho’! 
Da'ta-i nyii/hoanga’mo, 

Da‘ta-i nyii/hoinga’mo. 
Ade’tepo/nbii, 

Ade tepo‘nbii, 

A’euinpo nbii, 

A’ guanpo'nbii. 


Translation 
AMhiiyd Ehii'eho!! Ahéiyd' Ehéi'eho!! 
E’hityd’ Ehieho! I’hdyit Ehi'eho'! 
The father shows me the road, 

The father shows me the road. 

I went to see my friends, 

I went to see my friends, 

I went to see the dances, 

I went to see the dances. 


The composer of this song went, in her trance, to the other world, 
led by the Father, who pointed out the way, and saw there ler former 
friends and joined them in the dance. 


5. DAK'IN’A BATE/YX 


Dak ‘in‘a bate’yii, 
Dak'in’a bate’yii. 
Guiito ton nyiiamo, 


1084 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


Guito ton nyiid/mo, 
Ahin‘iiih ny 
Abhin‘iiih nyiia’mo, 


/ 
Vimo, 


Translation 


The spirit (God) is approaching, 

The spirit (God) is approaching. 

He is going to give me a bird tail, 

He is going to give me a bird tail. 

He will give it to me in the tops of the cottonwoods, 
He will give it to me in the tops of the cottonwoods. 


The ‘bird tail” refers to the feathers (wakuna, Arapaho) worn on the 
heads of the dancers (figure 91). The song is peculiar in implying that 
the recipient must climb up into the tree tops to obtain it. 


6. Na'Da’G AKA‘NA 


Heyé‘heyé/heyé/heye’ Aho‘ho’! 
Heyé’heyt’heyé/heye’ Aho‘ho’! 
Na‘da‘g iika‘na, 

Na‘da’g iika’na, 
De'gyiigo'mga da’tsii'to, 
De’gyiigo/mga da’ tsii’to. 
Ao/nyo, Ao‘nyo. 


Translation 


Heyé' heye hey heye’ Aho‘ho'! 
Heyé heyé hey heye’ Aho‘ho'! 
Because I am poor, 

Because I am poor, 

I pray for every living creature, 
I pray for every living creature. 
Ao'nyo! Ao'nyo! 


Although the words of this song do not contain much meaning, the 
tune is one of the best among the Kiowa ghost songs. The introdue- 
tory line gives somewhat the effect of Comanche song 1. The last line 
is supposed to be a prayer or entreaty to the messiah, and is an imi- 
tation of the Kiowa funeral wail. 


7. ZE/BAT-GA'GA IGU/ANPA’-IMA‘ 


Ze‘ biit-ga/ga igu/inpa’-ima’, 
Ze biit-ga’ga igu/inpa’-ima’. 
Bili’gA na‘ta/dilgo’ma, 
Bali’gé na‘ta‘dailgo’ma, 
Tii/lyii be ‘pe te, 

Tii/lyia be"pe'te. 


Translation 


He makes me dance with arrows, 
He makes me dance with arrows. 
He ealls the bow my father, 


MOONEY SONGS OF THE KIOWA 1085 


He calls the bow my father. 
Grandmother, persevere, 
Grandmother, persevere, 


This song embodies the Ghost-dance idea of a return to the old Indian 
things. The expression, “ He calls the bow my father,” is worthy of an 
oriental poet. The last line is a general exhortation to the women to 
persevere or “push hard” in the dance. 


8. Br’Ta! To’/NGYA-GU’ADAL 


Be'ta! To/ngyii-gu/adal iito’tl-e’dal, 
Be'ta! To'ngyii-gu’adal iito’tl-e’dal. 
Bii/ate/nyi, Bii/ate’nyi. 

Da‘te gyiiko'm ii/omhe’dal, 

Da’‘te gyiiko’m ii’omhe’dal. 


Translation 


Now I understand! Red Tail has been sent, 
Now I understand! Red Tail has been sent. 
We ery and hold fast to him, 

We cry and hold fast to him. 

He was made to live a long time, 

He was made to live a long time. 


This song was made by Mary Zontom, a woman who speaks very fair 
English, and refers to a young man named To/ngyd-gu'adal, Red Tail, 
who used to go into frequent trances. The expression ‘he was sent” 
implies that he is a recognized messenger to the spirit world, while ‘“‘we 
hold fast to him” is equivalent to “we have faith in him.” 


9. Da’Ta’-I KNKA/NGO’NA 


Da‘ta’-i iinka’igo’na, 
Da’ta’-i iinka/Ngo’na. 
Da’manhii’go, Da/manhii’ go. 
Ka/ante damanhii’ go, 

t=) 
Ka’ante damianhii’go. 


Translation 


My father has much pity for us, 

My father has much pity for us. 

I hold out my hands toward him and ery, 

IT hold out my hands toward him and ery. 

In my poverty I hold out my hands toward him and ery, 
In my poverty I hold out my hands toward him and ery. 


10. Da’TA-I INKA’/NTAHE/DAL 


Ahii/yii Ehii/eho’, 
Ahii/yii Ehii/eho’. 
Da‘ta-i inka/ntiihe’dal. 


1086 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


A'‘da'ta’-i dii’sa, 
Atda‘ta/-i mé/nsa‘dal, 
A'da'ta’-i to/isa/dal, 
Atda’ta’-i o/mda. 
Translation 
Ahi ya Ehéi' eho’, 
Ahi yi Ehd' cho’. 
My father has had pity on me. 
I have eyes like my father’s, 
I have hands like my father’s, 
I have legs like my father’s, 
I have a form like my father’s. 


“So God created man in his own image.” 


11. DAK'IN’AGO AHO'AHE’DAL 


Dak'in’ago iiho/iihe’dal, 
Dak in‘ago iihoiihe’dal. 
Gi/dal-gi‘ga iiho‘iihe‘dal, 
Ga dal-gé’ga iiho’iihe’dal. 
Do'm-gi'ga iiho‘tihe’dal, 
Do’m-ga/ga iiho‘iihedal. 


Translation 


The spirit host is advancing, they say, 

The spirit host is advancing, they say. 

They are coming with the buffalo, they say, 
They are coming with the buffalo, they say. 
They are coming with the (new) earth, they say, 
They are coming with the (new) earth, they say. 


12. E/HYU'NI DEGI‘ATA 


Allegro moderato. 


ee 


E/-hyui’-i de-gi'-i-ta, E'-hyun’ide- gi-i-ta; tsé/-hop fi - f-he/-dal, tsii/-hop ai - é - he’-dal. 


Na de’- gu‘in-ta; de'- gu’in-ta; na de‘- gu‘an-ta, de’- gu‘ain-ta; ga/-dal-gun t'an/-gya de-o'-ta, 


= == = — 
——— — a | — = se {| 
= | ae Bl be a ee eS | oe re 
"ae ae Owe Tse "ee awe Cea 
ga'-dal-guii t'an’-gya de-o'-ta, go! de - hi’-ii- ta, de - hi’-ii-ta, go’ de - hi‘-ii- ta, de - hi'-ii-ta 


E’hyun’i degiata, 

EK hyun‘i degi/ata. 

Tsivhop iiii/he‘dal, 

Tsii'hop ii‘ii’/he’da). 

Na de'guinta, de'gu/anta; Na degu‘inta, de'gu/anta; 
Ga‘dal-gun t'an’gya deo’ta, 

Gi‘dal-gun t'an’gya deo’ta. 

Go! dehi‘iita, dehiiita, 

Go’ dehiiita, dehi‘iita. 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE KIOWA 1087 


Translation 


Iam mashing the berries, 

I am mashing the berries. 

They say travelers are coming on the march, 

They say travelers are coming on the march. 

I stir (the berries) around, I stir them around; 

I take them up with a spoon of buffalo horn, 

I take them up with a spoon of buttalo horn, 

And I carry them, I carry them (to the strangers), 
And I carry them, I carry them (to the strangers). 


This song gives a pretty picture of the old Indian home life and hos- 
pitality. In her dream the woman who composed it imagines herself 
cooking fruit, when the word comes that travelers are approaching, the 
verb implying that they are on the march with their children, dogs, and 
household property. She stirs the berries around a few times more, 
lifts them out with a spoon of buffalo horn, and goes to offer them to 
the strangers. The translation is an exact paraphrase of the rhythmic 
repetition of the original. The berry called ehyun’i, “principal or best 
fruit,” is not found in the present country of the Kiowa, but is remem- 
bered among the pleasant things of their old home in the north. It is 
described as a species of cherry. 


13. GO/MGY K-DA‘GA 
Go'mgyii-da ga, 
Go'mgyii-da'ga, 
Do’ nyii'zii‘ngo, 
Do’ nyii/zii‘ngo, 
Go’ da’gya inhii’po, 
Go’ da’gya inhii’po. 


Translation 


That wind, that wind 

Shakes my tipi, shakes my tipi, 
And sings a song for me, 

And sings a song for me. 


To the familiar this little song brings up pleasant memories of the 
prairie camp when the wind is whistling through the tipi poles and 
blowing the flaps about, while inside the fire burns bright and the song 
and the game go round. 


14. DAKIN’A DAKA’NTAHE DAL 


Dak'in’a daka/ntiihe‘dal, 
Dak‘in’a daka‘ntiihe’dal. 
Tsi'sfs-ii daka‘fitiihe’dal, 
Tsi’sis-ii daka Ntiihe/dal. 
Da’‘gya nyiipa’‘de, 
Da’gya nyiipa’de. 
Da‘gya inatii’gyi, 
Da’gya inatii’gyi. 
14 ETH—PpT 2——29 


1088 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


Translation 


God has had pity on us, 
God has had pity ou us. 
Jesus has taken pity on us, 
Jesus has taken pity on us, 
He teaches me a song, 

He teaches me a song. 

My song is a good one, 


My song is a good one. 


In their confounding of aboriginal and Christian ideas the Kiowa 
frequently call the Indian messiah “ Jesus,” having learned the latter 
as a sacred name through the whites. 


15. ANSO’ GYATA'TO 


Allegro moderato con spirito. 


A/-dal-te/m tii’-dal-to’-o', 


an - so! gya-tii’ - to; ga 


a/-dal-te’m ya’ - tii/-dal-to’-o'; 
g 


Anso’ gy 
Anso’ gyiitii’to ; 
A’dalte’m ga’tii‘dalto/-o’, 
A‘dalte’m ga’tii/dalto'-o' ; 
Animhii/go, Animhii’go. 


Translation 


I shall cut off his feet, 

I shall cut off his feet; 

T shall cut off his head, 

I shall cut off his head; 

He gets up again, be gets up again. 


This is one of the favorite Kiowa ghost songs and refers to the 
miraculous resurrection of the dismembered buttalo, according to the 
promise of the messiah, as related in Sword’s narrative. See page 
(97. 

KIOWA GLOSSARY 
Adhe'dal—they are coming, itis said (dd’, IT 


come); the suffix hedal implies a report. 
Add'ga—Vecause IT ain; 


organization. Also called 
(See Arapaho song 43.) 


Tenbeywi. 


the suffix ga  dA‘data‘i—like my father, resembling my 


gives the idea of because. 

A'daltem —head; literally hair bone, i. e., 
skull; from ‘dal, hair, ard tem, bone. 
Adalto!yui — “voung mountain sheep,” 
literally ‘‘herders” or ‘ corralers,” one 
of the degrees of the Kiowa military 


father; from data -i, father, my father. 
Adii'tode' yo’ —he is standing watching 
it; ddd‘tode, I stand watching it. 
Ade'tepo'nbii —I went to see my friends; 
dde'teponbdta, IT am going, ete; de'te, 
friend. 


MOONEY] 


Aguinpo'nbi—I went to see dancing; 
diguanponbd'ta, 1 am going to see a 
dance; guan, a dance. 

Ahéyé’—an unmeaning 
used in the songs. 

A hin-aih—in the tops of the cottonwood; 
from dhin, cottonwood, and aih, in or 
on the tree tops. 

Aho’ dhe'dal—they are approaching, it is 
said (as a family on the move, or an 
army on the march, with household 
goods, etc); the suffix hedal implies a 
report or rumor. dho'd, I am coming 

» With my family and possessions. 
Compare Imzi/ntedhe'dal. : 

Aho‘ho!—an unmeaning exclamation used 
in the songs. 

Ahyiéto—the Kiowa name for the Arap- 
aho, meaning unknown. The Kiowa 
eall the wild plum by the same name. 

Aka'na—tor Aka'on, q. v. 

Aka‘on—I poor. The words for 
“rich” and ‘‘poor” refer rather to 
reputation and mental and moral quali- 
ties than to temporal possessions. A 
man may own many horses, but if he 
has no war record he is accounted poor. 

Animhd'go—he gets up again, he rises 
again. Dehd'go, 1 rise; behd’, get up; 
imhd’go, he will get up. 

Ankan'gona—he pities us much; gydkan'ti, 
itisapity. Compare Inkan’‘tiéhe'dal. 

Anso—teet; anso‘i, foot. 

Anyi gdlo‘nte—I bellow like a buffalo 
(habitual); nydo’nto, IT am bellowing 
like a buffalo. 

Aomhe'dal—he was made so; ééo’mdatso!- 
ha, [am made so, I am rendered thus. 
A’ piatan—*‘ wooden stabber, or lance;” 
the name of a Kiowa sent by his tribe 

as a delegate to the messiah in 1890. 

Asa’ tito'la—‘‘he whom we send to work,” 
i.e., “the messenger;” the name by 
which the Kiowa prophet, Bi dnk‘i, is 
now known. 

Ato'tl-e'dal—he was sent; gyéito', I send 
him. 

Atso'dalsi'dal—I have wings (attached) ; 
from tsodal, wing. 

Bd aten' yi— we ery and hold fast to him; 
gydten'ta, I ery and hold fast to him. 
Bate'yi—he is approaching; dba'teyd, I 
am approaching. Compare Imzd'nted- 

he'dal. 

Be'a'ma'nhéiyi—stretch out your (plural) 
hands in entreaty. Dea'mdnhi'go, I 


exclamation 


on 


am 


KIOWA GLOSSARY 


1089 


stretch out, ete; 
out your (singular vocative), ete. 

Be'dalgu'at—another Kiowa name for the 
Wichita; signifying ‘‘painted or tat- 

tooed lips;” from bedal, lips or mouth, 
and guat, painted, tattooed, or written. 
See Do'qu'at. 

Be' dalpago—“ hairy mouths;” one of the 

for the whites; 
bedal, lips or mouth, pa, downy hair or 
fuzz, and go or gua, the tribal terminal. 
Compare Ta'ka’-i. 

Beta! —an exclamation about equivalent 
to I see, I understand. 


bea'mdnhd, stretch 


, 


Kiowa names from 


Bi'dnki— “eating man,” ‘‘eater,” a 
Kiowa prophet and medicine-man; 


also known as Asa'tito/la, ‘the mes- 


senger.” 
Botk'in'ago—the Kiowa name for the 
Ad'niné'na or Arapaho Grosventres. 


The name signifies ‘belly people;” 
from bot, belly or stomach, and k‘inago, 
people, from k'inahi, “man.” 

Dii-e'dal—* great star;” from dé, star, 
and e/dal, great; one of the Kiowa 
names for the morning star. It is 
more commonly called T’ainso, ‘the 
cross.” (See Arapaho song 72.) 

Da'qya—a song. 

Dakaw tthe’ dal— another form of Inkan'té- 
he'dal, q. Vv. 

Dak ina —spirit, God; plural dak in‘ago; 
from da-i, medicine, mystery, and kina 
or k'inahi, man. 

Dak’in'ago—spirits, the spirits; spirit, 
God, dak in'a. 

Da'manhdgo—for Deamdnhd go. 

Ddsa—I have eyes; dd, td, eye. 

Da'ta-i — father. 

Da‘te—a long time. 

Da'tekan— “keeps his name always,” 
a Kiowa prophet about 1881, who un- 
dertook to bring back the buftalo. 

Datsd'to—I pray for them; ni'ndatsé to, 
I pray for him. 

Dea’ manhd'go— 1 hold out my hands to- 
ward him in entreaty. Compare Le'a'- 
md’ nhayi. 

De'beko'datsé— let us all pray or worship, 
we must all pray or worship; deda’tsdto, 
I pray. 

De'dom—all the world; from dom, the 
earth, and de, all, complete. 

Degiata—1 am mashing or pounding 
it. 

Dequ'dnta—1 stir it around, 


1090 


De'qgydgo'mga 


every living creature; the 
pretix de conveys the idea or every or 
all. 

Dehi dita —I take it. 

De'imgo—look, everybody ! 

The prefix de gives the 
idea of everybody or all. 

De'imhd' date—every body will arise ; from 
dehii, | rose up from a reclining posi- 

The prefix de gives the idea of 
every body, all, or completeness, accord- 
ing to context. 

Deo'ta—1 lift it up, I raise it. 

Do’ —tipi. 

Do'quat—the Kiowa name for the Wich- 
ita, signifying ‘painted or tattooed 
faces,” from dobd, face, and gu’at, paint- 
ed, engraved, or written. 

Dom—the earth. 

Dom-giiga—with the earth; gdga, with, 
in composition. 

Ehé'eho'! 
used in the songs. 

E’hiiydé! —ibid. 

E’yhyuni—*‘ principal, real, or best fruit; ” 
a berry, probably a dwarf cherry, de- 
scribed as a black grape like fruit 
growing in clusters on bushes from 4 to 
6 feet high, in the Sioux country. It 
was eaten raw or mixed with pemmi- 


See, every- 
body around! 


tion. 


an unmeaning exclamavion 


can. 

E’manki'na—*‘ean’t hold it,” a Kiowa 
policeman, now dead, seen by Asatitola 
in a vision. 

E'peya— ‘afraid of him,” a Kiowa war- 
rior who died while a prisoner at Fort 
Marion, Florida, about 1875. 

Ezd'ntedhe'dal —it 1s approaching, they 

y. Compare Imzd/ntedhe'dal. 

i'nteda‘te—it will shake, or tremble 
(impersonal). 

Gd dal-qa’ga—with the buffalo; 
with, in composition; gddal, buttalo, 
generic; pa, a buffalo bull, 

Ga'dal-gui—a buffalo horn; trom gddat, 
buffalo; and gu‘nti, horn. 

Gaté'dalto—I shall eut it off, I am cut- 
ting it off (present and future alike). 

Go—and. 


qaga, 


Go'mgyd-da'ga—that wind; from gomgyd, 
wind, and daga, that, the, in composi- 
tion. 

Go'mtiydé—on (my) back; from gomtd or 
gombda, back. 

Guadal—red. 


THE GHOST-DANCE 


RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 

Guan —n dance. 

Guan-d'dalka-i— ‘dance frenzy;” from 
guan, a dance, and d'daika-i, crazy or 
foolish; the Kiowa name for the Ghost- 
dance ecstasy. 

Guato— bird. 

Gydko'm— life, living ; hita! dqyda@/komta’yd, 
Tam alive. 

Gydtd'to—I shall eut them off; gatd'dalto, 
T cut it off. 

Hiion'yo, or Aon'yo—a ery of grief, espe- 
cially at funerals. 


Hey hey heyé heye/—an unmeaning excla- 
mation used in the songs. 

Imhii'go—he would get up, he would 
arise. Compare dnimhii'go. 

Imzé'ntetihe'dal—they are approaching, 
itissaid; from dezd/nted, I move about; 
the termination hedal makes it a matter 
of report or common belief, equivalent 
to ‘‘they say.” Compare E£zé'nted- 
he'dal. The verb implies coming on 
like a herd or company or like persons 
ona march. The simple verb for ap- 
proaching is dba’‘ted. Compare Bate’ yd 
and Aho‘déhe'dal. 

Inaté'gyi—it is a good one; from tidqgya 
or qydta'gya, good. 

Inhi'po or Inhdpa’de—he sings for me 
(as if to teach me); dagya gehdpo, I 
sing a song for him. 

Inkan'téhe'dal—he has had pity on me; 
from gydkan'ti, (it is a) pity. 
Ankan' gona. 

Ka/ante—another form of Ma‘on, poor. 
Compare ka‘on. 

Kditsen'ko—* principal, or real dogs ;” the 
highest degree of the Kiowa military 
organization. (See Arapaho song 43.) 

Komse'ka-k'in’ahyup—the former Kiowa 
name for the Arapaho. It signifies 
“men of the worn-out leggings;” from 


Compare 


komse, ‘‘smoky, soiled, or worn-out,” 
kati, “leggings,” and k in’ahyup, “men.” 
Ménsd'dal—I have hands or arms; mdnto, 
hand, arm. 
Ma'sep—the Kiowa name for the Caddo, 
‘pierced noses;” from ma- 
kon, nose, and sep, the root of a verb 
signifying to pierce or sew with an awl, 
Na—I, my; sometimes put before the 
verb to make it emphatic. 


signifying 


Na ddd’ga—because I am (emphatic); 
from na, I, my, and ddd’ga (q. v.), be- 
cause I am. 


MOONEY] 


Nada’ y—for Na ddd'ga, q.v. 

Nyaid mo —he will give it tome; nydnd'mo, 
I shall give it to him. There are a 
number of verbs for give, according to 
the nature of the thing given. 

Nyw hodnga’mo—he shows or tells me the 
road; nydn hodnga'mo, | show him the 
road; hodn, road. 

Nydongum—I s 
screams, or nakes utterance with the 
mouth, 

Nydpa' de—for Inhd' po or Inhdpa'de, q. v. 

Nydzd ngo—it shakes mine; dnzd'ngo, it 
shakes his. 

O'mda —I have a shape or form (implying 
a likeness, as d'data’-i o’mda, I have a 
form like my father’s). 

Pa-qu adal— ‘red buttalo;” from pa, a 
buffalo bull, aud guw’adal, red. A Kiowa 
man, the author of one of the Ghost- 
dance songs. 

Pa'-ingya—‘‘ standing in the middle;” 
a Kiowa prophet who, in 1887, preached 
the speedy destruction of the whites 
and the return of the buffalo. 

Poldn' yup —‘rabbits;” the lowest degree 
of the Kiowa military organization. 
(See Arapaho song 43.) 

Sa he—green. (See Arapaho song 64.) 

Sdk'o'ta—the Kiowa name for the Chey- 
enne; the word seems to refer to ‘ bit- 


from dno'nde, it 


ream; 


ing.” 
Set-Vain'ti—“ white bear,” a noted Kiowa 
chief, about 1865-1875. The name 


comes from set, bear, tain, white, and 
ti, the personal suffix. 

Soda'te—he will descend; dso'ta, I de- 
scend. 

Tigyako—the Kiowa name for the Na/- 
kasiné’na or northern Arapaho, The 
word has the same meaning, ‘‘sage- 
bush people,” from tégyi, ‘sage 
brush,” and ko, the tribal suftix. 

T’ain'so—the morning star; literally ‘“‘the 
cross ;”’ it is sometimes also called Dd- 
e‘dal, the “great star.” (See Arapaho 
song 43.) 


KIOWA GLOSSARY 


1091 


Ta'ka'-i—one of the Kiowa names for 
the whites; the word means literally 
“prominent ears, or ears sticking out,” 
as compared with the ears of the Indian, 
which are partly concealed by his long 


hair, The same name is also applied 
toa mule or donkey. Compare Be'dal- 
pa'go. 


Talyi—a boy. 

T'angya—a spoon; under certain cireum- 
stances the suffix gyd@ is dropped and 
the word becomes ?’a. 

Tan'peko—skunkberry (?) people; one 
of the degrees of the Kiowa mili- 
tary organization, (See Arapaho song 
43.) 

Ten'beyui—‘* young mountain sheep,” 
another name for the ddalto/yui, q. v. 

Ton—tail; gu/ato-ton, bird tail; frequently 
used to denote a fan or headdress made 
of the tail feathers of an eagle, hawk, 
or other bird. 

Tongyti-gu'adal—‘‘red tail ;” the name of 
a Kiowa man; from ton or tongyd, tail, 
and gu’adal, red, 

Tonkon'go—** black legs,” one of the 
degrees of the Kiowa military organiza- 
tion. (See Arapaho song 43). 

To'nsddal —I have legs; from tonti, leg. 

Tséhop—movers,emigrants (moving with 
household goods, ete). The word has 
no singular form. 

Tsain'yui — “rabbits; another name for 
the Poldn'yup degree of the Kiowa mili- 
tary organization. (See Arapaho song 
43.) 

Tsentin’mo—horse headdress people ( ?), 
one of the degrees of the Kiowa mili- 
tary organization. (See Arapaho song 
43.) 

Tsi'stis ( Tsi’stis-di) — Jesus. 

Tson—an awl. 

Tson'-i—the awl game, 
song 64.) 

Ya'‘pdhe—soldiers; the military organ- 
ization of the Kiowa. (See Arapaho 
song 43. ) 


(See Arapaho 


1092 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


THE CADDO AND ASSOCIATED TRIBES 


CADDO TRIBAL SYNONYMY . 


Asinais—an old French name, from Hasinai. 

Caddo— popular name, from Kd’ dohadd'cho. 

Cadodaquio —Joutel (1687), another form of AKd/dohadié'cho. 

Cenis—old French name used by Joutel in 1687; from Hasinai. 

Di’ sha-i — Wichita name. 

Dé'sa—another form of Dd'sha-i. 

Hasi'nai or Hasi'ni—the proper generic term for at least the principal Caddo divi- 
sious, and perhaps for all of them. It is also used by them as synonymous with 
“Tndians.” 

Kii' dohadd' cho —the name of the Caddo proper, as used by themselves. 

Ma’ se'p— Kiowa name; ‘pierced nose,” from mak'on, nose, and sep, the root of a verb 
signifying to pierce or sew with an awl. 

Na‘shonit or Na‘shoni—Comanche name, frequently used also by the neighboring 
tribes to designate the Caddo; the Nassonite of the early French writers on 
Texas. 

Nez Percé—French traders’ name; ‘‘ pierced nose.” 

Ni'ris-hari's-ki'riki— another Wichita name. 

Otd's-itd niuw’ — Cheyenne name; ‘ pierced nose people.” 

Tani binén, Tani/binéenina, Tani’ bdétha— Arapaho name; ‘‘ pierced nose people,” tani, 
nose. 


CADDO TRIBAL SIGN 


“ Pierced nose,” in allusion to their former custom of boring the nose 
for the insertion of a ring. 


SKETCH OF THE CADDO 


The Caddo are the principal southern representatives of the Caddoan 
stock, which includes also the Wichita, Kichai, Pawnee, and Arikara. 
Their confederacy consisted of about a dozen tribes or divisions, claim- 
ing as their original territory the whole of lower Red river and 
adjacent country in Louisana, eastern Texas, and southern Arkansas. 
The names of these twelve divisions, including two of foreign origin, 
have been preserved as follows: 

Kit'dohadé'cho (Caddo proper). 

Nddd‘ko (Anadarko). 

Hai'-nai (Toni). 

Ni‘bai-dd’cho (Nabedache). 

Ni‘kohodo'tsi (Nacogdoches). 

Niishi'tosh (Natchitoches). 

Ni/ka'na‘wan. 

Hadai'-i (Adai, Adaize). 

Hai'-ish (Byeish, Aliche, Aes). 

Va tasi. 

I’maha—a band of Omaha, or perhaps more probably Kwapa, who 
lived with the Kii/dohadii/cho, but retained their own distinct language. 


MOONEY] SKETCH OF THE CADDO 1093 


There are still a few living with the Caddo, but they retain only the 
name. It will be remembered that when the Caddo lived in eastern 
Louisiana the Arkansas or Kwapa were their nearest neighbors on the 
north, and these Imaha may have been a part of the Kwapa who lived 
“up stream” (U’manhan) on the Arkansas. The Caddo eall the Omaha 
tribe by the same name. 

Yowa‘ni— originally a band of the Heyowani division of the Choctaw. 
They joined the Caddo a long time ago, probably about the time the 
Choctaw began to retire across tle Mississippi before the whites. 
Some few are still living with the Caddo and retain their distinet 
language. There is evidence that some Koasati (Cooshatties) were 
mixed with them. 

The Kii‘dohadii/cho seem to be recognized as the principal Caddo 
division, and the generic term Hasi/nai by which the confederates desig- 
nate themselves is sometimes regarded as belonging more properly to 
the three divisions first named. According to their own statements 
some of the dialects spoken by the several divisions were mutually 
unintelligible. At present the Kidohadiicho and Niidiiko are the rul- 
ing dialects, while the Niibaidiicho, Niikohodotsi, Hadai’-i, and Hai/-ish 
are practically extinct. The Kichai, Bidai, and Akokisa, who for- 
merly lived near the Caddo on the eastern border of Texas, did not 
belong to the confederacy, although at least one of these tribes, the 
Kiechai, is of the same stock and is now on the same reservation. 

The Caddo have ten gentes: Na/wotsi, Bear; Tasha, Wolf; Ta/naha, 
Buffalo; Ta/o, Beaver; Twi, Eagle; Oat, Raccoon; Ka/yaih, Crow; Ka/ga- 
hanin, Thunder; Wishi, Panther; Suko, Sun. The Bear gens is the most 
numerous. The Buffalo gens is sometimes called also oho! or Alliga- 
tor, because both animals bellow in the same way. These of a partic- 
ular gens will not kill the animal from which the gens takes its name, 
and no Caddo in the old times would kill either an eagle or a panther, 
although they were not afraid to kill the bear, as are so inany of the 
western tribes. The eagle might be killed, however, for its feathers by 
a hunter regularly initiated and consecrated for that purpose. 

The original home of the Caddo was on lower Red river in Louisiana. 
According to their own tradition, which has parallels among several 
other tribes, they came up from under the ground through the mouth 
of a cave in a hill which they call Cha’ kani/nd, The place of erying,” 
on a lake close to the south bank of Red river, just at its junction 
with the Mississippi. In those days men and animals were all brothers 
and all lived together under the ground. But at last they discovered 
the entrance to the cave leading up to the surface of the earth, and so 
they decided to ascend and come out. First an old man climbed up, 
carrying in one hand fire and a pipe and in the other a drum. After 
him came his wife, with corn and pumpkin seeds. Then followed the 
rest of the people and the animals. All] intended to come out, but as 
soon as the wolf had climbed up he closed the hole, and shut up the 


1094 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION (ETH. ANN. 14 


rest of the people and animals under the ground, where they still 
remain. Those who had come out sat down and cried a long time for 
their friends below, hence the name of the place. Because the Caddo 
came out of the ground they call it ind’, mother, and go back to it 
when they die. Because they have had the pipe and the drum and the 
corn and pumpkins since they have been a people, they hold fast to 
these things and have never thrown them away. 

From this place they spread out toward the west, following up the 
course of Red river, along which they made their principal settlements. 
For a long time they lived on Caddo lake, on the boundary between 
Louisiana and Texas, their principal village on the lake being called 
Sha’ chidi/ni, “Timber hill.” Their acquaintance with the whites began 
at a very early period. One of their tribes, the Niidiiko, is mentioned 
under the name of Nandacao in the narrative of De Soto’s expedition 
as early as 1540. The Kiidohadiicho were known to the French as early 
as 1687. The relations of the Caddo with the French and Spaniards 
were intimate and friendly. Catholic missions were established among 
them about the year 1700 and continued to exist until 1812, when the 
missions were suppressed by the Spanish government and the Indians 
were scattered. Inthe meantime Louisiana had been purchased by the 
United States, and the Caddo soon began to be pushed away from their 
ancient villages into the western territory, where they were exposed to 
the constant inroads of the prairie tribes. From this time their decline 
was rapid, and the events of the Texan and Mexican wars aided still fur- 
ther in their demoralization. They made their first treaty with the 
United States in 1835, at which time they were chiefly in Louisiana, 
southwest of Red river and adjoining Texas. They afterward removed 
to Brazos river in Texas, and to Washita river in Indian Territory in 
1859. When the rebellion broke out, the Caddo, not wishing to take 
up arms against the government, fled north into Kansas and remained 
there until the close of the war, when they returned to the Washita. 
Their present reservation, which they hold only by executive order and 
jointly with the Wichita, lies between Washita and Canadian rivers in 
western Oklahoma, having the Cheyenne and Arapaho on the north 
and west and the Kiowa, Comanche, and Apache on the south. In 
1893 they numbered 507. 

In person the Caddo are rather smaller and darker than the neigh- 
boring prairie tribes, and from their long residence in Louisiana, they 
have a considerable admixture of French blood. They are an agricul- 
tural tribe, raising large crops of corn, pumpkins, and melons, and still 
retaining industrious habits in spite of their many vicissitudes of for- 
tune. They were never buffalo hunters until they came out on the 
plains. They formerly lived in conical grass houses like the Wichita, 
but are now in log houses and generally wear citizen’s dress excepting 
in the dance. The old custom which gave rise to the name and tribal 
sign of “Pierced Nose” is now obsolete. In 1806 Sibley said of them, 
“They are brave, despise danger or death, and boast that they have 


MOONEY] THE WICHITA, KICHAI, AND DELAWARE 1095 


never shed white man’s blood.” Their former enemies, the prairie tribes, 
bear witness to their bravery, and their friendship toward the whites 
isa part of their history, but has resulted in no great advantage to 
themselves, as they have been dispossessed from their own country and 
are recognized only as tenants at will in their present location. 

They and the Wichita received the new doctrine from the Arapaho, 
and were soon among its most earnest adherents, notwithstanding the 
fact that they were regarded as the most advanced of all the tribes in 
that part of the country. It may be that their history had led them to 
feel a special need of a messiah. They have been hard and constant 
dancers, at one time even dancing in winter when there was nearly a 
foot of snow upon the ground. Their first songs were those which they 
had heard from the Arapaho, and sang in corrupted form, with only a 
general idea of their meaning, but they now have a number of songs 
in their own language. some of which are singularly pleasing in melody 
and sentiment. 


THE WICHITA, KICHAI, AND DELAWARE 


Closely associated with the Caddo on the same reservation are the 
Wichita, with their subtribes, the Tawakoni and Waco, numbering 
together 316 in 1893; the Delaware, numbering 94, and the Kichai 
(Keechies), numbering only 52. Of these, all but the Delaware, who 
are Algonquian, belong to the Caddoan stock. The Wichita and their 
subtribes, although retaining in indistinct form the common Caddoan 
tradition, claim as their proper home the Wichita mountains, near 
which they still remain. Sixty years ago their principal village was 
on the north side of the north fork of Red river, a short distance 
below the mouth of Elm creek, in Oklahoma. They live in conical 
grass houses and, like the other tribes of the stock, are agricultural, 
They call themselves Wi’tikiti’sh—they are called Tawe/hash by the 
Caddo and Kichai—and are known to most of their other neighbors 
and in the sign language as the “‘ Tattooed People” (Do! kand, Coman- 
che; Do‘guat, Kiowa), from an old custom now nearly obsolete. For 
the same reason and from their resemblance to the Pawnee, with whose 
language their own has a close connection, the French called them 
Pani Pique's. 

The Kichai or Keechie, or MWi/tsdsh, as they call themselves, are a 
small tribe of the same stock, and claim to have moved up Red river 
in company with the Caddo. Their language is different from that of 
any of their neighbors, but approaches the Pawnee. 

The Delaware are a small band of the celebrated tribe of that name, 
They removed from the east and settled with the main body in Kansas, 
but drifted south into Texas while it was still Spanish territory. After 
a long series of conflicts with the American settlers of Texas, before 
and after the Mexican war, they were finally taken under the protec- 
tion of the United States government and assigned to their present 
reservation along with other emigrant tribes from that state. 


1096 


THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION 


SONGS OF THE CADDO 


1. Ha‘yo vTA‘tA’ A‘A! 


Nii‘nisa’na, Nii 
Ha‘yo ta‘ia’ 
Ha’/yo ti‘ia’ a 
Na’wi hi/id/ ini’, 
Na’wi hi/id’ ind’, 


nisa’na, 


Translation 


Nda'nisa'na, Né'nisa‘na, 
Our father dwells above, 
Our father dwells above, 
Our mother dwells below, 
Our mother dwells below. 


‘*Our mother” here refers to the earth. 


Moderato. 


2. WU'NTI HA‘/YANO’ DI/WITI‘/A 


[ETH. ANN. 14 


$5 Zit =| —_ SS Ep eS = | 
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mn oj le ee | ==, 
na, wil/n-ti ha’ wi - ti’ a 
5 

+ { 

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ha!’ - yo’, witn - ti ha! a ha’ yo’, 


wi/n-ti 


ha‘-ya’-no 


Ni‘nisa’na, nii/nisa/na, 

Wa'nti ha’yano’ di’witi/’a ha‘yo’, 
Wivnti ha‘'yano’ di/witi/a ha/yo', 
A‘a ko’ia’ ha‘yo’, 

A’ ko‘ia’ ha/yo’, 

Wi/nti ha’ya‘no ta/-ia’ ha‘yo’, 
Winti ha‘ya'no ta’-ia’ ha‘yo’. 


Translation 


Nd’ nisa’na, nd’nisa'na, 

All our people are going up, 

All our people are going up, 
Above to where the father dwells, 
Above to where the father dwells, 
Above to where our people live, 
Above to where our people live. 


MOONEY] 


SONGS OF THE CADDO 1097 


3. NO’Na Y'rsrya' 
He’yawe’ya! He'yawe’ya! 
Nina i'tsiya’ si’bocha‘hi’, 
Nana i’tsiya’ si/bocha‘ha’‘, 
Wi/nti ha‘yano’ ha/nin gi’kwi'ts-a’, 
Wivnti ha’yano’ ha/nin gt’kwi'ts-a’, 
He’yahe’eye’! He’/yahe’eye’! 


Translation 


He'yawe ya! He'yawe'ya! 

I have come because I want to see them, 
I have come because I want to see them, 
The people, all my children, 

The people, all my children. 
He'yahe'eye! He'yahe'eye! 


This song was composed by a woman named Nyu’taa. According 
to her story, she saw in her trance a large company approaching, led 
by a man who told her he was the Father and that he was coming 
because he wished to see all his children. 


4, Na’TSIWA/YA 


Na’‘tsiwa’ya, na/‘tsiwa‘ya, 
Na’ ika’—Wi'ahe’e’ye’, 
Na’ ika’/—Wi‘ahe’e'ye’, 
Wi ahe’e’ye'ye'yeahe’ye’, 
Wi'ahe’e'ye’ye'yeahe’ye’. 


Translation 


Tam coming, I am coming, 

The grandmother from on high, Wi/ahe'e/ye', 
The grandmother from on high, Mi'ahe'e'ye', 
Wi'ahe'e'ye' ye uweahe’ ye’, 
Wi'ahe'e'ye'ye'yeahe' ye! 


This song also was composed by the woman Nyuw‘taa. In her trance 
vision she fell asleep and seemed (still in the vision) to be awakened 
by the noise of a storm, when she looked and saw approaching her the 
Storm Spirit, who said to her, ‘I come, the grandmother from on high.” 
The Caddo call thunder the “grandmother above” and the sun the 


“unele above.” 


5, NaA’-lYE’ INO’ GA'NIO/SIT 
Was‘hiya’ne, wa‘hiya‘ne, 
Na’-iye’ ino’ ga/nio’sit, 
Na’-iye’ ino’ ga/nio’sit. 
Wa'hiya‘ne, wa’hiya’ne. 
Translation 
Wa'hiya'ne, wa'hiya'ne, 
My sister above, she is painted, 


My sister above, she is painted. 
Wa'hiya'ne, wa'hiya' ne. 


1098 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


This is another song composed by Nyu‘taa, who herself explained it. 
In this trance vision she saw a spirit woman painted with blue stripes 
on her forehead and a crow on her chin, who told her that she was 
“ther sister, the Evening Star.” While singing this song Nyu/taa was 
sitting near me, when she suddenly cried out and went into a spasm of 
trembling and crying lasting some minutes, lifting up her right hand 
toward the west at the same time. Such attacks were so common 
among the women at song rehearsals as frequently to interfere with 
the work, although the bystanders regarded them as a matter of course 
and took only a passing notice of these incidents. 


6. Na’A HA’YO HA’WANO 


Ni/nisa‘na, nii/nisa’‘na, 
Na‘a ha‘yo ha’wano, 
Na‘a ha’‘yo ha/wano. 


Translation 


Na nisa’'na, nd'nisa'na, 
Our father above (has) paint, 
Our father above (has) paint. 


This refers to the sacred paint used by the participants in the Ghost 
dance, and which is believed to confer health and the power to see 
visions. 

7. WO/NTI HA‘YANO KA’KA‘NA’ 
Niinisa’na, niinisa/na, 
Wivnti ha’yano ka’‘ka‘na‘ ni‘tsiho’, 
Wi/nti ha/yano ka’‘ka’na’ ni‘tsiho’, 
Aa’ ko‘ia’ ta/-ia’ ha’yo’, 
Aa’ ko’ia’ ta/-ia’ ha’yo’, 


Translation 


Né'nisa'na, ndnisa'na, 

All the people cried when I returned, 
All the people cried when I returned, 
Where the father dwells above, 
Where the father dwells above. 


This song was composed by a girl who went up to the spirit world 
and saw there all her friends, who cried when she started to leave them 
again. 

8. Na‘’wi NA 


Niinisa‘na, nii‘nisa‘na, 

K'yahe’ya, e’yahe’ya, he’e‘ye’! 

K'yahe’ya, e’yahe’ya, he’e‘ye’! 

Na’wi i/na ha‘yo a/i—He’yoi‘ya, he’e’ye’! 
Na‘wi ina ha‘yo i/i—He’yoi’ya, he’e’ye’! 


Translation 
Na nisa'na, ni'nisa'na, 
E’yahe'ya, e'yahe'ya, he'e'ye'! 
E‘yahe'ya, e'yahe'ya, he’e'ye'! 
We have our mother below; we have our father above —He yotya, he'eye'! 
We have our mother below; we have our father above —He'yoi'ya, he'e yell 


MOONEY) SONGS OF THE CADDO 1099 


This song was composed by a woman named Niaha‘no’, who used to 
have frequent trances in which she would talk with departed Caddo 
and bring back messages from them to their friends. ‘Our mother 
below” is the earth. (See page 1096.) 


9. Ni’ mea’ Na‘aA 


Ni’ ika’ na‘a ha‘na’, 
Ni’ ika’ na’a ha/‘na’; 
Na‘a-a’ ha/‘na’, 
Na‘a-a’ ha’‘na’, 


Translation 


There are our grandmother and our father above, 
There are our grandmother and our father above; 
There is our father above, 
There is our father above. 


By “grandmother” is meant the storm spirit or thunder. (See Caddo 
song 4.) 


10. Hi'NA HA/NATOBI/NA 


Hi’na ha‘natobi/na i/wi-na’, 
Hi’na ha/natobi/na i’wi-na’, 
Na’ iwi’ i’wi-na’, 
Na’ iwi’ i'wi-na’; 
Na‘nana’ ha’taha’, 
Na/nana’ ha’taha’, 


Translation 


The eagle feather headdress from aboye, 
The eagle feather headdress from above, 
From the eagle above, from the eagle above; 
It is that feather we wear, 

It is that feather we wear. 


This refers to the eagle feather worn on the heads of the dancers. 
(See song number 12.) This song is in the Hai-nai dialect. 


11. Na’ AX’ o/wr'Ta! 
Na’ i! o/wi'ta’, 
Na’ ita’ o/wi'ta’, 
Na’ kiwa’t Hai’-nai’, 
Na’ kiwa’‘t Hai’/-nai’. 
Translation 
The father comes from above, 
The father comes from above, 


From the home of the Hai-nai above, 
From the home of the Hai-nai above. 


This song, like the last, was composed by one of the Hai-nai tribe, 
and refers to the silent majority of the band in the spirit world. 


1100 THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION [ETH. ANN. 14 


12. Na’ rw’ o’wr'Ta 


2) SSScS == = SSeS aS ee Sea 
Bee a eld 
N 


Na‘i- wi 0’ - wil-ta’, na’i-wi’-o! - wi'-ta’; do/-hya di/-wa - bo/n na’ na’ i-wi! o!- wi'-ta’, 


im Se a_i _ ore () ee as ere! Rei eer saree 

ati 2a JE 14 - StS oe Sto 

Ce a id ed i oe ee ee a 

dohyadi/-wa - bo‘nna’ na’ i-wi’ o!- wi'-ta’; na’-ha’ na’-da-Ka’-a’, na’/-ha’ na’-da-ka’-a’, 


Na’ iwi’ o’wi'ta’, 

Na’ iwi’ o’wi'ta’; 

Do'hya di’wabo’n na’ na’ iwi’ o’wi ta’, 
Do‘hya di’wabo’n na’ na’ iwi owita’; 
Na‘ha’ na‘daka’a’, Na‘ha’ na/‘daka‘a’. 


Translation 
See! the eagle comes, 
See! the eagle comes; 
Now at last we see him —look! look! the eagle comes, 
Now at last we see him— look! look! the eagle comes; 
Now we see him with the people, 
Now we see him with the people. 


This refers to what the Caddo eall the ‘return of the eagle feathers’ 
in the Ghost dance. With the Caddo, as with other tribes, the eagle is 
a sacred bird, and in the old times only the few medicine-men who knew 
the sacred formula would dare to kill one for the feathers. Should any- 
one else kill an eagle, his family would die or some other great misfor- 
tune would come upon him. The formula consisted of certain secret 
prayers and ritual performances. Among the Cherokee the eagle 
killer’s prayer was a petition to the eagle not to be revenged upon the 
tribe, because it was not an Indian, but a Spaniard, who had killed 
him—an indication of the vivid remembrance in which the cruelty of 
the early Spaniards was held among the southern tribes. To further 
guard against the anger of the eagles, the Cherokee eagle killer, on his 
return to the village, announced that he had killed, not an eagle, but a 
snowbird, the latter being too small and insignificant to be dreaded. 
The eagle-killing ceremony among the northern prairie tribes has been 
already described under Arapaho song 47. The Caddo eagle killer 
always took with him a robe or some other valuable offering, and after 
shooting the eagle, making the prayer, and pulling out the tail and 
wing feathers he covered the body with the robe and left it there as ¢ 
peace offering to the spirit of the eagle. The dead eagle was never 
brought home, as among the Cherokee. The last man of the Caddo 
who knew the eagle-killing ritual died some years ago, and since then 
they have had to go without eagle feathers or buy them from the Kiowa 
and other tribes. Since Sitting Bull came down and “gave the feather” 


MOONEY] SONGS OF THE CADDO 1101 


to the leaders of the dance the prohibition is removed, and men and 
women alike are now at liberty to get and wear eagle feathers as 
they will. 


13. A’NANA’ HANA‘NITO 


A’nana’ hana‘nito’ ni/ahu’na— Hee ye’! 
A’nana’ hana/nito’ ni/ahu’na — He'e ye! 
A’‘nana’sa‘na’? A’nana’sa’na ? 

Ha'yo ha/nitu’ ni’ahu’na — He'e ye! 
Ha’yo ha‘nitu’ ni/ahu’na— He'e ye! 
A‘nana’sa‘na’? A‘ana’sa‘na’? 


Translation 


The feather has come back from above — He e'ye'! 
The feather has come back from above — He’'e ye! 
Is he doing it? Is he doing it? 
The feather has returned from on high — Hee ye'! 
The feather has returned from on high — He’'e ye’! 
Is he doing it? Is he doing it? 


This refers to the return of the eagle feathers, as noted in the pre- 
ceding song. The question ‘‘Is he doing it?” is equivalent to asking, 
“Ts this the work of the father?”—an affirmative answer being under- 
stood. 


14, Na’ 1wi’ HA'NAA 


Na’ iwi’ ha‘naa’, 
Na’ iwi’ ha/naa’; 
Winti ha’yano’ na‘nia’sana , 
Wiinti ha’yano’ na‘nia’sana. 
Na’ha na/ni‘asa’, 
Na‘ha na/ni/asa’. 


Translation 


There is an eagle above, 
There is an eagle above; 
All the people are using it, 
All the people are using it. 
See! They use it, 

See! They use it. 


This song also refers to the use of eagle feathers in the dance. 


15. Wi'rt! HaA/siInt’ 


- na, 


ki’-wat ha’-i - me’ He’- 


1102 


THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION 


(ETH. ANN. 14 


Ki-wat ha’ -i - me’ He’ -e’- ye’! 


Na/-ha-yo’ na’, 


Na‘-ha-vo! na’ - a - a! ko’-i-a/, 


E‘yehe’! 
K'yehe’! 


Wi ti’ 
Wi ti’ 


Ha/sini’ 
Ha’‘sini’ 


Niivnisa na, 
Ni/nisa’na. 
di’ witi'a’a’, 
di witi'a‘a’ 


Ki’wat ha/-ime’ — He’e’ye’! 


Ki’wat ha/-ime’ 


Na/hayo’ na’, 


He’e’ye’! 


Na‘hayo’ na‘i/a’ ko‘ii’/— He’e‘ye’! 
Ina _ ko’ii’/ — He’e’ye’! 
Ina ko'ii— He’e'ye’! 


Translation 


B'yehe ! Nd nisa‘na, 
Blyehe’ ! Ndnisa’na. 


Come on, Caddo, we are all going up, 
Come on, Caddo, we are all going up 
To the great village — He'e'ye'! 


To the great village — He’e'ye'! 


With our father above, 


' 


With onr father above where he dwells on high — He’e’ye'! 
Where our mother dwells— He'e'ye’ ! 
Where our mother dwells— He'e'ye'! 


The sentiment and swinging tune of this spirited song make it one of 
the favorites. It encourages the dancers in the hope of a speedy re- 
union of the whole Caddo nation, living and dead, in the ‘great village” 
of their father above, and needs no further explanation. 


CADDO GLOSSARY 


Ad— father. 

Ad Kaki'mbawiit— ‘the prayer of all to 
the Father;” from aa, the Father, i. e., 
God, and tsimba'diki, I pray; the Ghost 
dance, also called Né‘nisa’na Gao'shan, 
Nii‘nisa’na dance. 

A'nana—for Nand. 

A'nanasa'na—for Nana’ sana, 

Ba hakosin— * striped arrows,” from bah, 
arrow; the Caddo name for the Chey- 
enne, They sometimes call them Sid - 
ndbo, from their Comanche name. 

Cha kani’na — “ the place of erying ;”’ the 
traditional first settlement of the Caddo 
tribes, where they came up out of the 


ground, at the mouth of Red river, on 

the south bank, in Louisiana. 
Detse-ka' yaad —** dog eaters;” the Caddo 

name for the Arapaho. 
Di'wabon—we see him; 


him. 


tsibo‘nd, I see 


Di witi'd—we are all going up, we shall 
all ascend; tsidii’, I ascend. 

Do'hya—now, at once. 

E’yahe'ya!—an unmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 

KE yehe'! —ibid, 

Ganio'sit—he (she) is painted; atsino’sit, 
I paint myself. 

Gao'shan—a dance; ga’ tsioshan, I dance. 


MOONEY] 


Gikwits—my (plural); gékwi’nda, my 
(singular); ha/nin gi’ kwits, my chil- 
dren. 

Hd'-ii—he (she) dwells there below. 
Compare Ko'id. 

Ha’-imi—large. 

Hai'-nai—a tribe of the Caddo confed- 
eracy. 

Ha nad or Ha'ni—there he is! that is he! 

Ha‘nani‘to—this feather, the feather; 
niitoh, feather; ha‘taha, feather (ge- 
neric). 

Ha’natobina—a feather headdress; 
feathers prepared to wear on the head. 

Ha‘ nin—children. 

Ha'‘nitu—for Ni'toh. 

Hasi‘ni or Hasi'nai—the Caddo; the gen- 
erie name used by themselves. 

Ha'taha—feather (generic); nitoh, 
feather (specific). 

Ha’ wano—paint. 

Ha’ yano— people. 

Ha'yo—above, on high. 
ha’ yo. 

He'eye!—an  unmeaning 
used in the songs. 

He! yahe'eye'! —ibid. 

He' yawe' ya! —ibid, 

He'yoi' ya! —ibid. 

Hi'na— eagle feathers. 


Compare Na- 


exclamation 


Tka—grandmother; a term sometimes 
applied to the thunder or storm spirit. 
Ind’ —mother; na ind’, mother above. 
I'tsiya—I have come; hatsi‘v%s, I come. 
I'wi—eagle; also the name of a Caddo 
gens. 
Ka'gihdnin—thunder; a Caddo gens. 
Ka'g'aih—crow; a Caddo gens. 
Kaka'na—they cried; ha‘tsikaka’s, I ery. 
Ka'ntsi— *‘ cheats;” the Caddo name for 
the Kiowa Apache, Lipan, and Meseal- 
ero. 


Ki'shi—panther; a Caddo gens. 

Kiwa'i—village, town, settlement. 

Koho'—alligator; another name for the 
Ta/naha or Buttalo gens of the Caddo. 

Ko'ié— where he dwells above; td’-id, he 
dwells above; datsii’d, I dwell above. 

Na—see! look! now!—also coming 
down from above, as iwi-na, the eagle 
coming down from above. 

Nad’ —father above, i.e., God; from dd’, 
father, and na, above, on high. 

Na‘daka— with the people. 

Naha’ —that’s all! now you see! there 
now! 


14 ETH—PT 2 30 


CADDO GLOSSARY 


1103 


Naha‘ yo—up, above, the plural of Ha'yo. 
Hasi'ni diwiti‘a na‘hayo, all the Caddo 
are going up, everybody of the Caddo 
is going up. 

Na-iye'— sister above; from na, above, 
in composition, and iye’, sister. 

Nand! or Na/ndnd’ —that one (demonstra- 
tive). 

Nana’'sana —is he making it? 

Nw ni‘asa —they are using it; ha‘ tsina’sa, 
I use it. 

Na’nia'sana—for Na‘ni‘asa, 


Niéi/nisa‘na —an Arapaho word, adopted 
by the Caddo in the Ghost-dance songs 
and meaning ‘‘my children.” 

Néi/nisa'na gao'shin— ‘‘Niinisana dance,” 
one of the Caddo names for the Ghost 
dance, from gao’shdn, a dance, and nd- 
nisa’na (q. ¥.), an Arapaho word which 
forms the burden of so many Arapaho 
Ghost-dance songs. It is also called 
Ad Kaki’ mbawiit, the prayer of all to 
the Father.” 

Na'tsiwa‘ya —I am coming. 

Na‘wi— below; ha‘yo, above. 

Nawotsi— bear; a Caddo gens. 

Ni—a syllable prefixed merely to fill in 
the meter. 

Niahu'na— for Nv'tahi'nt. 

Ni‘tahi'nt —it has returned. It has come 
back; fsitsihi’nd, I return; Ni‘ tsiho, 
when I returned. 

Ni/toh—feather (specific); ha‘taha, 
feather (generic). 

Ni‘tsiho— when I returned. 
Ni‘tahi'nt. 

Ni'na— because. 

O/dt— raccoon; a Caddo gens. 

O'wita —he comes; a’tsitis, I come. 

Sha'‘chadi'ni—‘‘ Timber hill,” a former 
Caddo settlement on Caddo lake, 
Louisiana. 

Si'bocha‘ha— I want tosee them ; hatsi’bos, 
Tsee. 

Stiko —sun; a Caddo gens. 

Ti'-id —he dwells above. 
Kvo'id. 

Ta'nahdi — buffalo; a Caddo gens. 

Ta'o — beaver; a Caddo gens. 

Tasha—wolf; a Caddo gens. 

Tsaba'kosh—cut-throats ; the Caddoname 
for the Sioux. 

Wa'hiya’ne! —anunmeaning exclamation 
used in the songs. 

Wi ahe'eye’! —ibid. 

Wi'ti! —come on! get ready. 

Wi'nti—all of them. 


Compare 


Compare 


AUTHORITIES CITED 


Adjutant-General’s Office [4. G. 0.].— 
(Documents on file in the office of the 
Adjutant-General, in the War Depart- 
ment at Washington, where each is 
officially designated by its number, 
followed by the initials A. G.O. In 
response to specific inquiries additional 
information was received in letters from 
the same office and incorporated into 
the narrative. ) 


1—Report of Captain J. M. Lee, on the aban- 
donment of Fort Bidwell, California (1890), 
Doc. 16633-1, 1890; 2—Documents relating to the 
Apache outbreak, 1881; 3—Documents relating 
to Sword-bearer and the Crow outbreak, 1887; 
4—Captain J. M. Lee, abandonment of Fort 
Bidwell, Doc. 16633-1, 1890; 5—Report on the 
Ghost dance, by Lieutenant H. L. Scott, Feb- 
ruary 10, 1891, Doc. ; 6—Report on the 
abandonment of Fort Bidwell, by Captain J. 
M. Lee, Doc. 16633-1, 1890; 7—Statement of 
Judge H. L. Spargur in Lee's report on Fort 
Bidwell, Doe. 16633-1, 1890; 8—Letters of As- 
sistant Adjutant-General Corbin and Quarter- 
master-General Batchelder; 9— Affidavits with 
Lee's report on the abandonment of Fort Bid- 
well, Doc. 16633-1, 1890. 


Albany Institute. See MacMurray. 


Allis, Rev. Samuel. Forty Years Among 
the Indians and on the Eastern Borders 
of Nebraska. (Transactions and Re- 
ports of the Nebraska State Historical 
Society, II. Lincoln, Nebraska, 1887. 
8°. 133-166.) 

1—135. 


American Anthropologist. See Phister. 


American Ethnology and Archeology, 
Journal of. See Bandelier. 

Archzological Institute of America, 
Report of. See Bandelier. 

Bancroft, G. History of the United States 
of America, from the discovery of the 
continent. The author’s last edition. 
New York, 1884. 8°. 

1—I], 371; 2—II, 378; 3—IT, 463. 

Bandelier, A. F. Documentary history of 
the Zuni tribe. (Journal of American 
Ethnology and Archeology, Ui. Boston 
and New York, 1892. 4°.) 

1a —103-115. 
1104 


Bandelier, A. F.—Continued. 

—— Final report of investigations among 
the Indians of the southwestern United 
States, Part II. (Papers of the 
Archeological Institute of America, 
American Series, IV. Cambridge, 1892. 
324) 

1 b—62. 

Barclay, Robert. The inner life of the 
religious societies of the common- 
wealth; considered principally with 
reference to the influence of church 
organization on the spread of Chris- 
tianity. London, 1876. 8°. 


Bartlett, C. H. Letter to the Bureau of 
Ethnology, dated October 29, 1895. 


Bible. The Holy Bible, containing the 
Old and New Testaments; translated 
out of the original tongues, ete. New 
York (American Bible Society), 1870. 
129. 

Bourke, Capt. J. G. The medicine-men 
of the Apache, (Ninth Annual Report 
of the Bureau of Ethnology. Wash- 
ington, 1892. 4°. The description of 
the dance of the medicine-man, Nakai- 
doklini, is taken from the account in 
this paper, supplemented by a personal 
letter from the author. ) 


Brinton, Dr D. G. Myths of the New 
World: A treatise on the symbolism 
and mythology of the Red race of 
America. New York, Leypoldt and 
Holt, 1868. 12°. 

1—168, passim. 

Brown, John P. The Dervishes; or ori- 
ental spiritualism. By John P. Brown, 
secretary and dragoman of the legation 
of the United States of America at 
Constantinople, ete. London, 1868. 
n208 

Bureau of Ethnology, Reports of. See 
Bourke and Mallery. 

Catlin, G. Letters andnotes on the man- 
ners, customs, and condition of the 
North American Indians. Written dur- 


MOONEY] 


Catlin, G.—Continued. 
ing eight years’ travel (1832-1839) 
among the wildest tribes of Indians in 
North America, ete. Two volumes. 
4th edition. London, 1844. 8°. 
1—II, 117; 2—II, 118; 3—IT, 98; 4—II, 99. 


Century Magazine. See Roosevelt. 


Clark,Benjamin, The Cheyenne Indians. 
(Amanuscript history and ethnography 
of the Cheyenne Indians, written at 
the request of General Philip Sheridan 
by Benjamin Clark, interpreter at Fort 
Reno, Oklahoma. ) 

Now in possession of Dr George Bird Grin- 
nell of New York city. 

Clark, W. P. ‘The Indian sign language, 
with brief explanatory notes, ete, and 
a description of some of the peculiar 
laws, customs, myths, superstitions, 
ways of living, code of peace and war 
signals of our aborigines. Philadel- 
phia, 1885. 8°. 

Colby, Gen. L. W. The Sioux Indian 
war of 1890-91. By Brigadier-General 
L. W. Colby, commanding the Ne- 
braska National Guard. (Transactions 
andreports of the Nebraska State His- 
torical Society, III, 144-190; Fremont, 
Nebraska, 1892. 8°.) 

1—153; 2—150; 3—155; 4—157; 5—159-170; 
6—159; 7—164; 8—165-170; 9—(McGillyeuddy) 
180; 10—165. 

Commissioner [Comr.]. Annual report of 
the Commissioner of Indian Affairs to 
the Secretary of the Interior. (Sixty- 
first annual report, Washington, 1892. 
8°.) 

1—Report of Agent W. P. Richardson, 1852, 
71, and report of Agent W. P. Badger, 1859, 
144; 2—Agent Danilson, 1875, 258; 3—Agent 
Tiffany, 1881, 10; 4—Commissioner Price, 1881, 
viii-ix; Agent Tiffany, 1881, 10-11; 5—Agent 
Linn, 1884, 102; 6—Agent Patrick, 1885, 111; 
7—Agent Scott, 1891, vol. I, 258; 8—Agent 
Smith, 1873, 319; 9—Agent Boyle, 1870, 58; 
10—Superintendent Meacham, 1870, 50; 11— 
Agent Cornoyer, 1873, 317-18; 12—Commis- 
sioner Brunot, 1871, 98; 13—Umatilla council, 
1891, 95-7; 14—Superintendent Colonel Ross, 
1870, 30; 15—Superintendent Meacham, 1870, 
50-54 ; 16—Report, 1871, 95; 17—Superintendent 
Odeneal, 1872, 362; 18—Subagent White, 1843, 
451; 19—ibid, 453; 20—Commissioner Hayt, 
1877, 10; 21—ibid, 10; 22—ibid, 12; 23—ibid, 11; 
24—ibid, 12; 25—ibid, 12-13; 26—Commissioner 
Hayt, 1878, xxxiv; 27a—ibid, xxxv; 27b— 
Agent Rust, 1891, I, 223; 28—Commissioner 
Morgan, 1891, I, 132-3; 29—Agent Wright, 


AUTHORITIES CITED 


1105 


Commissioner—Continued. 
ibid, 411-2; 30—Dorchester report, ibid, 529; 
31—Commissioner Morgan, ibid, 124; 32— 
Agent Wright, ibid, 411-12; 33—ibid, 128, 130; 
34— ibid, 130; 35—ibid, 130; 36—ibid, 130; 37— 
ibid, 130; 38—ibid, 131; 39—ibid, 132; 40—ibid, 
132; 41—Commissioner Morgan, 1892, 128; 42— 
Dorchester, 1891, vol. I, 532; 43—Agent Wood, 
1892, 396, 399; 44—Mrs Z. A. Parker, in report 
of Superintendent Dorchester, vol. I, 1891, 529- 
531; also published in the New York Evening 
Post of April 18, 1891, and in Journal of Ameri- 
can Folk-lore, April—June, 1891; 45—Reporton 
the Utes, Pai-Utes, ete, by J. W. Powell and 
G. W. Ingalls, 1873, 45; 46—Superintendent 
Parker, 1866, 115; 47—ibid, 115. 


Dorsey, Rev. J. O. See Journal of Ameri- 
can Folk-lore. 


Drake, B. Life of Tecumseh and of his 
brother the Prophet; with a historical 
sketch of the Shawanoe Indians. Cin- 
cinnati, 1852. 12°. 

1—87, passim; 2—88; 3—93; 4—130; 5—142; 
6—151; 7—153; 8—158; 9—193. 


Drake, S. G. The aboriginal races of 
North America,comprising biographical 
sketches of eminent individuals and 
an historical account of the different 
tribes, from the first discovery of the 
continent to the present period, ete, 
15th edition, revised with valuable ad- 
ditions, by Professor H. L. Williams. 
New York, 1880 (?). 8°. 

1625. 


Dutton, Major C. E. The submerged 
trees of the Columbia river. (Science, 
New York, February 18, 1887, page 
156.) 


Eells, Rev. Myron. (Letter in regard to 
the Shakers of Puget sound, quoted at 
length in the chapter on that subject. 
Works by the same author, referred to 
in the same chapter and in the tribal 
synopsis accompanying the chapter on 
the Nez Percé war, are ‘‘ History of 
Indian Missions on the Pacific Coast,” 
and ‘‘Ten Years of Missionary Work 
among the Indians at Skokomish, 
Washington Territory, 1874-1884,.”— 
Congregational House, Boston, 1886. 
12°, 


Mr Eells was born in the state of Washing- 
ton, has been for many years engaged in mis- 
sion work in that section, and is the author of 
valuable works relating to the tribes and lan- 
guages of the state. 


1106 


Eells, Myron—Continued. 

History of Indian missions on the 
Pacifie coast—Oregon, Washington, 
and Idaho. By Reverend Myron Eells, 
missionary of the association, Phila- 
delphia and New York, American Sun- 
day School Union, 1882 (?), 12°. 


Evans, F. W. Shakers: Compendium 
of the origin, history, principles, rules 
and regulations, government, and doc- 
trines of the United Society of Beliey- 
ers in Christ’s second appearing, with 
biographies of Ann Lee, ete. New 
York, 1859. 129. 

Fletcher, J. E. See Schoolcraft, Indian 
Tribes. 


Ghost Dance [(@. D.]. (Documents relat- 
ing to the Ghost dance and the Sioux 
outbreak of 1890, on file in the Indian 
Office in special case 188, labeled 
“Ghost Dance and Sioux Trouble.”) 


1—Fisher, Document 37097-1890; 2—Camp- 
bell, Document 36274-1890; 3—Campbell, Docu- 
ment 26274-1890; 4Report of Lieutenant H. L. 
Scott (copy from A.G.0O.), Document 9234- 
1891; 5—Statement of Porcupine, the Cheyenne, 
Document 24075-1890; 6—DBlakely, September 
30, 1890, Document 32876-1890; 7—Agent Me- 
Langhlin, October 17, 1590, Document 32670- 
1890: 8—Document 17236-1891; 9—Statement 
of Porcupine, Document 24075-1890; 10—Agent 
Bartholomew, December 15, 1890, Document 
39419-1890; 11—Clipping from Santa Fé (New 
Mexico) News, December 11, 1850, Document 
39419-1899; 12—Agent Plumb, Document 35519- 
1899; 13--ibid, Document 88743-1890 ; 14— ibid, 
Document 2178-1891; 15—Agent Fisher, Docu- 
ment 37097-1890; 16—Clipping from Omaha 
(Nebraska) Bee, February 10, 1891, Document 
6155-1891; 17—Blakely and Captain Bowman, 
Document32876-1890 ; 18— A gent Simons, Docu- 
ment 37359-1890; 19—A gent Warner, Document 
37260-1890; 20—Agent McChesney, Document 
18807-1890; Document 17024-1890; 21—Gal- 
lagher, Document 18482-1590; McChesney, 
18807-1890; Wright, 18823-1890; McLaughlin, 
19200-1890; 22—Cook letter, September 11, 
Document 30628-1890; 23—Special Agent Rey- 
nolds, September 25, 30046-1890; 24—Wright, 
December 5, 38608-1890; 25—McLaughlin, Oc- 
tober 17, 32607-1890; 26—Royer, October 12, 
32120-1890; 27—Palmer, October29 and Novem- 
ber 4, 34061-1890, 34656-1890; 28—Letters and 
telegrams, October 30 to November 21, from 
Royer, Palmer, Dixon, Belt, et al., 34060-1890; 
34807-1890; 34904-1890; 34906-1890; 34910-1890; 
35104-1890; 35105-1890 ; 9-1890; 85412-1890; 
85413-1890: 35831-1890; 36021-1890; 29—Mc- 
Laughlin, November 19, 36346-1899 ; 39—Presi- 
dent Harrison, November 13,35104-1890; 31— 
Secretary Noble, December 1, 37003-1890; 32— 


THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION 


[ETH. ANN. 14 


Ghost Dance—Continned. 
Palmer, 35956-1890; Reynolds, 36011-1890; Me- 
Laughlin, 36022-1890 ; Royer, 36569-1890; 33— 
Noble, 37003-1890; Wright, 37174-1890; Palmer, 
38688-1890; 34—McLa iin, 36868-1890 ; 37465- 
1890; Cody order, 37559-1890 ; Belt, 39602-1890 ; 
35—McLaughlin, December 24,1890-26; 36— 
MeLaughlin, 38860-1899 ; 39602-1890; December 
24, 1890-26; Miles, 39595-1890; 37—General 
Miles, December 1i, 39216-1890 ; 38— Miles, De- 
cember 28, 1890-415; 39—Miles, December 30, 
1890-504; 40—Royer, December 29, 40115-1890; 
Miles, December 29, 1890-414; 41—Miles, De- 
cember 29,1890-414 ; 42—Cooper, 40415-1890 ; 43— 
Royer, December 31, 1890-529; 44—Noyer, Jan- 
> 2, 1891-145; 45—Miles order, January 12, 
891; 46—Corbin, 7724-1891; military let- 
ters, etc, 10937-1891; Welsh, ete, 1 
Burns, 12561-1891; 47--Documents 3512-1891; 
7720-1891; 7976-1891; 10937-1891; 11944-1891; 
including statements of Acting Agent Captain 
Pierce, of army officers, Dr MeGillyeuddy, In- 
dian survivors, and Deadwood Pioneer; 4<8— 
Kingsbury, 8217-1891; 49-—Viroqua, 38445-1890 ; 
50—Texas Ben, 36087-1890: Johnson, November 
27, 1890 ; 51—Herrick, 37440-1890; 52—Belt, 8699 
-1893; Hopkins, 9979-1893; 11305-1893; 13243- 
1893; Drowne, 14459-1893; 53—Scott, February 
10, 9234-1891 ; 54—ibid; 55—Commissioner Mor- 
gan, November 24, 36342-1890 ; 36467-1890, 


Grinnell, Dr G.B. 
ican Folk-lore; also article on [arly 
Blackfoot History (American Anthro- 
pologzist, Washington, April, 1892), and 
personal letters. 


See Journal of Amer- 


Dr Grinnell, editor of Forest and Stream, in 
New York city, and author of Pawnee Hero 
Stories and Blackfoot Lodge Tales, is one of 
our best authorities on the prairie tribes. 


Hamilton, er. William. Autobiogra- 
phy. (Transactions and Reports of the 
Nebraska State Historical Society, I, 
60-73. Lincoln, Nebraska, 1885. 8°.) 

Lee: 

Hayden, F. V. Contributions to the 
ethnography and_ philology of the 
Indian tribes of the Missouri valley, 
ete. Prepared under the direction of 
Captain William FP, Reynolds, 'T. B., 
U.S.A., and published hy permission of 
the War Department. Philadelphia, 
1862. 4°. 

Heckewelder, J. History, manners, and 
customs of the Indian nations who 
once inhabited Pennsylvania and the 
neighboring states. New and revised 
edition, with introduction and notes 


by Reverend William C. Reichel. 
Philadelphia, 1876. 8°. Originally 


MOONEY)} 


Heckewelder, J.—Continued. 
published in the Transactions of the 
American Philosophical Society, Vol. I. 
1291-293. 


Howard, Gen.O. O. Nez Percé Joseph; 
an account of his ancestors, his lands, 
his confederates, his enemies, his mur- 
ders, his war, his pursuit, and capture. 
By O. O. Howard, brigadier-general, 

New York, 1881. 12°. 

; 2-64-72; 3-83. 


Huggins, E. L. Smohalla, the prophet 
of Priest rapids. (Overland Monthly, 
February, 1891; vol. xvi1, No. 98; sec- 
ond series, pages 208-215.) 

Captain Huggins, now of the staff of General 
Miles, visited Smohalla in an official capacity 
about the same time as Major MacMurray. 
Some additional details were furnished by him 
in personal conversation with the author. 


1—209; 2—209-215. 


Humboldt, A. Political essay on the 
kingdom of New Spain, ete. Trans- 
lated from the original French by John 
Black. London, 1811; 4 volumes, 8°. 

1—I, 200-203; IV, 262. 


Indian Informants. (Among the Paiute 
in Nevada information and songs were 
obtained directly from Wovoka, the 
messiah, from his uncle, Charley Sheep, 
and others; among the Shoshoni and 
northern Arapaho in Wyoming, from 
Norcok, Shoshoni interpreter, Henry 
Reid, half-blood Cheyenne interpreter, 
Nakash, Sharp Nose, and others; at 
Pine Ridge, among the Sioux, from 
Fire-thunder, American Horse, Edgar 
Fire-thunder of Carlisle, Louis Menard 
and Philip Wells, mixed-blood inter- 
preters, and others; among the Arapa- 
ho and Cheyenne in Oklahoma, from 
Black Coyote, Left-hand, Sitting Bull, 
Black Short Nose, and numerous others, 
and from the Carlisle students, Paul 
Boynton, Robert Burns, Clever War- 
den, Grant Left-hand, Jesse Bent, and 
others; among the Comanche, from 
Quanah, William Tivis (Carlisle) and 
his brother, Mo'tumi; among the Kio- 
wa, from Biink'i, Gunaoi, Tama (a 
woman), Igiagyiihona (a woman), Mary 
Zontam, and others, with the Carlisle or 
Hampton students, Paul Setk/opti, Belo 
Cozad, and Virginia Stumbling Bear, 


AUTHORITIES CITED 


Jackson, Helen (‘“‘H.H.’’), 


Janney, S. M. 


1107 


Indian Informants—Continued. 
and from Andres Martinez, a Mexican 
captive and interpreter; among the 
Caddo, from George Parton and his 
daughter Eliza, John Wilson, and 
Robert Dunlap, half-blood interpreter ; 
among the Wichita, from the chicf 
Towakoni Jim, Detailed information 
in regard to the Smohalla and Shaker 
beliefs and rituals among the Columbia 
river tribes was obtained in Washing- 
ton from Charles Ike, half-blood Yaki- 
ma interpreter, and chief Wolf Neck- 
lace of the Piilus.) 

Indian Office [Jnd. Off.]. (Documents on 
file in the Indian office, exclusive of 
those relating directly to the Ghost 
dance and Sioux outbreak of 1890, those 
being filed in separate cases labeled 
“Ghost Dance.” Sec Commissioner 
and Ghost Dance.) 

1—Letter of Agent Graham to General Clark, 
dated February 22, 1827; 2—Document indorsed 
“The Kickapoo Prophet's Speech,” dated St 
Louis, February 10, 1827. 


A century of 


dishonor. A sketch of the United 
States government’s dealings with 
some of the Indian tribes, ete. New 


Boston, 1885. 12°. 

The life of George Fox; 
with dissertations on his views con- 
cerning the doctrine, testimonies, and 
discipline of the Christian church, ete. 
Philadelphia, 1855. 8°. 


edition, ete. 


Journal of American Folk-lore [J. 7. L.]. 


(An octavo quarterly magazine pub- 
lished at Boston.) 


1—" The Ghost Dance in Arizona,’ an article 
originally published in the Mohave Miner, and 
reprinted from the Chicago Inter-Ocean of June 
25, 1891, in V, No. 16, January-March, 1892, 
pages 65-67; 2—ibhid; 3—ibid; 4—Mrs Z. A. 
Parker, ‘‘The Ghost Dance at Pine Ridge,” 
from an article in the New York Evening Post 
of April 18, 1891, quoted in IV, No. 13, April- 
June, 1891, pages 160-162. The same number 
of the journal contains other notices of the 
messiah and the Ghost dance; 5—G, B. Grin- 
nell, ‘‘Account of the Northern Cheyennes 
Concerning the Messiah Superstition,” in IV, 
No. 12, January-March, 1891, pages 61-69; 6— 
“Messianic Excitements among the White 
Americans,” from an article in the New York 
Times of November 30, 1890, in IV, No. 13, 
April-June, 1891; Rey. J. O. Dorsey, The 
Social Organization of the Siouan Tribes, in 
IV, No. 14, July-September, 1891. 


1108 


Keam, Thomas V. Letters and oral in- 
formation. 

Mr Keam, of Keams Caiion, Arizona, has 
been for a number of years a trader among the 
Navaho and Hopi (Moki), speaks the Navaho 
language fluently, and takes an intelligent 
interest in everything relating to these tribes. 
He has furnished valuable information orally 
and by letter, together with much kind assist” 
ance while the author was in that country. 


Kendall, E. A. Travels through the 
northern parts of the United States in 
the years 1807 and 1808. In three vol- 
umes. New York, 1809. 8°. 

1—II, 290; 2—IT, 292 and 296; 3—II, 287; 4— 
II, 292. 

Lee, Captain J. M. 

eral’s Office. 


Additional information has been furnished 
by Captain Lee in personal letters and in con- 
versation. 


See Adjutant-Gen- 


LetterBook [Z. B.]. (The letter book of 
the Indian Office containing, among 
other things, letters bearing on the 
Ghost dance, supplementary to the 
documents in the ‘‘Ghost dance 

* files.”) 

1—Belt, October 3 and October 20, 205-287; 
206-211; 2—Belt, November 15, 207-237; 3— 
Noble, 208-245. 

Lewis and Clark. Explorations. Wash- 

ieee 
The edition used is the earliest printed ac- 

count, in the form of a message to Congress 
from the President, Thomas Jefferson, commn- 

nicated February 19, 1806. 


ington, 1806. 


McCullough, J. Sve Pritts, J. 


McKenney, T. L., and Hall, J. History 
of the Indian tribes of North America, 
with biographical sketches and anec- 
dotes of the principal chiefs. Embel- 
ished with one hundred and twenty 
portraits from the Indian gallery in the 
Department of War at Washington. 
In three volumes. Philadelphia, 1858. 
Soe 

1—vol. 1, 64, 65. 


MacMurray, Major J. W. [MacMurray 
MS.). The Dreamers of the Columbia 
River valley in Washington Territory. 
A revised manuscript copy, with notes 
and other additions of an article origi- 
nally read before the Albany Institute 
January 19, 1886, and published in the 


THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION 


(ETH. ANN. 14 


MacMurray, Major J. W.—Continued. 


Transactions of the Albany Institute, 
x1, Albany, 1887, pages 240-248. 

Under instructions from General Miles, com- 
manding the Department of the Columbia, 
Major MacMurray, in 1884, made an official 
investigation of the Smohalla religion, with 
special reference to the Indian land grievances 
in that section, and his report on the subject 
contains a large body of valuable informa- 
tion. 


Mallery, Colonel Garrick. Picture writ- 
ing of the American Indians. (Tenth 
Annual Report of the Bureau of Eth- 
nology (1888-89), 1-822. Washington, 
189329 8o°) 

1—290. 


Matthews, Jr Washington. Ethnogra- 
phy and philology of the Hidatsa In- 
dians. Washington, 1877. 8°. (Pub- 
lished as No. 7 of Miscellaneous pub- 
lications of the United States Geolog- 
ical Survey.) 


— (Personal letters and oral informa- 
tion. ) 

Dr Matthews, surgeon in the United States 
Army, lately retired, formerly stationed on the 
upper Missouri and afterward for several 
years at Fort Wingate, New Mexico, is the 
authority on the Navaho and Hidatsa Indians. 

1—Letter of October 23, 1891; 2—ibid. 


Merrick, J. L. Life and religion of Mo- 
hammed, as contained in the Sheeah 
tradition of the Hyat-ul-Kuloob; trans- 
lated from the Persian. Boston, 1850. 
Ghee 

Minnesota Historical Collections. 
Warren. 


See 


Mormons. The Mormons have stepped 
down and out of celestial government; 
the American Indians have stepped up 
and into celestial government. 8°. 
4pages. (n. d.) 

An anonymous leaflet, published apparently 
at Salt Lake City, Utah, about July, 1892, ad- 
vertising a series of lectures on the fulfillment 
of Mormon prophecies through the Indian 
messiah movement and the Sioux outbreak. 


Nebraska Historical Society. 
Colby ; Hamilton. 


See Allis; 


Overland Monthly. Sce Huggins. 


Parker, Z. A. See Commissioner and 
Journal of American Folk-lore. 


MOONEY] AUTHORITIES CITED 1109 


Parkman, Francis. The conspiracy of 
Pontiac, and the Indian war after the 
conquest of Canada. Two volumes. 
Boston, 1886. 8°. 

1—II, 328; 2—I, 207; 3—I, 183; 4—I, 187; 
52557 61 S11, 

Parr, Harriet. The life and death of 
Jeanne d’Arec, called the Maid, ete. 
Two volumes, London, 1866. 12°. 


Phister, Lieut. N. P. The Indian Mes- 
siah. (American Anthropologist, Wash- 
ington, Iv, No. 2, April, 1891.) 

A statement by Lieutenant Phister is also 
appended to the report of Captain Lee on the 
abandonment of Fort Bidwell. See Adjutant- 
General's Office. 

1—American Anthropologist, tv, No. 2, 105-7; 
2—ibid; 3—ibid. 

Powers, Stephen. Tribes of California. 
(Vol. tit of Contributions to North 
American Ethnology; U. 8. Geograph- 
ical and Geological Survey of the Rocky 
Mountain Region.) Washington, 1877. 
4°. 

Prescott, W. H. History of the Con- 
quest of Mexico. Edited by John Fos- 
ter Kirk. Three volumes. (1873?) 
Philadelphia. 12°. 

1—I, 61; 2—I, 346; 3—T, 309. 


Pritts, J. Incidents of border life, illus- 
trative of the times and condition of 
the first settlements in parts of the 
middle and western states, ete. Cham- 
bersburg, Pennsylvania, 1839. 8°. 

1—98 (McCullough’s narrative). 


Remy, J., and Brenchley, J. A Journey 
to Great Salt Lake City, witha sketch 
of the history, religion, and customs of 
the Mormons, and an introduction on 
the religious movement in the United 
States. Two vols., London, 1861. 8°. 


Roosevelt, T. Incowboy land. (Century 
Magazine, XLVI, No. 2, New York, June, 
1893.) 

1—283 (Century). 

Schaff, Philip. A Religious Encyclopedia; 
or, dictionary of biblical, historical, 
doctrinal,’ and practical theology. 
Based on the Real-Encyklopiidie of 
Herzog, Plitt, and Hauck. Edited by 
Philip Schaff, D.D., LL. D., professor 
in the Union Theological Seminary, 
New York, ete. Three volumes. Vol. 
1, New York, 1882. Large 8°. 


Schoolcraft,H.R. Historical and statis- 
tical information respecting the his- 
tory, condition, and prospects of the 
Indian tribes of the United States. 
Collected and prepared under the direc- 
tion of the Bureau of Indian Affairs, 
ete. Published by authority of Con- 
gress. Sixvolumes, 4°, Philadelphia, 
1851-1857. 

1—IV, 240 (Fletcher); 2—IV, 259. 

Science. See Dutton. 


Scott, Capt. H. L, The Messiah dance in 
the Indian Territory. Essay for the 
Fort Sill lyceum, March, 1892 (manu- 
script). 

Additional valuable information has been 
obtained from Captain Scott's official reports 
on the Ghost dance (see Ghost Dance and 
Adjutant-General’s Office) and from personal 
letters and conversations. 


Scribner’s Magazine. See Welsh. 


Shea, J.G. History of the Catholic mis- 
sions among the Indian tribes of the 
United States, 1529-1854. New York, 
(18552). 12°. 

Contains references to the Columbia river 
missions. 

Short Bull. Sermon delivered at the Red 
Leaf camp, October 31, 1890. Copy 
kindly furnished by George Bartlett, 
formerly of Pine Ridge agency, South 
Dakota. It appears also in the report 
of General Miles, in Report of the Secre- 
tary of War, Vol. 1, 1891, 142. 

Sickels, Miss E.C. (Notes and oral in- 
formation in regard to the dance and 
songs at Pine Ridge.) 

The author is also indebted to the kindness 
of Miss Sickels for the manuscript copy of 
Sword’s account of the Ghost dance. 

Snyder, Colonel Simon. (Personal letter 
concerning the Sword-bearer outbreak 
of 1887.) 


Southey, Robert. The lifeof Wesley and 
rise and progress of Methodism. By 
Robert Southey. Second American edi- 
tion with notes, etc, by the Reverend 
David Curry, A. M. Two volumes, 
New York, 1847. 12°. 

Stenhouse, Mrs T. B. H. Tell it all: 
The story of a life’s experience in 
Mormonism. Hartford, Connecticut, 
1874. 


Contains particular reference to the endow- 
ment robe. 


1110 


Stephen, A.M. Lettersandoralinforma- 
tion. 

The late Mr Stephen lived and studied for 
years among the Navaho, Hopi (Moki), Coho- 
nino, and other Indians of northern New Mex- 
ico and Arizona, and was a competent author- 
ity on these tribes, particularly the Hopi, whose 
ethnology he was investigating in conjunction 
with Dr J. Walter Fewkes, for the Hemenway 
Archeological Expedition. 

1—Letter of September 17, 1891; 2—Letter of 
November 22, 1891; 3—Oral information; 4— 
Letter of September 17, 1891. 

Sutherland, T. A. Howard’s campaign 
against the Nez Pereé Indians. By 
Thomas A. Sutherland, volunteer aid- 
de-camp on General Howard’s staff. 
Portland, Oregon, 1878. Pamphlet, 8°. 

1—39. 


Tanner, John. A narrative of the cap- 
tivity and adventures of John Tanner. 
New York, 1830. 8°. 

1—155-158. 

Thompson, A.H. (Of the United States 
Geological Survey. Oral information 
concerning the religious ferment among 
the Paiute of Utah in 1875.) 

Treaties. A compilation of all the trea- 
ties between the United States and the 
Indian tribes, now in foree as laws. 
Prepared under the provisions of the 
act of Congress approved March 3, 1873, 


ete. Washington, 1873. 8°. 
1—439. 
Voth, Rev. H. R. (Correspondence and 
notes. ) 


Mr Voth, now stationed among the Hopi, at 
Oraibi, Arizona, was formerly superintendent 
of the Mennonite Arapaho Mission, at Dar- 
lington, Oklahoma. Being interested in the 
ethnology and language of the Arapaho, he 
gave close attention to the Ghost dance during 
the excitement, and has furnished much valu- 
able information, orally and by letter, in regard 
to the songs and ritual of the dance. 


War. 
War. 
quoted: 
1891—I.) 


1—Colonel Carr; Brevet Major-General Will- 


Annual report of the Secretary of 
Washington. 8°. (Volumes 
1877—I; | 1881—I;  1888—I; 


THE GHOST-DANCE RELIGION 


(ETH. ANN. 14 


War—Continued. 
cox, department commander, and Major-Gen- 
eral McDowell, division commander, in Report 
1881—I, 140-154; 2—Report of Brigadier-Gen- 
eral Ruger and of Special Agent Howard, with 
other papers in the same connection, 1888—I; 
3a—General Howard in Report, 1877, I, 630; 
3b—(Referred to) Report of scout Arthur Chap- 
man, 1891—T, 191-194; 4—Short Bull's sermon, 
1891—I, 142-143; 5—Report of General Brooke, 
ibid, 135-126; 6—Report of General Miles, 
ibid, 147-148; 7—Miles, ibid, 145; 8—Miles, 
ibid, 146-147; General Ruger, 182-183; Lienten- 
ant-Colonel Drum, 194-197; Captain Fechét, 
; 9—Miles, ibid, 147; 10—Miles, ibid, 147 
53; 11— Miles, ibid, 147; Luger, 184; Licu- 
tenant Hale, 200-201; Captain Hurst. 201-202; 
Lieutenant-Colonel Sumner, 224 ;12—Miles, ‘bid, 
147; Lieutenant-Colonel Sumner, ete, 209-278; 
13—Miles, ibid, 150; 14—Miles, ibid, 150; 15— 
tuger,ibid,185; Maus, ibid, 214; 16—Miles, ibd, 
130; 17—Miles, bid, 130; 18—Miles, ibid, 150; 19— 
Miles, ibid, 154; 20—Miles, ibid, 151; 21—Miles 
ibid, 151; 22—Miles, ibid, 152; 23—Miles, ibid, 
152-153; 24—Report of Lieutenant Getty, ibid, 
250-251; 25--Reports of Colonel Merriam, Lien- 
tenant Marshall, et al., ibid, 220-223; 26—Miles, 
ibid, 154; 27—Miles, ibid, 154. 


Warren, W. W. History of the Ojib- 
ways, based upon traditions and oral 
statements. (In collections of the Min- 
nesota Historical Society, V. St. Paul, 
1885.) 8°. 

1— 321-324 ; 2—321-324. 


Welsh, Herbert. The meaning of the 
Dakota outbreak. (Scribner's Maga- 
zine, 1X, No. 4; New York, April, 1891, 
pages 429-452. ) 

Mr Welsh is president of the Indian Rights 
Association, and a close and competent ob- 


server of Indian affairs. 
1—445; 2—450; 3—452. 


Wickersham, James. Tschaddam or Sha- 
ker religion. (Manuscript published 
almost entire in chapter vit herein, 
together with extracts from personal 
letters on the same subject.) 

Judge James Wickersham is the historian of 
the state of Washington and the attorney for 
the Shaker Indian organization. He has de- 
voted considerable attention to the Indians of 
the state, and is now engased in preparing a 

monograph on the Nisqually tribe. 


ERRATUM 


From a letter of Judge James Wickersham, already quoted as an authority on the 
Shaker religion of the Columbia River tribes, it appears that Aiyal is not the same 
individual as Yowaluch, as was stated by our Yakima informants, who were doubt- 
less deceived by the resemblance of sound. Judge Wickersham writes: “I know 
this man Aiyal, and he and Yowaluch, while great friends, are not the same person. 
Aiyal is a Cowlitz, and was sent by Yowaluch to the Yakima, together with John 
W. Simmons, to convert that tribe.” 


INDEX TO PART 2 


A/A KARI MBAWI'UT, Caddo name of ghost 
dance 
AX'NINENA, an Arapaho division. -- 
—, an Arapaho synonym 
AANC/HAWA, an Arapaho division..-.---- 
AcHoMaA'WI, a Pit river band. - 
ADAI, a Caddo division.--..------------- 
ADAIZE, a Caddo division.-.-.-..--.------ 
A'DAL-K‘ATO/IGO, a Sahaptin synonym... 
Aparo’yul, a Kiowa warrior order-.--. 
ADAMS, AGENT, at Anadarko council. 
ApbAMs, WM., killed at Wounded Knee.. 
ADVESTISTS, account of the.....--------- 
Ags, a Caddo division 
AFRAID-OF-HIM, Biiink‘i’s vision of...---- 
AGA'IH-TIKA/RA, ce FISH-EATERS. 
AGENTS, knowledge of, concerning in- 
Giants) ssc sane noe anae nacdnesos 
—, inconsiderateness of-- 
—, placed under military orders. ....---- 
—, policy concerning. 
—, replacement of. 
Sioux, ghost dance beyond control of. 
Sioux, irresponsibility of.......------ 
AGRICULTURE of the Caddo....--.------- 
AHWA'KANE/NA, an Arapaho warrior order. 
AnyXro, Kiowa name of the Arapaho... 
ATYAL, correction concerning 
—, see YOWALUCH, LOUIS. 
AKOKISA, status of the...---... ssaseeeea 
ALIATAN, a synonym of Comanche. ..-.-- 
ALICHE, a Caddo division. .-.---..------- 
ALLIS, SAMUEL, on Kickapoo prayer stick. 
ALMOTU, a Pius village. -..-.----------- 
ALONE MAN, Catch-the-Bear killed by--- 
AMERICAN Horse, acknowledgments to- 
—, ghost-dance council held by---------- 
— on Wounded Knee massacre .. 
— onthe Sioux outbreak 
—, emissary to Bad-lands refugees. ..----- 
—, Kicking Bear’s surrender effected by... 
—, delegate to Washington...-..--..----- 
AMERICANS, indian belief of origin of 
—, indian regard for.-.-- -- Seater a's 
AMULET, Caddo, described.--..-..-------- 7 
ANADARKO, a Caddo division- 
—, Kiowa council at......---------------- 
ANGELL, HENRY, in Sioux outbreak....-.- 
ANOINTMENT of body.-------------------- 
ANOS-ANYOTSKANO, Kichai name of the 
Arapaho 
ANSKOWI'NIS, a Cheyenne division -..-.-. 
APACHE, absence of ghost dance among.. 


955 
1013 
956 
1052 
1092 
1092 
744 
989 
913 
872 
944 
1092 
910 


767 
837 
850 
828 
845, 887 
830 
833 
1094 
988 
953 
1111 


1093 
1043 
1092 


697 | 


735 

857 

655 

820 

869. 885 
839, 843 
867 

868 

891 

721 

676 

904 
1092 
913 

863 
1037 


953 
1026 
805 


Page 
APACHE in ghost dance. ..e.ee2-- 653, 802, 805, 898 
— and Kiowa early warfare ...---------- 1079 
—,medicine-man of the -- bos Siateter es 704 
—, refusal of, to accept Apiatan’s report-. g14 
—, use of bull-roarer by-.-.--------------- 975 
A’P-ANEKA/RA, Comanche name of ghost 
ancetsessee seen cene a2 esate nee nisinia'n 791 


APIATAN, journey of, to the Sioux 903 
—, Kiowa delegate to Wovoka...---- 913 
—, portrait of...-...-.-----++------+----+- 912 
—, result of interview of. 911 
—, report of messiah visit of ..----------- 913 
—, report on messiah doctrine by - 900 
—,medal presented to......-------------- 914 
AQA’THINE/NA, an Arapaho division. .---- 957 
ARAPAHO, ceremonial smoking by the-.-- 918 
—, cycles of the 701 
—, delegation of, to Wovoka.-.. 900 
—, early knowledge of messiah by ..----- 797 
—, etymology of 1018 
—, features of ghost dance among 55 802 
—, ghost dance among the -.-..-.---------- 653, 
786, 807, 817, 820, 895, 926, 927 
—, ghost-dance doctrine spread by..-.----- 902 
—, glossary of the..-..---.----- 1012 
—, knowledge of messiah among ---.----- 894 
— name of the Caddo--......------------- 1092 
— name of the Cheyenne.......-..------ 1023 
— name of the Comanche..---------.---- 1043 
— name of ghost dance. ....----.-- 791 
— name of the Kiowa Apache 1081 
— nameof the Sioux ...-...------------- 1057 
— police, acknowledgments to.-.-..------ 655 
—, population of the. .--..---------------- 957 
—, religion’of the:-.-------=- 775 
—,sacred pipe of the 1063 
SE BOLCDO MUO eee e les == ae ea annie 95k 
—, songs of the..----- 958 
—, symbolic representation of 789 
— tribal signs 954 
— tribal synonymy 953 
EevIRitiOfPApIAtall tO. >= zceseneise= ons 911 
—, visit of, to Wovoka 
EeVISILUO DOs s sae laceee aes emem = sic n= a 
Aripa’KaTA, Crow nameof the Arapaho. 953, 1014 
Arcs PLATS, a synonym of Kutenai:c:..- 731 
ARIKARA, ghost dance among the. .-..----- 817 
ARIZONA visited by Smohalla ...--------- 719 
ARMSTRONG, JAMES, visit of Kickapoo del- 
egation to a 699 
ARMSTRONG, R. B., prayer stick in posses- 
SlOWOlsccescen <i 699 
ARNOLD, Mrs L. B., acknowledgments to - 655 


1111 


1112 


Page 
ARNOLD, Mrs L.B., adoption of Sioux child 

DD Wieteetels ete eitciela cicitnonne aaein seine seen 880 
ARROW. medicine, ceremony of..-..------ 1026 
ARROW GAME of the Arapaho........-.-- 962 
ARROWS of the Cheyenne...........----- 1024 
—,sacred,in Sioux ceremony..........-- 823, 
—, sacred.in Sioux ghost dance...--- 788, 915, 916 
—,symbolism of, in ghost dance......-... 789 
ASaTIroLa, present name of Bilink‘i..... 909 

Asay, J. F., on mortality at Wounded 
GTC osceasuacns asocisone SohqsgecanEe 870 
—, on Sioux ghost dance. 915 
ASsINAIS, a Caddo synonym 1092 
ASINIBOIN and Cheyenne hostility 1024 
—, ghost dance among the...-. Ssends 817 
—, Tenskwatawa religion among the -- 679 
ATAHNAM, a Yakima mission. -.... 717 
A/TANOM-‘LEMA, sketch of the -. 738 
AtTsINA, Blackfoot name of Gros Ventres. 955 
ATUA'MIH, a Pit river band............--- 1052 
AUTHORITIES CITED, list of ens 1104 
AWL GAME of plains tribes..-.-.- - 1002-1004 
AYUTAN, a synonym of Comanche - S 1043 
AZTECS; culture of the -s.2-------=sscee> 658 

Ba'ACHINENA, name of northern Arap- 
AD Ober eteeewiises ett eeecioe ne sees ee 954, 1014 

BXAKU'NI, Arapaho name of Paul Boyn- 
971 


Bap Faces, an Arapaho division .-- 5 957 
BAD LANDS, flight of Sioux to.... 850, 851, 861, 884 


—, Sioux in, surrounded by troops. 866 
—, return of Sioux from........-.-....--.-. 868 
Bap Pipss, an Arapaho division .--.-.-.. 956 
BAuWAKOsSIN, Caddo name of the Chey- 

Ge SSeecocqdaqueads-cobE cee Ses eesee 1023 
BAHWETEGOW-ENINNEWUG, Ojibwa name 

of GrosiVientresp-nseeacsesacsencee co ece 955 
BA. of the Arapaho .. 964 
BANCROFT, GEORGE, on French and Indian 

Vie SS Ob Coa eg Cee Soe eeoenes 663 
—, ON the iuenape;---oenca= seccsccce ees cce 662 
3ANNOCK and Paiute affinity..-........ 1048, 1051 
—, early knowledge of messiah by..-.-.- 802 
—, ghost dance among ......-..---... 785, 805, 807 
—, messiah delegates among the.-......-. 894 
—, Mormon emissaries among the. - = 704 
—, Porcupine's visit to the....... 3 793 
—, present habitat of the... see ae 806 
—, reception of, into Mormon church .... 790 
—, Tiivibo among the 70L 
—, visit of Apiatan among... 911 
—, GOT LOMVONO Kia 2 cosas cece cee 818 
Bannock JM, Wovoka confounded with. 765 
BA/QATI GAME described.............----- 994 
ITN HOS TRON Pa claleiciwiseeleein wis 4.2 ccc oo 1036, 1075 
BAQATI WHEEL, use of, in ghost dance.... 1064 
Bark, Cheyenne delegate to Wovoka.... 895 
BArkK, cedar, headdress of, in Shaker cere- 

MODY, fale ciewie mnie c'nimanieieineniaivin/s eu aisslcas ccs 761 
Bart ert, C. H., acknowledgments to. -. 655 
—, prayer stick presented by .-.......... 698 
BA/SAWUNE'NA, an Arapaho division..-... 955 
BASKET, mystic, in Columbia indian cos- 

MOO ce ceesieetcamcesaea eee ReScSOoNHSSS 722 


INDEX TO PART 2 


| —, name of Gros Ventres by 


BASKET used in dice gam@.....---.eeeeeee 
BATHING in ghost-dance ceremony - 
BATI/QrT0BA game of the Arapaho. - 


BEp of prairie tribes 
BE/DALPAGO, Kiowa name of the whites... 
BEEKMAN, Dora, founder of the Beek- 
Ippo soso cnsacoaneococeebocrcescoan 
BEEKMANITES, account of...-- 
BELL, —, a wilderness worshiper........ 
BELLS used in Shaker ceremony..-....... 
— used in Smohalla worship 
BENI/NENA, an Arapaho warrior society... 
BENOIT, FELIX, interpreter in Sioux out- 
break 
BENT, GEORGE, acknowledgments to-..-.. 
—, on absence of clans among Cheyenne. . 
BENT, JESSE, acknowledgments to ....... 
BERLINER, EMILE, acknowledgments to-. 
BERRY DANCE of northwestern indians... 
Be'SHILTCHA, Kiowa synonym ....--...-. 
BETIDEE, Kiowa Apache name of the 
Arapaho ... “ 
BIANK‘I, account of.......--- 
— compared with other prophets 
—, influence of, in ghost dance........... 
Brisxg, Shaker regard for the.....---.-... 
IBIDAT Statuaot tnereocseess-seeeeeeeoee 
Bic Foor, complaints by band of.-........ 
—, excitement among band of............ 
—, game-wheel carried by band of-....-... 
—, ghost dance at camp of......-.-....... 
—joined by Sitting Bull's warriors. ..... 
—, participation of, in Sioux outbreak... 
== APTOS WOM DANE O besa eeaiee mice seni 
—, surrender of... 
—, second flight of..--... 
—, military movement against... 
— dllness{Of:-..2sn sce ee sae 
— killed at Wounded Knee. 
Bic RoapD as a peacemaker .............. 
—, delegate to Washington 
—, emissary to Bad-lands refugees........ 
BILLy JOHN, see SHA’AWE. 
BirD HEAD, use of, in battle.............. 
Birps, stuffed, used in ghost dance -..... 
BITAHI/NENA, an Arapaho warrior order.. 
BITAYE, another name of Sitting Bull.... 
Biack, BUFFALO, a ghost-dance leader... 
BLACK Coat, an Arapaho chief 
—, opposition of, to ghost dance.......... 
Buack Coyorr, an Arapaho ghost-dance 
Neadereeeceeemeneasereesmenieseee 
—, acknowledgments to .. 
—, sacred paint obtained by 
—-. song rehersal in tipi of.- 
—, Visit of, to Wovoka.. 
BLACKFEET, a Teton division 
—, absence of ghost dance among. 


, 775, 894, 


—, dog soldiers of the ........... 
—, eagle trapping by the... 
—, former union of, with Cheyenne...... 


—, native name of the...... 


[ETH. ANN. 14 


Page 
1004 
921 
1007 
734 
734 
963 
78 


945 
945 
946 
749, 755 
730 
986 


865 
655 
956 
655 
655 
728 
1078 


953 
909-910 
930 

914 

730, 755 
1093 
836 

848 
1075 
847, 853 
860 

861 

876 

867 

865 

864 

868 

870 

887 

89] 

867 


790 
916 
988 
896 
902 
956 
808 


897, 898 
655 
1029 
819 
900, 903 
1059 


- 816, 817 


986 
993 
1025 
957 
955 


ETH. ANN, 14] 
Page 
BLACKFEET, Tenskwatawa religion among 

MT CR SSBC BODE CR SE ACORDSE ES Comte OO CORO 680 
BLACK Fox, firing at Wounded Knee be- 

gun by.-----+----------22 2-20-25 077 0007" 869 
BAcK HILLS formerly occupied by Kiowa- 1079 
— inhabited by Cheyenne -.-------- 1024 
—, result of settlement Olneena- = ss 825, 826, 1059 
BLACK-LEG PEOPLE, a Kiowa warrior 

OL OL eerie ce one cena ae ae ann weseen nis 989 
Back SHorT Noss, acknowledgments to- 655 
—,an Arapaho chief ..-.----------------- 956 
—, Wovoka’s message delivered by ------ 780 
Buoop, use of, in Sioux arrow ceremony - 823 
Bowne in Shaker ceremonial.---..----- 761 
BLUE CLOUD PEOPLE, an Arapaho syno- 

MYM Ses sao annem enema oe 789 
BLUE WHIRLWIND, portrait of..---------- 877 
—, wounding of, at Wounded Knee .----- 869 
BoRBYDOKLINNY, see NAKAI-DOKLI'NT. 
BopALK'INAGO, Kiowa name of the Co- 

manche _ 1043 
Bone, arrowheads of, in Sioux ceremony - 823 
Bone, AvperT §S., killed at Wounded 

872 
Boston MEN, application of name-.------ 721 
Bor-K'IN/AGO, Kiowa name of Gros Ven- 

4TES ce oc as sn oce ene wise nme * 955 
Bourke, J. G., acknowledgments to--.-- 655 
—,on Apache medicine-man. .------------ 704 
—,on Apache use of bull-roarer -.------- 975 
—,on necklaces of human fingers. -..---- 1024 
Bow, SACRED, in Sioux ceremony--------- 823 
—, in Sioux ghost dance ..---------------- 788 
Boynton, Pav, acknowledgments to-..- 655 
—, ghost song composed by -------------- 971 
—. experience of, while in trance.---...-- 923 
BrRappock, Pontiac at defeat of. --------- 668 
Brinton, DV. G., cited on white deliverer | 

among indians --.-------------++---+++- 658 
Broken Arm, delegate to Wovoka 820 
Brooke, GEN.J. R., troops under, in Sioux 

outbreak -.-.-------------------+-- 850 
—, operations of, in Sioux outbreak. - 875, 882 
—,on reduction of Sioux rations 845 
—, conference of, with Sioux chiets- = 867 
Brown, A. J., mission of .--------------- 946 
Brown, J. P., quoted on the Dervishes.- - 948 
Browne, H. G., acknowledgments to. --- 655 
Bru ts, a Teton division..--------------- 1058 
—, ghost dance among the=ssscon==----===— 847 
Brunot —, on Columbia river land re- 

GOTVO---------------- 22 - = <n == oo e== 709 
BUFFALO, ceremony for restoration of. .-- 906 
—, effect of extermination of... .- 825, 829, 831, 833 
— hair used in medicine --.--------------- 1033 
— hunting by the Sioux. .---------------- 824 
— hunting, how conducted-. 1071 
— in Biiink‘i’s vision..------------------- 910 
— in ghost-dance doctrine - . 821, 1064 
— in Sioux mythology ------ == 1063 
—,indian dependence on ------ 980 
—, Kiowa belief concerning-------------- 906 
—, belief in restoration of. .-.------- 799, 907, 1088 
— skull, use of, in Sioux ceremony ------ 822 
—, vision Of -...--.---+-2+-eeeee ee eee sees 797, 821 


INDEX TO PART 2 


Page 

BuFFALO Bit, see Copy, W. F. 
BUFFALO BLACK, see BLACK. 
BUFFALO-EATERS, name applied to the 

Bannock. -s-<-s--e-0-se=0 = <8 es enmainn 1051 
BUFFALO GAP, appearance of troops at... 850 
Buy HEAD, Sioux police under .-------- 855 
—atarrest of Sitting Bull .-.-...--.---- 857 
—, Sitting Bull shot by...--------------- 857 
— shot by Catch-the-Bear .-------------- 857 
— killed in Sitting Bull fight ..-...------ 858 
BULL-ROARER of the Arapaho ...--------- 974, 975 
Burns, RoBerT, acknowledgments to. --. 655 
Cappo, account of the .---------------+-- 1092 
—, clan system of the --- 956 
—, delegation of, to Wovoka..------------ 901, 903 
—, ghost-dance among the..--.----------- 653, 


786, 802, 895, 898, 902, 905, 926, 927 


—, glossary of the..----------------+--++- 1102 
—name of ghost dance -..--------------- 791 
—name of the Arapaho - 953 
—name of the Cheyenne -- 1023 
—name of the Comanche... a 1043 
—name of the Kiowa Apache 1081 
—name of the Sioux 1057 
—name of the Wichita 1095 
—, refusal of, to accept Apiatan’s report - 914 
—, songs of the. .-..-.----++--+----+++---++ 1096 
—,synonymy of the.-.-..---------------- 1092 
—, tribal sign of the...------------++++-2- 1092 
CADDOAN STOCK, tribes composing the--- 1092 
Capopaquio, a Caddo synonym. .--------- 1092 
CaILLOUy, a Cayuse synonym..-.-------- 743 
CALENDAR, Kiowa, pictography of ... 906, 907, 909 
CALISPEL, a synonym of Pend d‘Oreille-. 731 
CAMPBELL, FRANK, account of Tivibo by- 702 
CAMPING by prairie tribes---------.------ 1073 
CAMPING CIRCLE of the Arapaho ..---.--- 956 
—of the Cheyenue...-.---------------++- 1026 
—of the Kiowa..-....------------------- 1080 
—v,of the Sioux.---.------------------ 1058 
CANDLES used in Shaker ceremony... 755, 761, 762 
CAN’T-HOLD-IT, Biiink‘i’s vision of...----- 910 
Capron, CAPTAIN, troops under, at Pine 

Ridge -.---------------++-------2e-ee---- 850 
Caprain DIcK, account of ghost dance by 784 
Capror, another name of Sitting Bull..-.- 896 
CARDINAL POINTS, fires at, in ghost dance- 915 
— in ghost dance ...--------------------- 789 
—in Sioux ceremony - 823 
—, smoke offering to. -------------------- 918, 1063 
CARIGNAN, —, on movements of Sitting 

Ballessess sect 2. eo = en new onan em 855 
CARLISLE STUDENTS as messiah delegates. 900 
— in ghost dance ..------------- 923, 924, 971, 1038 
Carr, GEN. E. A., arrest of Nakai-dokli’ni 

Th} oceec ds eee ee be eaoc BoC eae Eaeecnoce 705 
—, operations of, in Sioux outbreak 882 
—, troops under, in Sioux outbreak 850 
CarROLL, Masor, Porcupine’s account 

made t0..-.-------------+---- 20 eer ret 793 
CASCADE INDIANS, a Kwikwilit synonym. 741 
Casey, Lievt. E. W., killed in Sioux out- 

break ..-..- eee a enact ase = seen 872, 888 
CASWELL, —, on the Kentucky revival. ..- 943 


1114 


CATAKA, a synonym of Kiowa Apache... 
CaTcH-THE-BEAR, an adherent of Sitting 

Bull. - 55 
— killed in Sitting Bull fight 
CATLIN, GEORGE, on Kinakik.........--. 
—,on meaning of Kinakik...-.-.---..- 3 
—, on Shawano prophet 
—, on Shawano religion among Blackfeet. 
—,on Tecumtha.....- SSB ESOeosce en aeSsn6 5 
—, visit of, to Kiinakitk 
CAUTANTOUWIT, an Algonquian god ..... 
CayGua, a Kiowa synonym 
Cayuse and Nlakatit hostility 


—, sketch of the-.---.. BEKO SSRI EE DeLee =e 
Cepar, sacred regard for..-....---- deocan 


CEDAR TREE, bypnotism performed by... 
CELILO, Smohalla performances at.-..-.-- 
CENIs, a Caddo synonym..... Srcons @ancoce 
CEREMONIAL, see RITUAL, 
CEREMONIAL SMOKING by the Arapaho. 
CEREMONY of the ghost dance..........-.- 
CHAHRARAT, Pawnee name of the Sioux... 
Cua‘‘KANI'NA, a Caddo mythic cave..-.-.- 
CHAmna’, location of .........-.- asescoas D 
CHAMNA’POM, sketch of the ..-. 
CHAPMAN, ARTHUR, 
WiOVOka oe sem-acn nen 
Cuasinc Hawk 
CHa?rHA, Arapaho name of 


the Co. 
manche .. a 


CHAUDIERE, a Colville synonym....-.---- 
CHEESCHAPAHDISCH, see CHEEZ-TAH-PAEZH. 
CHEEZ-TAH-PAEZH, account of 
—, see SWORD-BEARER. 
CHEHALIS membership in Shaker church. 
—, Shaker religion among the 
CHEKISSCHEE, a Lower Spokan synonym. . 
CHEMEHUEVI, a Paiute offshoot......-.--- 
—, ghost dance among the.-............ a 
CHEROKEE and Irequois treaty. 
—, cedar in mythology of. 


— conception of the sun ..... CommansaS os 
—myth of the cedar...... Sp eRe eS sseeee oe 
—, peace pipe of the....-.---..-....-.26 co 


—, power of Shawano prophet among.... 
—, sacred regard of, for the crow ......... 
—.sacred regard of, for the eagle..... Boar 
CHESCHOPAH, see CHEEZ-TAH-PAEZH. 
CHESE-CHA-PAHDISH, see CHEEZ-TAH-PAEZH, 
CHESE-TOPAH, see CHEEZ-TAH-PAEZH. 
CHEYENNE, absence of clans among .....-. 
—and Kiow« early warfare...-......... 6 
—and Sioux early warfare. 


—, Arapaho warrior order aera ed ane 9 
— delegates, visit of, to Wovoka..- : 

778, 817, 894, 
—,etlect of Porcupine’s visit on the...... 
—, fires built by, in ghost dance.......... 
—, former habitat of the 
—, ghost dance among the : 
786, 802, 817, 895, 915, 
—, ghost-dance doctrine spread by. 


INDEX TO PART 2 


Page 
1081 


743 
809, 979 


9115921 | 


924 


725 


1092 


918 
915 
1057 
1093 
739 
739 


766 
797, 821 


1048 
732 


706 


759 
TAT 
732 
1048 
805, 814 
670 
809 
971 
979 
1063 
676 
982 
1100 


956 
1079 
1059 

988 
774, 

900, 901 

819 

921 
1029 
653, 

926, 927 

902 


(ETH. ANN. 14 
Page 
CHEYENNE, glossary of the .......-...-..- 1039 
—, knowledge of messiah among.....-..- 894 
—name of the Arapaho. - é 953 
—nameof the Comanche..-..........-.- 5 1043 
— name of the Kiowa Apache ......-.-.- 1081 
— mame Of the: Sioux. 626. camecanasicaee 1057 
— notion concerning thunder........--.- 969 
—, population of the. 1025 
—, religion of the......... 775 
—, reservation experience of the.--..-.--.- 833 
— scouts in Sioux outbreak.............- 867, 881 
— sketchiofythet-ac<s ac aaioeee meth eee e oe 1024 
—, songs of the..........- = 1028 
—, Sword-bearer among the.......- 706 
—, symbolic representation of...........- 789 
—, synonymy of the..-.....-....---...... 1023 
—, tribal divisions of the.....-...--..--.- 1025 
CHEYENNE RIVER AGENCY, delegates from, 

tov Washington - <<< .5- ones scc see nsice= 891 
—, delegates from, to Wovoka-..- 820 
—, indians of, in Sioux outbreak - 885, 
—, table of rations at............--....-.- 839 

—, waning of ghost dance at......-...-- 846 
CHILDREN killed at Wounded Knee... 876, 877, 885 
CHILLUCKITTEQUAW, a Chilivktkwa syn- 

GUN Nis Becesoseos SacSeEpScS en SSseeese - 741 

TAL 

CHIMNAHPUM, a Chamnii/pim synonym... 739 

CHIMNAPOOS, a Chiimni’/pim synonym..- 739 
CHINACHICHIBAT, native name of Dog sol- 

(IC endo seeasccseaaeseaseseseescoaasac 986 

. 989 

CHINESE, indian belief of origin of ...... a 721 

CHINOOK, hypnotism among the 762 

CHIVINGTON and Wounded Knee mass: 

Cresicomparednmsciacm = ser steiseeinaiiaaecs 881 
CHOHOPTINS, a Sahaptin synonym 744 
CHOPUNNISH, a Pii‘lus synonym..-.-.--.. 735 
—,a Sahaptin synonym .-.-...........-.. 744 
CHRISTIANITY, effect of, on indian cere- 

TW WE perce pe oace stins DoH A CREE OEE eS 718 
—, influence of, in indi:n reli; 699 
—, influence of, in Shaker religion. ....-. 730, 761 
—, influence of, on the Kiowa 1088 
—, see CIVILIZATION. 

CHUALPAY, a Colville synonym....-...... 732 
CuumA'wa, a Pit river band..........-.. 1052 
CIVILIZATION, effect of, on Arapaho and 

Cheyenne -..-- 5 1027 
—, effect of, on indians..-.... BACON Doosan 675, 829 
—, effect of, on savagery.-....-...-....- me 669 
—, effect of, on the Caddo... 4 1094 
—, see CHRISTIANITY. 

CLAMs, BILLY, a Shaker enthusiast.-..... 756 
CLAN SYSTEM unknown to Arapaho...... 956 
— unknown to Comanche. .-......--..---- 7 1044 
— unknown to Kiowa... 1079 
CLARK, GENERAL, visit to, by I - 693-694 
CLARK, W. P., on Cheyenne characteristics 1027 
—, on Cheyenne divisions..... ste wrere'slefpin eee 1025 
—,on Cheyenne early habitat .......... 1024, 1029 
—,on meaning of Hunkpapa Speco 1059 
—,on meaning of Ogalala ....-........ tne 1058 
—, on Sioux characteristics .............. 1059 


ETH. ANN. 14) 


Page 
CLARKE, BEN, on absence of clans among 
Cheyenne... 2... 2. secs eon wen e newness 956 
Cuaws, animal, use of, in battle........-. 790 
— attached to amulet..........---.---.--- 904 
— used in ghost dance 916 
CLICKAHUT, a Kli’ka 738 
CLICKITAT, a Kli’katat synonym-.--..--- 738 
CLoup Horsg, visit of, to Wovoka...-.-- 797, 819 
CLUB MEN, an Arapaho warrior order..... 987 
Copy, W. F., ordered to arrest Sitting 
OES TM eerereteee exten a ieeienanistte siaiaieeslesiei=i= 854 
Ca@ur D' ALENES, present habitat of. 5 805 
—, sketgh of the S260 733 
Correy, Dora S., killed at Wounded Knee 872 
CoHONINO, ghost dance among the - - - 785, 811 
655 
z 876 
—. letter from McGillyeuddy to... 831 
—,on close of Sioux outbreak. ---- 888 
—, on killing of Lieutenant Casey 889 
—,on mortality at Wounded Knee-.-..-.. 871 
—, on second encounter at Wounded Knee 882 
=) JON SIOUXPOULDLORK semen ec asscs ce slae = 861, 867 
—, Sioux child adopted by-- 879 
CoLoR, differentiation of, by indians -.... 1032 
——. SACTRO NrOCuAS i Meese seine een eso sae cite 1037 
— symbolism in ghost dance.......--.--- 919 
— symbolism in Shaker ceremony...-...- 761 
— symbolism in Smohalla ritual......... 725, 729 
COLUMBIA REGION, tribes of the.-..-..... 731 
CoLuMB1A RIVER INDIANS defined ........ 716 
—,a synonym of Wa’‘napiun..---- 735 
— in Shaker church..-..-..- 759 
—,Smohalla doctrine among...-- 716 
Co.Lumpb14S, an Isle de Pierre synonym... 734 
CoLyime, sketch of the.......-----...-.. 732 
COMANCHE, absence of clans among.....- 956 
— and Kiowa early warfare...........-.. 1079 
— drawings of the ghost dance.-......... 1060 
—, ghost dance among the.....--. 653, 901, 926-927 
—, Kiowa inferior to the.-..-......-....- 1080 
— myth concerning thunderbird...-..... 968 
— name of the Arapaho................- 954 
— name of the Caddo..............-..... 1092 
— namo of the Cheyenne..-..........--.- 1023 
— name of the ghost dance ..........---- 791 
— name of the Kiowa Apache..--..-.--..- 1081 
— Mame. of the Sl0uX-.-2-.cccnenca-esen/ 1057 
— name of the whites... 703, 978 
— name of the Wichita 1095 
—, sketch of the. = 1043 
—,songs of the..-.. 1046 
—,synonymy of the. 1043 
SUED ALL SION OL NO. cc else eecsinie'-m icin sci 1043 
CONDORCANQUI, Peruvian insurrection 
ONO Gl eeeeeeame areas s casio-eencceaa es s= = 660 
CoNnRAD, CAPTAIN, orders Selwyn to visit 
RCW a Dlemencececnac sees cie sesame «<= 799 
CONSECRATION of dance ground.........- 918 
— IO WG Cattheaeae=sesceesscieescc seme ce 924 
——sofifentherssemeeeancenianseacisce= 0. ase 919 
CooK, R. L., killed at Wounded Knee. 72 


CooKkE, C. S., interpreter for Sioux dele- 
ation. <= - nen anaes eee en eee one 891 
CoOLIDGE, SHERMAN, acknowledgments to 695 


INDEX TO PART 2 


Page 
Cooper, A., acknowledgments to......... 655 
CoOOSHATTI, see KOASATI. 
CoOsPELLAR, a synonym of Pend d'Oreille 731 
CoPUNNISH, a Sahaptin svnonym.....--.. 744 
Corn, Arapaho mythic origin of.....---.- 959 
— in Caddo mythology...........-...--.- 1093 
— in Cheyenne mythology...--..-..-.-.. 1027 
—, Sioux mythie origin of .............--- 1063 
— pollen used in Navaho ceremonies .... 705 
CoRONADO on indian dependence on 
up tlomesconancaeeee<'alas c= 980 
CORPSE-FROM-A-SCAFFOLD, a 
division... sag 1026 
CorwingE, R. W., killed at Wounded Knee 872 
Cosl'spA, see IK ASI’SPA. 
CosMOLoGy explained by Smohalla...-..-- 720 
—‘of the Arapaho -- 2... . 5.2202 neeccee 959, 983 
FOL OACUO sseeasentacaccaticcecceee os 1093 
— of the Cherokee....-.......--......2-5 971 
—) Offs Columbiasttibes=---ccenccwciecec-=s 722 
—— OL DNV ANG joc sacamee asain ina a eac'an 1050 
COSTELLO, JOHN, killed at Wounded Knee 72 
CosTuME of ghost dancers.-......-.- 788, 814, 916 
—, see GHOST SHIRT. 
CoTEEA’KUN, see KOTAT/AQAN. 
COTONNE, a synonym of Kutenai......... 731 
CoTrronol, a synonym of Kutenai .-- é 731 
Corronwoop in Paiute ghost song... 3 1055 
—, sacred character of.-.-..-.--- = 968 
—, use of, by indians. - 5 967 
COUTANIE, a synonym of Kutenai-.-.. 731 
CoviL_e, F. V., acknowledgments to 4 655 
CoweEJO, name applied to Wovoka......-.. 765 
Cow itz membership in Shaker church... 759 
CoxEsD:,on Lortle river): --..-2.-=----+- 1029 
COYOTE MEN, duties of..--......--........ 985, 
CozaD, BELO, acknowledgments to.....-. 655 
CRAFT, FATHER, regard of indians for. .-.. 874 
—,at battle of Wounded Knee. -.......--. 872 
—, wounded at Wounded Knee.........-. 878 
CRAZY DANCE of the Arapaho............ 988 
—, description of the.-..-................ 1033 
CRAZY MEN, an Arapaho warrior order... 988 
CREE, absence of ghost dauce among 817 
— name of the Cheyenne.....---.-. 1023 
—, Tenskwatawa religion among the..... 679 
CREEK INDIANS, power of Shawano proph- 
et among 676 
—, Tecumtha among the - 687 
—— WI OLS Ofaseeaee ces ssn ctw de eee vente 677 
CREMATION practiced by the Shawano... 674 
CROOK, GENERAL, Sioux commissioner.. - 859 
eS SLOURSTOP ATOM OL a sancaeneccce-vesesse 826 
Cross, sign of, in Shaker religion ........ 748, 761 
—,symbolism of the......,...----.------ 1011 
Crow, personification of the. 1001, 1035, 1038, 1068 
—, reference to, in ghost song .....-..---- 978, 
984, 994, 997, 1031 
—, sacred regard for the ........---- 919, 982, 1072 
—, symbolism of the 823, 1072 
Crow CREEK, control of indians at..---.-. 849 
CROW DANCE described 921 
—, organization of -.-..-.----.--.- : 901 
Crow Dos, ghost dance led b3 847 
—, removal of, advised 844 


1116 


Page 
Crow Doa, flight of, to Bad"lands........ 884 
== SUTTON CL Olea ciniaatn cals ah ee ntelointe/ sete slate 868 
Crow FEATHERS, indians defrauded with. 999 
— BAOrEd TOP ara tOlee mesa= sete san eee 1034 
Crow Foor killed in Sitting Bull fight -. 858-859 
CROW INDIANS, absence of ghost dance 
AMONG soeses cons 816 
—, account of medicine-man of 706 
— and Sioux early warfare ..-.---. eaerooad 1059 
—, hostility of the -......--....... aerate 707 
—, name of the Arapaho by ..-.-..------ 953, 1013 
— scouts in the Nez Percé war ....-..-..- 714 
— scouts in Sioux outbreak ........-..--. 850, 881 
—, symbolic representation of : 789 
Crow Woman, name applied to Mo'ki--- 1038 
CruciFix used in Shaker ceremonies-.--- 755 
CuIMNAPUM, a Chiimna’/ptim synonym..--. 739 
CULBERTSON BROTHERS, outlaws, account 
Sot OBA 6 OOS ES RPE REN ODES ADORE SSE OCEGIFe 889 
CUMANCHE, a synonym of Comanche..... 1043 
Cummincs, Pierce, killed at Wounded 
UCT ies Goran bbacoopHcnSAHBSeSeBDeaAses 872 
CUSTER MASSACRE, PerorenGen to.... 825, 860, 1059 
— and Wounded Knee affair bonmared D8 881 
CUSTER WAR, Cheyenne in the...-....-..- 1025 
—, Sioux compensated for losses in..---.. 891 
CUTSAHNIM, a Yii/kim4 synonym....-..-.- 737 
CYCLEs of time among indians..-......-.. 701 
DAKOTA, a synonym of Sioux...........- 1057 
—, geographic location of....-..-.----..-. 826 
—, nonagricultural character of .-.-.-...- 838 
DALLES INDIANS, a Wasko synonym....-. 741 
DANCE, berry, of northwestern indians..- 728 
—, friendship, introduced by Pa’théské... 700 
—, mortuary, of northwestern indians -.. 728 
—, salmon, of norteastern indians ........ 728 
— of Arapaho warrior orders ......-..----- 987 
— of the Dervishes...............-..-.-.- 950 
— of Saint John, account o 935 
—, see CRAZY DANCE, CROW DANCE, Guost 
DANCE, OMAHA DANCE. 
DANCE WHEEL of the Apache ...--.--.... 704 
DA‘SHA-I, a Caddo synonym . © 1092 
DATEKAN, mystic pe Wapareten of. Aoeea0y 906 
DAWES, SENATOR, telegram to, on Sioux 
troupl@ sce. econ nce coe ee eee ec cote 835 
DELAWARE INDIANS, account of........... 1095 
—, delegation of, to Wovoka.............. 903 
nfl MBG OLGA Ohicnsaileincinsacaiece a aaccenale 672 
—, ghost-dance doctrine among .......... 786, 902 
—, opposition of the, to Tecumtha........ 684 
DELAWARE PROPHET, account of the .... 662 
DEON, acknowledgments to ...-.......... 655 
DERVISHES, hypnotism among the 3 948 
DEISA, a Caddo synonyMesss~-cscssssce 1092 
Des Cuures (LOWER), aWaiiim synonym. 741 
DE Soro, Caddo encountered by ........- 1094 
DeErsANA/YUKA, a Comanche band 1044 
DETSEKAYAA, Caddo name of the Arap- 
aho .. O 953 
DEVIL, indian idea of the................. 1031 
DE VREEDE, JAN, killed at Wounded 
IGN GB ee iene Aaa \ainee eclnelceemecies ties 872 


Dick GAME of the Arapaho........-.-- 1004-1005 


INDEX TO PART 2 


(ETH. ANN. 14 

: Page 

DIGGERS, application of term ...... ecccce © 1048 
—, ghost dance among the..-.-...-- 804 
DISEASE cured by ghost dance 786 
—, indian notion of origin of... 721 
Dirsa/KANA, a Comanche band -. 1044 
Dock-spus, a Tikspti’/sh synonym....... 743 
DocrrinE of the ghost dance ............ 777 
Do‘au’/at, Kiowa name of the Wichita .. 1095 
DoG MEN, a Cheyenne division........... 1026 

—,an Arapaho warrior order 988 
Doa RIvER INDIANS, a Kwikwilit syn- 

OTUY TI te palettes vata aetatetecmtnretaielorafosia=t eae ale TAL 
DoG SOLDIERS, insignia of the ........... ¢ 987 
—, Sketch: Of the..cnoeaccsncaescenwicccneae 986 
Do"KANA, Comanche name for Wichita... 1095 
Dorsey, J.O.,on Omaha game .......-..- 1008 

—, on Siouan camping circles .......- 1058 

—,on Siouan names of the Sioux 1057 
Dow, Lorenzo, on the Kentucky aerial 943 
DRAKE, B., on losses at Prophet’s town- .. 689 
—,0n Tecumtha--52--ccceecccas 672, 684, 686, 691 
DREAMER RELIGION in the northwest..... 718, 719 
DREAMS as part of Shaker religion .-...-. 748 
— confounded by indians. .........------ 666 
— divination by ------ --=-.--csces~ ones 716, 723 
= ANVAN GLEN GLI S ttalatare's <ialeisi=t=islaiaiialalsioiais 929 
——Andian DOl6Lin «=. 5 case ceisesecoeeeees 73 
—, scarification as a result of.........-... 898 
—, see HYPNOTISM, TRANCE, VISION. 

DREXEL MISSION during Wounded Knee 

tLOUD Ose remem nos mses einen enero ees 874 
Drum in Caddo mythology..-....-------. 1093 

in Crow dance .......- 922 
— in Smohalla ritual..........-...--..--. 725 
Drum, COLONEL, indian police praised by. 860 
—, ordered to arrest Sitting Bull......-.. 855 
Duck in Arapaho mythology ....-..----- 959 
Dutt Knirg, a Cheyenne leader.......... 1025 
DounBar, J. B., on etymology of Arapaho. 1013 
Dun.aP, Rovert, acknowledgments to--- 655 
Dunmor, Laura, Apiatan's letter read by. 911 
Donn, —, in Sioux outbreak ........-.... 865 
Dotron, C. E.,on submerged trees of Co- 

lumbiarivietecscs=ssseseeee stone sesso 122 
Dynr, A. C., killed at Wounded Kneo.--. 872 
Dyen, D. B., acknowledgments to......-. 655 
—, guide on visit to Wovoka........-.-.. 768 
—, interpreter on visit to Wovoka........ 771 
DzitsisraAs, a synonym of Cheyenne .... 1023 
EAGLE represented on ghost shirts-...-.- 798, 823 
—,sacred regard for the... 919, 982, 992, 1072, 1100 
—, vision of,in ghost dance .......---.-.. 917 
—, when killed by the Caddo. ......--.. 1093, 1100 
EAGLE-BONE whistle used by medicine- 

MANGE esses eee ee eae eee enemas ee aree 868 
EAGLE FEATHERS in Cohonino ceremony . 813 
— on ghost shirts.......---..-.-2-escces~ 798 
—, sacred useof..-.-. 992 
—, song pertaining to 1100 
—,use of, by Wovoka oo ce 776 
— used in ghost dance. « 916, 979, 1099, 1101 
— used in hypnotism............- «= 923, 925 
EAGLE Pips, flight of, to Bad lands.....-. 884 
EAGLES, how trapped by the Arapaho.... 992 


ETH. ANN. 14] 


Page 
EaG es kept by pueblo tribes.........--- 992 
Eartu, personification of the..--.----- 1096, 1099 
—, regeneration of the ..-.--.----.- 959, 1054, 1073 
—, sacred regard for the..-...-...-.------ 918 
—, turtle as a symbol of 976 
EARTHQUAKE, effect of, on the Creek ..-.. 687 
—, myth concerning...-...-.-.-.- 97 
—, reference to, in Cheyenne song........ 1028 
EATER, see BIANK'I. 
EATERS, a Cheyenne division............. 1026 
EcHEBOOL, a Tlaqluit synonym -. 740 
EcHELOoT, a Tlaqluit synonym 740 
Ecuiese, how regarded by indians..-....- 674 
—, Paiute notion of -.-..---. 2522. .2..-<6 773 
— predicted by Smohalla .--.-........-.. 720 
—, Wovoka entranced during ...-..------ 771 
Ec ipses, calendar of, in Nevada.-.-..... T74 
Epson, CASPER, Arapaho delegate to Wo- 

WON SeAsaasaandascacadeascadsess Acie 900 
—, Wovoka's letter written by...-..----- 780 
Epucation, how regarded by the Sioux.. 837 
—, see CHRISTIANITY, CIVILIZATION. 

Epwarps, CAPTAIN, in Sword-bearer af- 

faAirsensoe ao 707 
EDWARDSVILLE, treaty of 692 
EELLS, EDWIN, attitude of, toward Shaker 

TOL G1 ON oat aeteisinielmintalniein = eaesiniate ial mies 756 
EELLS, Myron, acknowledgments to ..... 655 
—, attitude of, toward Shaker religion. -.. 756 
—, on Shaker religion -....-.....-.-.---.. 747 
——S OW) SLOCHINIS: PAU COnseacmiecsassin cee so oe 746 
Evuiott, GEorGE, killed at Wounded 

1iGi Rondon coscnd osbyeao suc uOREDeEICAeS 872 
Eoor, a Tlaqluit synonym .............- 740 
EMANKINA, Biiink’'i’s vision of...........- 910 
ENDOWMENT ROBE of the Mormons..-... 790 
ENEESHUR, a Tapiiniish synonym..-....-. 740 
ENGLISH, indian belief of origin of-..-... 721 
—, indian regard for the......-..-.- mete 676 
ENTEATKEON, a tribe mentioned by Ste- 

= 736 

— 910 

EpibpEMICcs among the Sioux. - -- 830,840 

EsTaKEWACH, a Pit river band........... 1052 

Ersiti/BIwaT, a Comanche band ..-....-.. 1045 

Evanson French prophets..-...-----.-.. 939 

— on the Kentucky revival 942 

— On the Shakers:-secesceesue. += 942 

Evi’sts-UnI' ‘Panis, a Cheyenne division... 1025 
Ewers, Capt. E. P., ordered to arrest 

862 

862 

737 

1092 

FACIAL PAINTING by the Arapaho........ 971 

ms COLOMONIAL = = on sae he smicicc =e 1037 

— in Smohalla ceremony 729 

—, see PAINTING. 

FALL INDIANS,a synonym of Gros Ven- 

tres 955 
Fast THUNDER, conduct of, in Sioux out- 

break ... 884 


— on the Sioux outbreak.-......se.-s..-6 


INDEX TO PART 2 


Page 
FASTING as a medium for trances......... 700 
— during eagle trapping ...-.........--.. 993 
— preliminary to ghost dance. ° 822 
FEAst, ghost dance accompanied by 5 1038 
— in Smohalla ceremony .. 2 729 
—, sacred, in Sioux ceremony 824 
FEATHER, ghost-dance ceremony of the... 909, 919 
FEATHERS as medium of exchange..-..... 992 
— as protecting ‘‘medicine" -.....-...... 790 
— attached to amulet ...............--.-- 904 
—, ceremonial use of Be 999 
—,crow,indians defrauded with......... 901 
—, crow, sacred regard for ...-..-...--... 1034 
—, eagle, attached to ghost shirts -....... 798 
—, eagle, Caddo sacred use of.......-..--. 1093 
—, eagle, in Cohonino ceremony -..-------- 813 
—, eagle, sacred use of.....----.0----02--- 992 
—, eagle, song pertaining to..........--.. 1100 
—, eagle, used in hypnotism......----..-. 923, 925 
—, eagle, used in ghost dance... 916,979, 1099, 1101 
—, eagle, used in war bonnets .........--. 107z 
—, head, of the Arapaho.....-..:....--... 964, 965 
— in Smohalla ceremony ......-..--...+-- 729 
==, KGOW a TODO Olsens saace = eaeane econ 906 
—,magpie, ceremonial use of ..........--- 999 
—, magpie, presented by Wovoka < 901 
—,magpie, prized by Paiute. -- o 775 
—, sacred use of, by Wovoka -- 3 776 
—, symbolism of, in ghost dance.....-...-. 789 
—, turkey, on Cheyenne arrows -.---- a= == 1024 
— used in Crow dance ...-....--.-.--.--- 922 
—, use of,in ghost dance............ 786, 919, 1084 
FEcHET, Capt. E. G.,at arrest of Sitting 

IBull@ss ceo ccsceccss ocevcepiccnctescces. 856, 857 
—, pursuit of Sitting Bull’s warriors by-.- 858 
Fewkes, J.W., on Hopi use of bull-roarer. 975 
Few TAILs affair, account of ......---...- 889, 890 
FIFTH-MONARCHY MEN, account of ........ 938 
FInGers, human, necklace of ..-..------.- 1024 
Fire, forest, how regarded by indians. ... 808 
—handling by crazy dancers.....------. 1033 
—ini Caddo mythology <...<-<.-<.--..cc<+ 1093 
— in ghost-dance circle -- - 915, 921 
— in ghost-dance doctrine D 786 
—in Paiute dance circle -- > 802 
—, Paiute mythic origin of -- Q 1051 
—, sacred, method of making.- _ 668 
—, Sacredrepard f0r-o--cccence- c= avivcce 919, 1070 
— tabued in certain ghost dances ...-..-. 802 
Fire THUNDER, acknowledgments to.... 655 
= VASLUIOL COAW OV OK - ac cowie -ssenscacsces 894 
FISHEATERS, a Paiute band ... 818, 1051 
FISKE, JOHN, on turtle in primitive my- 

LEO) WYER comanécetactsoTs code cedéceceaeds 976 
F.AG, heraldic, of Smohalla.-............. 725, 726 
—, use of, in ghost dance .........-.-....- 823 
FLAGELLANTS, account of the.... .....-.. 935 
FxaGs used in Smohalla ceremony.--.-.- 729 
FLATBOW, a synonym of Kutenai.-.--.... 731 
FLATHEAD INDIANS, land treaty with. 731 
—, present habitat of..........----------- 805 
FLETCHER, AGENT, on Winnebago cycles.. 701 
FLoop in ghost-dance doctrine os 788 
—predicted in ghost-dance doctrine-...... 784 


839 | —, see COSMOLOGY. 


1118 


Page 
Foe in Paiute ghost song ----- Soaceenoscn 1054 
Foon. berries used as -.-.-------- BASSooeS 1087 
—, cottonwood pith used as .------------- 967 
—, grass seed used as...-...---. sie emeccnas 1054 
— of Columbia river tribes - : 722 
—, process of jerking beef for..-.-.---- che 1066 
—, rose seeds used as.-...--- 978 
—, thunderberries used as. - 996 
—, see PEMMICAN. 
For«kS-OF-THE-RIVER MEN, an Arapaho di- 
“VASIONI. comes s owelemeieeaisisisiers aiete eral === 956 


Forrest, H. R., killed at Wounded Knee- 872 
ForsytH, COLONEL, at Wounded Knee 


TMMASSACLOLE a eicistelolta aie siaai= ela [== ime 870 
—,at surrender of Big Foot ...----- 867 
—, operations of, in Sioux outbreak 875 
—, troops under, at Pine Ridge..-.-------- 850 
Fort HALL, ghost dance at .---.--------- 807 
Fort WAYNE, passage of indian delega- 

tions through 684 
—, Tecumtha at 690 
Foster, E. W., on Selwyn’s interview 

With WaDlpecrcesae see atest 798 
Foster, GOVERNOR, Sioux commissioner - 839 
Fox, GEORGE, claims of ......-..--------- 937 
Fox INDIANS, ghost dance among the. ---- 902 
Pox MEN, an Arapaho warrior order ...-. 987 
PRanciscHeTri, Dominic, killed at 

Wounded Knee .-..--..--- Scacawssccsoe 872, 875 
FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR, reference to.... 663 
FRENCHMEN, indian belief of origin of... 721 
—, indian regard for 676 
—, settlement of, among indians. 662 
FRENCH PROPHETS, account of the..---- 5 938 
Frey, Henry, killed at Wounded Knee-. 872 
Fripay, visit of, to Wovoka...........- - 817, 894 
FIENDSHIP DANCE, introduced by Pa’- 

théské 700 
Furniture of the Arapaho 964 
— of the Paiute -..-..-----.-- aScacaesse0 770 
GANE/WA, a Kiowa synonym..-..--------- 1078 
GAISBERG, F. W. V., acknowledgments 

{Os ccecccsseecieeeemctisate m= =< =m emis n ie 655 
GALLAGHER, AGENT, arrest of Sioux dele- 

gates by -------------------ee-- ee eee eee 820 
—, ghost dance stopped by-.------- Seacos 847 
—,on reduction of Sioux rations.....---- 845 
—, resignation of..-.--..----------------- 845 
—, Selwyn's report to .....-- -- 798, 799 
GAMBLING SONG of the Paiute.........--- 1009 
GAME, awl, of plains tribes...--..----- 1002-1004 
—, biti/qttiba, of the Arapaho.....----- 994, 1007 
= VOTMHUMt-bhNO-DILGOD = cis sce oe ence em eee 1008-1009 
GAME. restoration of, predicted by in- 

CiONS 2. sare cece vee ecm eew reece =~ = =~ 787, 788.797 

—, see BUFFALO. 
Games of the Arapaho.......------------ 962 
GAME-STICKsS, reference to, in ghost song- 1007 
GAME WHEEL in ghost dance 916 
— in Sioux ceremony -------- 823 
GARDINER, —, on causes of Sioux out- 

break 840 
GARDNER cited on Mohammedanism ..-.- 931 
GARLANDS in Shaker ceremony ....------ 761 


INDEX TO PART 2 


(ETH. ANN. 14 


Page 
GARLINGTON, LrEvT. E. A., wounded at 

Wounded Knee. - = 871 
GA/TAQKA, Pawnee name of Kiowa Apa- 

GNC cooreace AcrmooncHobdos oo sas donascce 1081 
GATSALGHI, Kiowa Apache name of the 

Chey. Cone secaceece = salem eineatnamen eee ne set 1023 
GATSCHET, A.S., on etymology of Tecum- 

LNB se Spans cous ncdcon OUERES Sosansesos 682 
—,on the name Tushipa........---..----- 731 
GATTACKA, name of Kiowa Apache...-..- 1081 
GA’WUNEHANA, an Arapaho division..... 957 
GAWUNE’NA, an Arapaho division-....-. & 957 
GENESIS MYTH of the Paiute.--.--... censee 1050 
—, see COSMOLOGY. 

GENTILE SYSTEM, see CLAN. 
GEOLOGIC PHENOMENA, indian tradition 

CONCOLNLN Paestemta teases eieata late ia aaa 722 
GHOST DANCE among the Arapaho..-.-..- 895 
— among the Caddo 1095 
— among the Kiowa 906 
—among the Sioux 796 
— among southern tribes 887 
— and Shaker ceremony compared .....-- 762 
—, area covered by...--.------- . 926 
—, ceremony of the--.--- 915, 920 
—, construction of circle for.....--..-.-.. 802 
— doctrine compared with other systems. 928 
= COCEING Oli UNO sec. oe ae seme ee aeaeaee 777 
— doctrine, Sioux belief concerning 1060 
—, features of, among Sioux.-..-..-....-.. 822 
—, first; at WalkerjJake=----222 25.252. 802 
—, how performed 796 
—, inauguration of, among Sioux.......-. 821 
— introduced among the Arapaho - = 894 
— introduced among Cheyenne ..----- Sod 895 
—, Kiowa, number of attendants at...... 914 
—, native drawings of...-...--------..-.- 1060 
—,native names of. 5 791 

| —, large number of indians in. - 895, 898 

—, number of indians influenced by.--.-- 926 
— performed at Walker lake -...--------- 818 
—, preparations for the.....-------------- 918 
—, present condition PAN aseseoocdaasop 927 
—, responsibility of, for Sioux outbreak-. 833 
—, spread of the.......-.---.--------- 804, 846, 902 
—-, time for performance of ....-.------- 1011, 1012 
—, see MESSIAH, WOVOKA. 
GHOST SHIRTS, description of.....-------- 789 
—, first use of, by Sioux.-.- - 846, 916 
— gathered after Wounded Knee battle. - 878 
—, invulnerability of.--.-------- 798, 831, 869, 1073 
—, reference to, in ghost song.-.----.--- 1072, 1073 
—, responsibility for, disclaimed by Wo- 

VO a pen eitnie cnfaenne sleete sien nnn ialaimloie 772, 791 
—, symbolic decoration of..-------------- 798, 823 
—, turtle pictured on 976 
—,use of, among Sioux ..- 788, 915 
—, use of, among various tribes..-..-.--- 791 
GHOST SONG, see SONG. 

Git, De Lancey W., acknowledgments 
655 
1081 
870 
1012 


ETH. ANN. 14] 


Page 
Guossaky of the Caddo......--.----++---- 1102 
-— of the Cheyenne........---------+-++--- 1039 
— Of the BAO WS == --mieownceaanmen==ncce 1088 
—OLUNe Ee alutee case asee see e= sas anaales 1056 
——( OHNO) SLOUK sc are ciene ee emcee nine ena = 1075 
GoD, indian idea of ........-.--.--------- 1031 
GopsgE, W.S., acknowledgments to.----- 655 
GOODALE, ELAINE, on causes of Sioux out- 

LOGOS Se oor Sa Ro Hoo Seo aeEenesedod 840 
Goop LANCE on the Sioux outbreak .--.. 839 
Goop THUNDER, visit of, to Wovoka. 797, 819, 820 
=. VAIBLON OL SON) Olecsw ssc es < s-= == 52 sie 797, 821 
GoosE in Tlaqluit myth = 740 
GosIUTE confounded with the Paiute-...- 1048 
—, ghost dance among the--..---. 805 
GRACE at meals by Shakers. - 5 755 
GRAHAM, —, quoted on Kiinakiik......... 693-694 
GRaAss, JOHN, conduct of, in Sioux out- 

DLOA Kies saan seme ae ale 884 
GRASS SEED used as food 1054 
GRAUBERG, HERMAN, killed at Wounded 

IGN A= Ss ore AReenn ac oawsod coon aaa Cee 872 
GRAY BEAR, another name of Weasel Bear 959 
GREASY Faces, an Arapaho division-.--- 956 
GREAT Spirit, Kiinakik’s ideas concerning 695 
GREENVILLE, indian assemblage at- ------ 683 
MEP ORUY) Olsens see me eerie aan 671 
GREETING, religious, described.......---- 905 
GREGORY, J.O.,cited concerning Wovoka- 773 
GRINNELL, G. B., acknowledgments to- -.- 655 
—, onabsenceof ghost dance among Black- 

Ma in naaas aces concacsocncaaseecoctcesoes 817 
—,on Blackfoot Dog soldiers..-.-.------- 986 
—,vu Blackfoot eagle trapping.---------- 993 
—,on Cheyenne divisions...-...-..---- 1025, 1026 
—, on Cheyenne ghost dance... 915 
—,on etymology of Arapaho... 5 1014 
—,on ghost dance among Cheyenne-.--.- 819 
—,on Pawnee name of the Sioux..--- 2 1057 
—,on the name Arapaho....-..------ 5 953 
Gros VENTRES, an Arapaho subtribe- --.- 954 
—, ghost dance among the 817 
GrROs VENTRES OF THE Missourt, Hidatsa 

BOCA Edna aerlominemreselalets ae sleet m= = 955 
Gros VENTRES OF THE PRAIRIE, an Arap- 

aho division. .-.-.. = 955 
GUERRIER, EDWARD, visit of, to Wovoka- 901 


Gu'l-PA'GO, native name of Lone Wolf... 1079 


GyAl-kKo, Kiowa name of the Comanche... 1043 
HAnAt's, a Caddo division...........-..-- 1092 
HAHAv’, location of... .... c 739 
HaAnav’PoM, sketch of the..--- 739 
Hat-al/NImA, a Sanpoil synonym....-.-.- 733 
Hat’-IsH, a Caddo division = 1092 
HAIL, symbolism of, in ghost dance 5 7389 
Hat'-NAl, a Caddo division......... & 1092 
—, ghost songs of the......--.-..--------. 1099 
Harr, buffalo, use of, in medicine. ... 980, 981, 1033 
—, cutting of, as mortuary custom..--..- 782 
HAIRY MEN, a Cheyenne division..-..--.--- 1025 
Hate, Lievt. H. E., in Sioux outbreak... 862 
—, ordered to arrest Sitting Bull fugitives 862 
—, Sitting Bull fugitives arrested by.-..- 863 
HALITANE, a synonym of Comanche...... 1043 
HAMEFKU’TTELLI, a Pit river band......-. 1052 


14 ETH—PT 2 31 


INDEX TO PART 2 


Olle) 


| Page 
HAMILTON, WILLIAM, on prayer-stick 

SY MODOMS Meese eeeecsee eee aaron 699 

| HANA'CHA-THI'AK, Arapaho name of Sit- 

ting Bull. 894 
HaA’NAHAWU .an Arapaho division... 956 
HANFORD, J UDGE, decision of, in land sev- 

eral ty CAS Or. sas ar< aia slelc.e roistetsts sateen 757 
HANTEWA, a Pit river band........-.....- 1052 
Ha’QIHANA, an Arapaho div 2 P 957 
HARE, BisHop W.H., on causes of Sioux 

OULDTGR Kies aten nem siaelacaaiaicic cama aja cates 840 
—, on deficiency of Sioux rations.....-.--.- 827 
Harrison, Gen. W. H., conference of 

Meonmobnsiwilbivesccises eects ssc caso as 685, 686 
——FONPLOCUMUNG a jane saincsse nies nce ceicine 686 
= NOLORLY DIDO sctaetnn a sleinee nna soins ise )= a= 688 
Harry, Jack, Delaware delegate to Wo- 

903 
Hasi/Nal, a Caddo synonym. 1092 
—, application of term. -..-- 1093 
HasiNI, a Caddo synonym... 1092 
Haters, a Cheyenne division.....-.- 1025 
HA’THAHU/HA, an Arapaho warrior order - 987 
HaAvasupal, ghost dance among the.-.-.- 654 
—, see COHONINO. 
HAWK FEATHERS, ceremonial use of...--- 992 
Hawk MAN at arrest of Sitting Bull.... 856 
HawrHorne, Lirur. H. L., wounded at 

Wounded ‘Knees - 2 .2-- «=. wees a-aei'aee 871 
HaAyDEN, F. V., on Arapahoname of Sioux. 1057 
— OM ENE BIACKTCOt occas. = scum annas-e-2=s 957 
HAYDEN, LIEUT. JOHN, operations of, at 

Wounded Knee-.-. 2-22... 2.5 -2-- 2 == 876 
Haywoop, CHARLEs, killed at Wounded 

Kneesse ee Be ee es eiee stan a cia<t 872 
HEAD FEATHERS of the Arapako-.-..---- 964, 965 
HEAD WASHING in Cohonino ceremony... 813 
HEAVENLY MAP of Kinakttk......-.-..-- 666, 694 
HEAVENLY RECRUITS, account of---.-- 947 
HEAVY EYEBROWS, a Cheyenne division. - 1026 
HEBREWS, supposed indian descent from. 703 
HECKEWELDER onthe Kickapoo prophet. 666 
He DoG, delegate to Washington. .-...--- 891 
HELwIr?, a Tlaqluit synonym...-.-.------ 740 
HENNISSEE, CAPTAIN, ordered toarrest Big 

NCOOUS DAU Oteee see e nn ae ae een = === 865 
Henry, Masor, operations of, in Sioux 

OLLG EOS Kasra te sie eiminie erence a em ates oie 75 
—, troops under, at Pine Ridge 850 
HERO Gops of indian tribes.....--------- 658 
HETHE/HINE/NA, an Arapaho warrior or- 

OG Recc ohn aasccacaeaaeeceppUSpSeScenaueEe 988 
Héwa-ra’/Niuw, a Cheyenne division .... 1025 
HIcHAA’'QUTHA, an Arapaho warrior order. 987 
Hipatsa name of the Cheyenne.-----.-- ~~: 1028 
=I NAMELOL MoE LOUK aa ee == cleinieia eis os nie 1057 
HIGH BackBone killed at Wounded Knee. 871, 872 
HicH Hawk, flight of, to Bad lands ---.-- 884 
Hieu WOLF, visit of, to southern tribes. . 908 
HIHIGHENIMMO, a Sanpoil synonym ..--.- 733 
Hitters, J. K., acknowledgments to- 655 
Hinvv, turtle in mythology of..-----.---- 976 
Hiraniwolv, Cheyenne name of the Arap- 

PG) s6peQbact Ge oesstad csoudy seers seanSce 953 
Hirdsina, Arapaho name of the Cheyenne —1023 
Hirv’/NENA, an Arapaho division......... 955 


1120 


Page 
Hot'sis, a Cheyenne division........... 1025, 1026 
HODDENTIN, see POLLEN. 
Honpeces, W. T., killed at Wounded Knee. 872 
HOGAPAGONI, Shoshoniname ofthe Paiute 1048 
Hone, Cheyenne name of Asiniboin ..--. 1024 
HOouwiLpo, a Kutenai band.....-.--..----- 731 
Hort, knowledge of ghost dance among. . 811 
— name of the Paiute.............--.---- 1048 | 
— name of the whites.......-...-..-..--. 978 
—, use of bull-roarer by..---..----------- 975 
HOopkINs, ALBERT, and the Sioux out- 

IbLealkew. ce case eeree see se eens case 893 
Horns used in ghost dance .........---.- 916 
HORSE HEADDRESS, a Kiowa warrior 

OLd OPE ees ehires sees ase voce tet ca ssisssess 989 
HORSEMANSHIP of Sioux police. . 856 
— of the Comanche 1046 
Horses as medium of exchange. 992 
—, indian belief as to origin of .. 724 

—, possession of, by the Sioux... 824 
Hosa, native name of Little Raven. S 957 
HOora’M1-TA'NIuw’, a Cheyenne division. - 1026 
Hor SPRINGS INDIANS, Pit River indians 

SOcalleds-... ces sce cos cen ceeeeenaseeoee 1052 
Hovsss of theCaddo...........2..-.s:s-. 1094 
—0f the) Paiute. oo. s ec secieses-incnceees 770 
—— Of thes Wichitaiocasicsscesiseose-cesesece 1095 


—, see LODGE, SWEAT-LODGE, WIKIUP. 
Howarp, Henry, killed at Wounded 


Howarp, GEN. O. O., appointed indian 


GOMMMISRIONGL sass anise sso ee ea 711 
—,on the Dreamer religion 713 
HOWLING BULL, hypnotism produced by - 895 
IMUBBUB, fame Of 2. 5.5.22 cesses ess<es 1004 
Huaains, Capt. E. L., acknowledgments 

COM Sein san wreinneisinte Yniaiae a alae eee 655 
—, quoted on Smohalla...... os - 717, 723 
HuMa'wHl, a Pit river band.......--.-... 1052 
HUMMER of the Arapaho..............-... 974, 975 
Hump, ghost dance at camp of . C 847 
—at surrender of Sitting Bull fieitives 5 863 

—, participation of, in Sioux outbreak.... 861 
—, removal of, recommended ....-..------ 848 
=~, SUETONGEL Olas -cjaseeeccrcmeisieisisisieee= ect 860 
——ATTORU OL: octet nn es mc cesee een a aeas 862 
—, Surrender of band of......-........--- 871 
Hunkpapa, a Teton division............. 1058 
Hurst, Carr. J. H., on causes of Sioux 

tLOUD Oran acne cc mes carlsson eee 836 
—, on character of Sioux rations -- 827 

—, arrest of Sitting Bull's band ordered by 862 

—,at arrest of Sitting Bull’s band 863 
—, appointed indian agent......-......... 887 
Horst, Masor, at battle of Prophet's 

MO Nemccdarecodacpcrnaustecsocuncoceens 688 
HypbE, CHARLES L., notification by, of 

SIOUX OULDTOA MG eeesilasi- tess ese sass 843 
HypNorisM among the Caddo..........--- 904 
— among the Cohonino................... 813 
— among the Dervishes...............-.. 948 
— in the Crow dance..............-..--.- 922 
— in the ghost dance........ 799, 800, 895, 899, 916, 

917, 919, 922-926, 972, 1039, 1083, 1097, 1098 
—1n indian ceremonies...... esacsceccecss 922 


INDEX TO PART 2 


Hypnotism in Navaho ceremonies.....-.- 
— in Shaker ceremony ....-..-..---..---. 
— practiced by Wovoka 775, 
—, see DREAM, TRANCE. 


IATA-Go, Kiowa name of the Ute......... 
IATAN, a synonym of Comanche. . 
Inipsil, a Paiute goddess... --- oes A 
IpAnHI, Kiowa Apache name of the Co- 

MANCHE ee aree eee eee eee ea eee 
IETAN, a synonym of Comanche.......... 
IETAU, a synonym of Comanche..-....... 
IGIAGYAHONA, acknowledgments to.-...-. 


—, on Smohalla ceremony 
—, portrait of 
ILMA’WI, a Pit river band.... 

I/mMAuHA, a Caddo division.......-. z. 
IMMORTALITY in ghost-dance doctrine. .-. 
IMOHALLA, a Smohalla synonym......... 
INCENSE in Sioux ceremony ee 
INCOMECANE'TOOK, an Okanagan division 
INDIAN OFFICE, acknowledgments to.... 
INDIAN SAM on ghost-dance doctrine - 
INSPELLUM, a Nespelim synonym . 
—,an Okanagan division............-..-. 
IN-THE-MIDDLE, See PA-INGYA. 

INTIE/TOOK, an Okanagan division....... 
INCNA-INA, A synonym of Arapaho....... 
Tont, a Caddo division 
Towa, absence of ghost-danoe among the. 
—, ghost dance among the.....--......--- 
—,a Sanpoil synonym. ..... 
Troquots and Cherokee treaty 
ISANATI, a Santee synonym. - 
Is1uM-1TA’NIUW’, a Cheyenne division. ... 
ISLE DE PIERRE, sketch of. 
ITAHATSKI, Hidatsa name of the Sioux .. 
Irasupuzt, Hidatsa name of the Cheyenne 
ITAZIPKO, a Teton division.......-...--.. 


JACKSON, H. H., cited on Nez Percé war. . 
JACKSON, RICHARD, appointed minister of 
Shaker church 
JAMES, WILLIAM, elected elder of Shaker 
(CUT hieeereinaeice cle ery oie caer 
—, land mpesented to Shaker church by .. 
JANNEY,S. M., cited on the Quakers. ..... 
JERKED BEEF, how prepared..-.-..-- 
JETAN, a Synonym of Comanche.......-.. 
JICARILLA, absence of ghost dance among 
JOAN OF ARC and Smohalla compared. ... 
—, hallucination of, compared with ghost- 
dance\doctrine-.--sse-ee-seere-=2-- = 
JOCKO RESERVE, indians on 
JOHN Day INDIANS, a Tikspi’/sh synonym 
—, present habitat of. 
Joun Day Rivers, a Tikspti'sh synonym. 
JOHNSON, G. P., killed at Wounded Knee.. 
JOHNSON, JOHN, name applied to Wovoka. 
JOSEPH, CHIEF, and the Nez Percé war.... 
Of CAvUSeID 00d eaence nano ceneenecemente 
—, refusal of, to recognize treaty ..-...--- 
JosEPHUS, description of Wovoka’s inspi- 
ration by.....-----+----+02 sencereee eeee 


(ETH. ANN. 14 


Page 
811 

762 

818, 901 


1043 
1043 
1051 


1043 
1043, 
1043 
655, 
1058 
760 
727 
728 
1052 
1092 
786 
717 
823 
734 
655 
784 
733 
734 


734 
953 
1092 
816 
902 
733 
670 
1058 
1025 
734 
1057 
1023 
1059 


714 
758 


758 

758 

937, 933 
1066 
L043, 
805 

719 


932 
805 
743 
805 
743 
872 
765 
71 
T44 
745 


772 


ETH. ANN. 14] 


JUMPERS, account of the.........-...---- 
Jvurz, FATHER JOHN, interview with. 
—,at Wounded Knee.......-.--.. 
—. Sioux conference effected by.-... 


IXAX/DOHADA’CHO, a Caddo synonym....-.- 
ACCOMM OL LOO saan aaa ean = asia = 
— early encountered by French.-.-....-.-. 
KAHLISPELM, asynonymof Pend d'Oreille- 
KAHMILTPAH, a Qamil-‘léma synonym..-- 
KA‘1GWt, a Kiowa division. . 
K<A’ITSEN’KO, a Kiowa warrior order....-- 


KA‘1ewt, proper name of the Kiowa..... 

Kal-waA, a Kiowa synonym............--. 

KALISPELINES, a synonym of Pend 
diOreille/--- 2-5 .--- 

KALISPELUSSES, 


d'Oreille . - 
KAMAI/AKAN, a Yakima war chief 
KANAHEAWASTSIK, Cree name of the Chey- 

enne 
KANAKOK, account of ..-......-- eae 
—, adherents to doctrine of.......-....-.- 
—,end of ...-.- 
KANINAHOIC, Ojibwanameof the Arapaho. 
KANINAVISH, Ojibwaname of the Arapaho. 
K Ansa, ghost dance among the 
— name of the Comanche..-....--.--.... 
—name'of the Sioux-...-2-....5..-sisces 
Ka’ntst, Caddo name of Kiowa Apache. . 
Kasl'spA, 2 Pilus village.....--.---.-...- 
KavaKa, name of Kiowa Apache. 
KKAWINAHAN, an Arapaho division......-.. 
KAYUSE, a Cayuse synonym.............. 
Keam, T. V., acknowledgments to---...... 

—,on Cohonino ghost dance.....- Boca SACS 
KXEECHIES, a synonym of Kichai 


KEEPS-HIS-NAME-ALWAYS, see DATETEKAS 
KEHTIPAQUONONK, proper form of Tippe- 
canoe 
KELLESPEM, asynonym of Pend d’Oreille 
JAMES E., killed at Wounded 


KELLEY, 

Knee... 
KELLNER, Avaust, killed at Wounded 

Knee.... 
KENDALL, E. A., cited on the Shawano... 
—, quoted on Shawano prophet 
KENDALL, FRANK, account of Tavibo 


KENTUCKY REVIVAL, account of the - 
Kerr, Capt., attacked by hostile Sioux.. 
KErTeEtAs, a K'taitis synonym............ 
KETILeE FALLs, a Colville synonym 
KeEWaA/‘TSANA, a Comanche band.......... 
KEWAUGHTCHENUNAUGH, an Okanagan 

GivislOltsseastescacass see Sbeadtidesac 
Kicual, acknowledgments to-.....-.. voses 
KICHAI INDIANS, account of the.......... 
—, ghost dance introduced among......-.. 
— name of the Cheyenne .... 
—name of the Comanche ...-........ eee 
—name of the Kiowa Apache 
—name of the Sioux......- CODE CBSCOnEeSS 
— name of the Wichita.................. 
—, status of the 
KICKAPOO, absence of ghost dance among - 


INDEX TO PART 2 


Page 


939 | 


874 


- 872,878 


867 


1029 
1093 
1094 
731 
736, 738 
1079 
989 
1078 
1078 


731 


731 
22,737 


1023 
666, 692 
902 
700 
953 
953 
902 
1043 
1057 
1081 
735 
1081 
957 
743 
6355 
813 
1095 


1121 


Page 
KICKAPOO, gnost dance among the....... 900, 902 
—, land cession by the -. SE 692 
—, present condition of the ...-.-. 700 
—, Potawatomi prophet among the 705 
—, southern migration of the...- 692 
—. use of prayer stick by the 697 
KiCKAPOO PROPHET, see KANAKUK. 
KickinG BEAR, a ghost-dance leader....-. 847 
——MDOLEVAL OL se ais anne, tstoim cians cviciselsomsiaice sme 853, 
—, delegate to Wovoka .................. 820, 894 
—, visit of, to the Arapaho - 798, 820 
=, ghost dance led by..---.-....-.-.-.-.-. 854 
—, ghost-dance mission of.............--. 817 
—, operations of, in Sioux outbreak. ...... 881 
—, Cheyenne scouts attacked by......--- 867 
—, Pine Ridge agency attacked b 875 
—, flight of, to Bad Jands...-..-.. 850, 852 
—, continued retreat of....-.------ eee 867 
—, surrender of, demanded.---.-.....-... 887 
—sSUTTenOGMOlie «sons eee saeco 6scace ss 868 
KIGALTWALLA, a Kwikwflit synonym... TAL 
KIMOOENIM, location of the.....----.-..-. 745 
KINEP, a Kiowa division .---...-----.--.. 1079 
KING GEORGE MEN, application of name.. 721 
Kiowa, absence of clans among.......--. 956 
—, account of the......-----.- 1078 
— and Sioux early warfare 1059 
—, cedar used in ghost dance of.......--. 809 
—, confederation of Comanche with...--- 1044 
host dance among the...........-.-- 786, 
802, 895, 898, 902, 906, 908 
—, present condition of dance among...-. 914, 927 
== PIOSSALY Oli tN@so-to- asec cen <n cceansac 1088 
—, migration of the............---... sce 1044 
— name of ghost dance.............-..-. 791 
— name of the Arapaho. . == 953, 954 
— name of Arapaho divisions. ....-...... 955 
==mameiof the Caddo-:-2-.22222.2<22225. 1092 
— name of the Cheyenne ...--.. ecrineorice 1023 
— name of the Comanche..............-. 1043 
— name of the Kiowa Apache. 1081 
——sN AML LNG 10 Uke ae orem ee aces ae we 1057 
= 78 
— name of the Wichita.. 1095 
—, sacred regard of, for cedar .... 979 
—, synonymy of the 1078 
—, tribal sign of the 1078 
—, warrior organization of the.......----. 989 
Kiowa APACHE, account of the....-...-. 1081 
— name of the Arapaho..-.....-.-...--.. 953 
— name of the Cheyenne - 1023 
— name of the Comanche....-.........-.. 1043 
KyYri/NAHIS, Kichainame of Kiowa Apache 1081 
KI'TIKITI/SH, native name of the Wichita. 1095 
K1'TSASH, native name of the Kichai..... 1095 
KITUNAHA, a synonym of Kutenai.....- - 731 
KITUNA’QA, see KUTENAI. 
K'Ka/SAWI, sketch of the. 739 
K’KA'SAWI-'LEMA, a K'ka/siwi synonym . 739 
KLAMATH, present habitat of the.. 805 
KLAMATH RESERVE, indians on..-...-.--.. 805 
KikaTaT, a Klivkatit synonym....-.--. 73 
—, absence of Smohalla religion among.. 727 
KLINQUIT, mention of the 7 738 
K1L0t/KATAT, sketch of the 3 738 
KoasaTi mixed with the Caddo.......... 1093 


1122 


Page 

K‘opaLpi-K'INAGO, Kiowa name of the 
SlOUKe eae cce oases esis = sislea’e\nieimrinee's 1057 
Ko'Gcu'l, a Kiowa division.-----..-------- 1079 
Kouo’, a Caddo gens. --. ee 1093 
Korr-rsow, name applied to Wovoka.--. 765 

Komseka-K'INAHYUP, Kiowa name of the 
Arapaho........-.--.--s----2e-scee cease 954 
KoNrTA‘LYUI, a Kiowa division. -.-. 1079 
Koorenal, a synonym of Kutenai 731 
Korn, Gusvay, killed at Wounded Knee. 872 
KorAUAQAN, a supporter of Smohalla-. 721 
—, Smohalla ceremony conducted by----- 727 
Korsa‘l, a Comanche band....----------- 1045 
Ko'rso-TE/KA, a Comanche band.....---- 1045 

Korso’-TIKARA, name applied to the Ban- 
NOC ee ee elaine slnsne = a= '='s 6d 1051 
KOovrAINE, a synonym of Kutenai..----- 731 
Ko-WEE-Jow, name applied to Wovoka.. 767 


KowwaASSAYEB, a K’ka/siwi synonym... 738,739 


K''rATAS, a Piskwaus band...-.--------- 736 
K’rATAs-LE’MA, a K’/tatas synonym. 736 
K'v’aTo, a Kiowa division...---.-.---- 1079, 1080 
KULLAS-PALUS, a synonym of 

Oreille t.4 seen wace mess setelnineinen amo 731 
Ku’sHPELU, asynonym of Pend d’Oreille. 731 
KUTENAI, account of the--- a 731 
—, present habitat of the.. Z 805 
KUTNEHA, a synonym of Kutenai.-...... 731 
K0/TSANO’T, a former Yakima chief. -.---- 737 
Kuwapl, account of messiah by-.-------- 799 
Kyir-Tsow, name applied to Wovoka 765 
Kwa/HApI, a Comanche band..-...------ 1045 
Kwana, see PARKER, QUANAH. 
Kwikw0'uit, sketch of the..------------ TAL 
KWOoHITSAUQ, name applied to Wovoka.. 765, 771 
Kwo'pa, a Kiowa synonym....-- peasant 1078 
LAAPTIN, a Sahaptin synonym...-.--.----- 744 
LAcOMBE, A.,on etymology of pemmican- 1067 
LAHANNAS, probable identification of....- 732 
LArraNEs, a synonym of Comanche....-- 1043 
LAKE INDIANS, account of the... S 732 
LAKOTA, a synonym of Sioux. oe 1057 
Laxkorta-Kokipa-KosHKALA, Sioux name 

of Royer .-..<-:-----2-------222022-=--- 848 
LANCE, flight of, to Bad lands......------ 884 
Lance, use of, by Arapaho warriors - 988, 989 
—, use of, by Kiowa warriors = 990 
LAND TREATY with Cheyenne and Arap- 

BNO mesos saad acm cles ceieleenesimam == BEACOC 899 
—, see TREATY. 
LAND SEVERALTY BILL, effect of, on north- 

WEBLELIIELID Obie. a= shone nis etre mia alate lnm 757 
LANGUAGE, Arapaho, characteristics of.. 1012 
—, Cheyenne, characteristics of .....----- 1027 
—, Comanche, characteristics of.....----- 1046 
—, Kiowa, characteristics of .......- .-. 1080-1081 
—, Paiute, characteristics of .......--.-- é 1050 
—, Sioux, characteristics of - = 1060 
—, Sioux, dialects of the ....----.--..---- 1058 
—, sce GLOSSARY. 
La PLAYB, a synonym of Comanche...... 1043 
LApwatl, mission established at ..-...---- 745 
LARTIELO, a Spokan synonym... - 732 
LA SALLE, Kiowa Apache mentioned by.. 1081 


INDEX TO PART 2 


(ETH. ANN. 14 


Page 
LAULEWASIKAW, revelation of ...-.---.-- 672 
LEA, AGENT, Rosebud census by ..-.----- 830 
LEE, ANN, founder of the Shakers. Bo 941 
Leg, Capt. J. M., acknowledgments to.... 655 
—, account of T'aévibo by-.----------------- 701 
—, appointed indian agent. .--.--..------- 887 
—,on Paiute ghost dance .--..----------- 784 
—,on Sioux story of sacred pipe. 1062 
—,on Wovoka’'s father.---.-------------- 765 
—, respect of indians for 888 
LEFT-HAND, an Arapaho chief..... = 779, 957 
—, ghost song composed by..-.----------- 961 
—, land treaty signed by 899 
LEFT-HAND, GRANT, acknowledgments to. 655 
—, crow dance organized by...----------- 901 
—, delegate to Wovoka.-.--.-- pseeecceee= 900 
—, in the ghost dance..-..-..---------- 1038, 1039 


—, song composed by wife of. 1032, 1035, 1036, 1038 


LEPAGE, name applied to John Day river-. 743 
Lerrer from Apiatan to the Kiowa..-.--- 911 
=—=TrOUU WiOVOK ates sermeeiscsie =< meee ae 776, 780, 781 
Lewis AND CLARK among Columbia river 

[nw Utes dabescdnnacssases coon 742 
—, mention of Wheelpoo by -..-.-------- 732 
—on Arapaho habitat...-..--..--------- 956 
—on Cheyenne early habitat.-....------- 1024 
—on the Coospellar....-------.--------- 732 
—on the Kiowa Apache 1081 
— on the Kutenal: <2 --=-<:-i-----0---se—= 731 
—on the Sahaptin.... -.------.--------- 745 
—, the Sokulk met by- 135 
L'IATAN, a synonym of Comanche. ...-.--- 1043 
Liaywas, mention of the- : 738 
Liagut from coal oil, Shaker idea concern- 

BTN Fs cena wisi lelesietnfas mel vinteieiesn raion 749 
LIGHTNING, indian notion concerning ---- 968 
— in Paiute ghost song ---.-------------- 1054 
LInKINSE, an Isle de Pierre synonym. .--- 734 
LIvTLE, a Sioux prisoner...-.------------ 848 
LirtLe Bow, acknowledgments to. ..---- 655 
LiitLe Curr, Cheyenne delegate to 

Wovoka....-..-..---------- 220-222-222 895 
LI’TLE-NO-HEART, delegate to Washing- 

POM accra sein sie rae wedi aaa mn iwinlm oleae 891 
Livre RAVEN, ap Arapaho chiet .-.----- 957 
—, delegate to Wovoka -..-..--------- a 900 
—, song composed by -.-------------- 998 
LITTLE WoMAN, songs composed by 1032, 


1035, 1036, 1038 
LItrLe WovwnpD, conduct of, in Sioux out- 


break): --- s-2oseeee se nieiene minis eine =i 884 

—, ghost-dance council held by 820 
— ignored in Sioux difficulty Bee 832 
—, Kicking Bear’s surrender effected by.. 868 
—, operations of, in Sioux outbreak < 881 
LopGg, Smohalla ceremonial. --..-...----- 726 
—, see House, Wikiup, SWEAT-LODGE. 
LoGan, James, killed at Wounded Knee. 872 
LoniM, habitat of the 742 
—, sketch of the...---- 743 
LonE WOLF, a Kiowa chief..........---- 1079 
LonG, —, on Cheyenne name of Sioux.... 1057 
LOOKING-GLASS, a Nez Percé chief..-----. 714 
LOoK1NG-UP, an Arapaho division......- 7 95 


Los Birp, see ZITKALA-NONI. 


ETH. ANN. 14] 


Page 
LoWER BRULEE AGENCY, control of indians 

PREC DAME COE CIC DO DG OCS OCI SOC IEED 849 
MACKINAW, meaning of. ........0..-s2.0-- 976 
MacMvcrray, Mas. J. W., acknowledg- 

INONTS SLO ectesan eae Broce su 655 
—,on Columbia indian cosmology.-...--- 722 
—,on eclipses predicted by Smohalla-...-. 720 
—, on indian troubles in the northwest. -. 716 
—,on Smohalla 717, 718 
—,on Smohalla religion - -- 719, 725 
MAGPIE held sacred in ghost dance ....-- 823, 982 
MAGPIE FEATHERS. ceremonial use of-..-- 999 
— presented by Wovoka.........-...---- 901 
=I DTIZEC DY Pate nna==o<e- neces means 775 
MALLERY, GARRICK, on Sioux pipe legend 1063 
MAMMALS, indian tradition concerning. .-- 722 
MANDAN, ghost dance among the...-...--. 817 
Mann, Lieut. James D., killed at 

VOUT En eOmesecee cree meee ae ces 872, 875 
Mann, M.G., Puget Sound missionary -- - 760 


MANPOSO'TIGUAN, Kiowa name of ghost 
Ganchr eneer seem aere cence J HObee aS 791 


Magpe-Lura, native name of Red Cloud. 1058 
MA@QPIATO, Sioux name of the Arapaho .. 954 
MARANSHOBISHGO, Cheyenne name of the 

SHOE pee cos cesctibonaecobuQeSeeesadeesE 1057 


Manrery, PIERRE, use of term Liitanes by. 1043 
MARGUERITE, survivor of Wounded Knee. 878, 879 


Maricopa, absenceof ghost dance among. 805 
Martin, J. T., cited on Shaker ceremony- 748 
Marty, T. P., acknowledgments to..---- 655 
MARTINEZ, ANDRES, acknowledgments to- 655 
Ma’se’P, a Caddo synonym,...-..--..--.- 1092 
MASON VALLEY, description of........-...- 765, 769 
MATSI‘SHKOTA, a Cheyenne division .-...- 1026 
MatTrHEWsS, WASHINGTON, acknowledg- 

MENtS}lOle a. <== 655 
—,on etymology of Nakai-dokli‘ni 705 
—,on ghost dance among the Navaho-.-... 809 
—,on Hidatsa name of the Sioux .....--. 1057 
—, on Navaho hypnotism.........-....... 811 
—,on present condition of the Navaho... 809 
—,on significance of Navaho songs....-- 1009 
McCuintock, W. F., killed at Wounded 

1G peer Eacnbacsececocmeborsccnoss 872 
McCock, J. M., killed at Wounded Knee- - 872 
McCcLiouGH, JOHN, a Delaware captive- 668 
McGitiycuppy, V. T., management of 

HUGE OE} hy toepegoeeecsece chor cccesaoenes 845, 852 
—, on causes of Sioux outbreak.......... 831, 840 
—,on Sioux outbreak 5 888 
—,relieved as indian agent : 828 
McKENNEY AND HALL on Tecumtha 

BMmon gy the | Creek- os. ce] <a cowee esse 687 
McLam, Miss L., acknowledgments to -- 655 


McLAUGHLIN. JAMES, advises against im- 
mediate arrest of Sitting Bull --.. 
—, advises removal of Sitting Bull...---- 


—, effort of, to arrest Sitting Bull's band-- 860 
—, effort of, to arrest Kicking Bear......-. 847 
—, indian police praised by 859 
—, interview of, with Sitting Bull. 849 
—, on Sioux ghost dance...-.-....... 787 
—, on the Sioux outbreak............-.... 843 


INDEX TO PART 2 


Page 
McLAUvGHLIN, JAMES, Sitting Bull's arrest 
ATTANPOdSDY-~ se .coc cece eo eeaa es eas : 855 
—, Sitting Bull's removal advised by ..-.. 854 
MDE-WAKAN-TONWAN, a Sioux division... 1058 
MEACHAM, A. D., on Smohalla religion. .-. qput 
—,on character of Columbia river tribal 
MAN OS eee een cca sats oe anne ean eee 709 
MEATWHO, a Mitanisynonyin.-.... 734 
MEpDALof Greenville treaty 671 
— presented to Apiatan................-. 914 
MEDEWACANTON, a Sioux division. 1058 
MEDICINE, practice of, by Shakers... 761 
—,Tites of, before battle........... aes 689 
—, see DISEASE. 
MEDICINE-ARROW ceremony .......-...-- 1026 
MEDICINE BAGS, destruction of, during 
Shawano craze 679 
—, use of, condemned by Kiin 694 
MEDICINE LopGE, treaty of, in 1867....... 957 
MEDICINE-MEN defined ..........---.----- 9380 
—, position of, in ghost dance - - 916 


Me, J. W., killed at Wounded Knee. ... 872 


MELI"LEMA, a Tenino BYNONY Mires eee ass 742 
MENARD, L., acknowledgments to......-- 655 
MERRIAM, COLONEL, operation of, against 
BigsRootises toes scececc oe ee erect es 865 
—, troops under, in Sioux outbreak. .....-. 850 
MERRICK, J. L., citedon Mohammedanism 932 
MESCALERO, absence of ghost dance 
ATM ON Pee waste laiatarel= ele oie cme acme sseeis 805 
MESCAL RITE introduced among the Caddo 904 
MESHON, a Mitaui synonym.......-...... 734 
MESSENGER, another name of Biiink‘i..-. 909 
MEss1aH, idea of, among various peoples. 658 
— craze, responsibility of, for Sioux out- 
828, 831 
—, see WOVOKA. 
METAL, tabu of, in ghost dance........... 798 
METEOWWEE, a Mitaui synonym..-...... 734 
METHODIsTs, account of. 939 
METHOW, a Mitaui synonym pees) 734 
Mezo, Wo. S., killed at Wounded Knee... 872 
MIAMI, opposition of, to Tecumtha- - 684 
Miayuma, a Cheyenne division ais 1026 
MicHIGAN Historical Society, Pontiac 
manuscript deposited with. -. 5 663 
MICKSUCKSEALTON, a Kutenai band.---.- 731 
MILEs, GEN. N. A., on aspect of Wounded 
IKNGO ai aITS La sesctes cece stocieses=-ss=ee 874 
—, in Nez Percé war....-..... Se a eens 74 
—,on causes of ghost dance... .. bd 816 
—,on cases of Sioux outbreak...... 826, 833, 843 
—,on dispatch of troops in Sioux out- 
break ss-s=-= << RSE RS RAA EAB rer ee 852 


—,on mortality at Wounded Knee..-..--. 870, 871 


—, operations of, in Sioux outbreak... .-. 850, 

882, 887, 888, 890 
—, opinion of, on Sioux excitement....--. 849 
SSO nS inhib Wee eee eeererisa 861 
—,on reduction of Sioux rations 2 827 
MILKY Way, indian conception of . 1053 


MILLER, Henry, killed at Wounded Knee. 871, 881 


MILLER, WILLIAM, an Adventist 944 
MINIKANZU,a Teton division......... cone 1059 
MiniTaRl, ghost dance among the......... 817 


1124 


Page 
MINITARI, see HIDATSA. 
MissioNAkies at Wounded Knee... .-. 874, 875, 878 
MISSION FIGHT, description of the......-. 875 
Mission INDIANS. ghost dance among the- 804 
Missions among the Caddo......--.--.-.- 1094 
MISSOURI INDIANS, ghost dance among. -- 902 
Mi/sravil/NOT, a Cheyenne division.-.-.. 1026 
Mirautl, sketch of the -.....-.....- Beraterata 734 
MirHaw, see MITAUI. 
MITHOUTIES, a Mitaui synonym -.--....--- - 734 
MNewmonic symbols invented by Smohalla- 720 
Mopoc, Pit river tribes raided by -.---- ‘i 1052 
—, present habitat of the.-.-------------- 805 
MouAMMED and Smohalla compared .- 7i9 
MoHAMMEDANISM and ghost-dance doc- 

CLINGS !'COMPATEd =.=. =< os -= won nine 930 
MonaveE, attendance of, at ghost dance - - 805 
—, knowledge of ghost dance by the...-. 814 

—, ghost-dance doctrine among the 785 
Mo‘kxI, account of ----..--..-------.------ 1038 
—, song composed by -.------ 1032, 1035, 1036, 1038 
Mok1, see Hopt. 

MonrTcaLM, consideration of, for Pontiac. 669 
Moon, Arapaho myth concerning the 1006 
—,symbolism of the .-----.---------+--++ 905 
Moon HeabD, a Caddo ghost-dance Teader. 903, 904 
==! BCCOUDMOL 6 <atra= ates i= senna a ninila 904 
Moraean, T.J., acknowledgments to ...-- 655 


—,on cause of Sioux outbreak - 829 


—,on flight of Sioux to Bad lands. 851 
—,on mortality at Wounded Knee ..... ae 871 
—,on reduction of Sioux rations -.....-- 6 827 
—,on Wounded Knee massacre --.------- 870 
—,tour of inspection by - 900 
Mormons, conversion of indians by.-..--- 790 
— and the ghost dance..-....------------- 792 
—, belief of,regarding the indians-...--- 5 703 
—, endowment robe of the..--...-------- 5 790 
—,Smohalla among the -- 719 
—, treatment of indians by-..-...---.-.--. 818 
Mortuary custom of the Cheyenne -..-.. 1027 
— dance of northwestern indians. -...-. : 728 
— sacrifice by prairie tribes 782 
— use of sacred paint.-..--- e 879 
Moses, chief of the Isle de Pierre.-.....- S 734 
=a Nez Percé priests. <.n---se'- 2s === 3 713 
—, encounter of, with Smohalla.......---. 718 
—, Smohalla’s belief concerning 721 
Mortsal’,a Comanche band...-. 1045 
Movunp, use of, with sweat-lodge 822, 981 
Movunt GRANT, Paiute name of......-..-- 5 1050 
Murpny, Jos., killed at Wounded Knee. . 872 
Musicau 

dance -. 921 
MOrTsIANATA’NIUW', Cheyenne name of 

DROW acASpache@ en scricieees a lanna sine cece 1081 
Myru, regeneration, of the Hopi....... — 811 
—, see COSMOLOGY. 
NA‘BAI-DA'CHO, a Caddo division. --...-... 1092 
NABEDACHE, a Caddo division. -- 1092 
NAcoGDOCHES, a Caddo division 1092 
Nipk/Ko, a Caddo division....-......---+ 1092 | 
—,early mention of the....... nope cones 1094 


—, sce ANADARKO, 


INDEX TO PART 2 


(ETH. ArN. 1 
Page 
NADIISHA-DE/NA, native name of Kiowa 
Apache ...... Semone nae Beene StacossS 1081 
NADOUESSI, a synonym of Sioux...-....-- 1050 
NADOWESI, a synonym of Sioux..-...---- 1057 
NADOWESIU, a synonym of Sioux.....---- 1057 
Na-ISHA, native name of Kiowa Apache.. 1081 
NAKAI-DOKLUNI, account of .......--.---- 704 
NA/KA'NA’WAN, a Caddo division -. 1092 
* NAKASH, ghost song composed by. : 985 
—, visit of, to Wovoka............ 803, 807, 817, 894 
NA/‘KASINE'NA, name of northern Arapaho- 954 
NAKAY-DOKLUNNI, see NAKAI-DOKLI'NI. 
NA/KOHODO'TsI, a Caddo division.......-.. 1092 
NAKOTA,a synonym of Sioux 1057 
Na‘LANI, Navaho name of the comancne: 1043 
Nimr PrP, a Columbia indian god 730 
NaNnpDACAO, identified with Nadako 1094 
NANIGUKWA, Paiute name of ghost dance. 791 
NANISANA KA-AU'-SHAN, Caddo name of 
PNOStiAaN Ce ver ccasn== seas meee = lan 791 
Nanita, Kichai name of the Comanche. - 1043 
NANONI/KS-KARE'NIKI, Kichai name of the 
CheyennG ie sae eee eme nantes 1023 
NARCELLE, NARCISSE, in Sioux outbreak- 862 
NAsHI'TOSH, a Caddo division..........-- 1092 
NA’SHONI, a Caddo synonym. A 1092 
Na‘sHonit, a Caddo synonym... Fi 1092 
NAsHTOWI, Wichita delegate to W recat 903 
NASSONITE, a Caddo synonym....--.--.-- 1092 
NataAa, Wichita name of the Comanche- 1043 
NATCHEZ, a Paiute chief. = 1048 
NatcHiTocues, a Caddo division 1092 
NATENEHINA, Arapaho name of the Sioux. 1057 
Natni, Arapaho name of the Sioux..-.--. 1057 
NATNIHINA, Arapaho name of the Sioux. - 1057 
NATURAL PHENOMENA, indian idea con- 
COLUID De eeece emer ene te eee 721 
= <GRCLOd TOPATGAOL ne sseeec ces. e ce alamace = 919 
—, sy mboliam Of eco see eee oar -c ote ee eee 905 
NAVAHO, absence of ghost dance among. 810, 926 
—and Arapaho warfare. ---.- S 954 
—, ghost-dance doctrine among.....--.--- 785 
—, hypnotism in ceremony of.....--..---- 811 
— name of the Comanche............-.-- 1043 
NAME OL Ne PAIL be ke sete me ais sicler = icieanta 1048 
—, pollen used in ceremonies of. 705 
—, significance of songs of..--.......---- 1009 
—, statistics concerning the...--...-.---- 809 
Nawat, native name of Left-hand... 957 
NAWATHI/NEHA, name of southern Arap- 
aho -- 955 
Na’ WuNeENA, name of southern Arapaho. - 955 
NEBRASKA troops in Sioux outbreak. ---- 876 
NECKLACES of human fingers.-...--.--..- 1024 
NESPELIM and Sanpoil affinity ....-...-.- 733 
— and Spokan aflinity “s 733 
ara ketch Oth Omen sameeren ee a 733 
NETItes, R. H., killed at Wounded Knee. 872 
NEVADA, geographic character of..-..--. 765 
NEWELL, C. H., killed at Wounded Knee- 872 
Nez Perce, a Caddo synonym.........- 2 1092 
—,a Sahaptin synonym.....-....--.----- 744 
—, affinity of the Piilus with... 3 735 
—,aflinity of Wa’napiim with.......... or 735 
— and Cayuse intermarriage.......--.-.- T44 


ETH. ANN. 14] 


INDEX TO PART 2 


1125 


Page 
OoTLAsHooT, a Kntenai band........... 731 
ORIENTATION of Arapaho tipi - 956 
— of camping circle .......... neSoodsaed 1026 
—, see CARDINAL POINTS. 
OSAGE, ghost dance among the ......-.... 902 
— name of the Comanche................ 1043 
— name of the Sioux............ A 1057 
OTA'S-ITA/NIUW’', a Caddo synonym . 1092 
OTERMIN, ANTONIO, flight of, to El Paso... 660 
Oro, ghost dance among the.......-.-.... 902 
— name of the Comanche.......... aoa 1043 
— name of the Sioux...-- ae aie 1057 
—, condition of ghost dance among 927 
O'ru'GUNC, a Cheyenne division ......... 1026 
OUALLA-OUALLA, a Wallawalla synonym . 744 
OUICHRAM, a Tlaqluit synonym...-.....-.. 740 
OWEN, COL., at Battle of Prophet's town. . 688 
PapDOUCA, application of the name..... 1043, 1044 
PAGANAVO, Shoshoni and Comanche name 
of. the Cheyenne ..../-.--.....-. PepeocS 1023 
PA’Gatst, a Comanche band ..........--- 1045 
PA-GUADAL, native name of Red Buffalo. 1083 
Pana’NA, Hopi name of the whites --.... 978 
Paw UTES, asynonym of Paiute......... 1048 
PAHVANT confounded with the Paiute... 1048 
| PA-INGYA, a Kiowa prophet.........-.... 1083 
—, reputed powers of..........---..-...-. 906, 907 
PAINT, how regarded by Cheyenne and 
Arapaho... 779 
—, mortuary use of... 879 
— obtained from Wovoka.......-.....--. 775, 778 
=—tODtPNOStSHinis-pereccossleace= osc ane 790 
— presented by Wovoka..........--- 797, 960, 901 
— used by the Arapaho. 971 
— used by the Cheyenne 1029 
— used in ghost dance. . 798, 


Page 

NEz PERCE, cause of war with.....--.- 908 712 
— habitat and population...........-.-- 5 805 
—, visit of, to Wovoka............--.-- ~s 805 
—, See SAHAPTIN. 
NIAHA'NO’, song composed by..-.--..-..--- < 1099 
NIAKETSIKOTK, Kichai name of the Sioux. 1057 | 
NIARHARIS-KORIKIWAS-HOSKI, Wichita 

name of the Arapaho..........---.----- 954 
Nia'Tuua, Arapaho name for the whites. 962,978 
NI'cHINE’NA, a Kiowa synonym....-.-...-. 1078 
Nicvvuira, a Tlaqluit synonym...-.....-. 740 
NIERERIKWATS-KONIKI, Wichita name of 

the Cheyenne: eres. seco cste eee cee oes 1023 
NV RIS-HARUS-KT’RIKI, a Caddo synonym. . 1092 
NISHK’ONTU, see MOON HEAD. 
NISQUALLY in treaty of 185i) eee ee 751 
— membership in Shaker church ........ 759 
—, Shaker religion among the.....-..-- 6 747 
NocK ay DELKLINNE, see NAKAI-DOKLI'D 
No FLEs3, flight of, to Bad lands .-...... 884 
No’KonI, a Comanche band. .-..-.--..-...-. 1044 
NorcoK, acknowledgments to...-. Basco 655 
NOSE-PIERCING by the Caddo............. 1092 | 
No WATER'S CAMP, game-wheel at . . 1075 | 
—, ghost dance at ...-.. See anioaea see 823, 846,915 | 
N’POCHLE, a Sanpoilsynonym......------ 733 
NUHINE’NA, an Arapaho warrior order -.. 987 
Nia, a synonym of Comanche . 1043 
—,a synonym of Paiute-.-......-- 5 1048 
NUMBER, sacred, in ghost dance..... 782, 919, 1000 
—, sacred, in Shaker religion. .---.. ae 5 751 
Noimi'Nad’, a Paiute god -........--.---. : 1051 
NoOnawa/wt, an Arapaho warrior order. . 989 
Nyw’TAA, song composed by .-.......---- 1097 
OAKINACKEN, an Okanagan division...... 734 
—,asynonym of Okanagan... 734 
OcETI SAKOWIN, a synonym of Sioux..... 1057 
OCHECHOTES, a synonym of Uchi'chol.... 738, 740 
OFFERING of sacred objects.-.--..-...-- ae 916 
— to the eagle ..... RE CLORE CHORE ROne NAA 1100 
OFFLEY, COLONEL, troops under, in Sioux 

ONC eh neat eee te ss eee ten tac seats 850 
OGALALA, a Teton division -..........--.. 1058 
AN SIO WX4OU LDL EAS cieee cee cea alecce or 882, 885 
— knowledge of the messiah. . 819 
OHENONPA, a Teton division. 2 1059 
O/1vima/NA, a Cheyenne division ......... 1025 
Ous1BWA, absence of ghost dance among .- 816 
—, early warfare by the...... cestoaccsahd 1059 
—, effect of Shawano religion on the-.....- 680 
—uames of the Arapaho .-. A 953 
—name of the Gros Ventres.....-- 955 
—, Potawatomi prophet among the- . 706 
—, Tenskwatawa among the 677 
OKANAGAN, sketch of the 734 
OKINAKANE, an Okanagan synonym. 5 734 
OKIWAHKINE, an Okanagan synonym...-- 734 
OMAHA, absence of ghost dance among.. - 816 
= CAMCOMAMGIOM UNC ween c oct cc ociccecces 1093 
— Std yi OtsthOrnane ss eeeeass==sossec- === 654 
—, visit to the 767 
OMAHA DANCE, crow dance a modification 

of .- : 901 


ONE FEATHER in the Few-Tails affair.... &89, 890 


. 


814, 821, 823, 919, 922, 997, 1098 
PaIuTE, Cohonino knowledge of zhost 


dance from: (25.5. 4.- 2 cccescesess wc oe 812 
—, gambling song of the ...- 1009 
—, ghost dance among the. -- 654, 


784, 802, 806, 926, 927 
—, ghost dance introduced among Wala- 


al D Ys aecren eee eialatetn nse te asta aiaeeratain ae 814 
—, glossary of the.....-.- copdabosss eae 1056 
— method of conversation .........-..... 770 
— MONG OfMIVIN Gs as, -cmacjecseee scissses-> 5 770 
—name of ghost dance..-..---.......-- : 791 
—name for the whites................-.. 978 
—, Navaho taught about mes 811 
— notion concerning eclipse 773 
—on Klamath reservé-.-.-2..--.. 26.5. 805 
—on Warmspring reserve....--..-...--. 805 
—, population of the -...-..--.---...-.... 1050 
—, Porcupine among the .........-.--.--- 794 
—, reception of, into Mormon church..... 790 
—,sketchof the...... acaneetc sate das eecle 1048 
NON ES OiwiNO naeee = ses aeacone ona an ce mals 1052 
—- SYMON VIN Vy Otho: o- -socece ocen ea scoone 1048 
—, Tavibo among the..-... See ee 701 
—, see WOVOKA. 

Pal-yUCHIMU, Hopi name of the Paiute... 1048 
Pat-yuts!i, Navaboname of the Paiute... 1048 
Pa/KAMALLI, a Pit river band. . 1052 
Pa‘kivuT, Smohalla services at ...---.-.-. 727 


1126 


INDEX TO PART 2 


Page 

Pa" KIUT-LE/MA, a Yi’kima synonym..... 737 
PALMER, AGENT, report of, on Sioux ex- 

CILEMON Yn este ear ialeele = ateveteieleintemstelate 848 
PALOUSE, a Pii/lus synonym...---.---.--- 735, 73 
Pav, Washo name of the Paiute ..... --- 1048 
PALus and Wa‘napfim affinity 735 
—, incorporation of Chiim 739 
—,sketch of the .--- 735 
PAMBZIMINA, Shoshoni name of the Sioux. 1057 
PANI Prqués, French name of the Wichita 1095 
Pansy Society and the Sioux outbreak. - 893 
PAPAGO, absence of ghost dance among -- 805 
Papirstnima, Comanche name of Sioux.- 1057 
PAPSHPON-'LEMA, asynonym of Pend d’ 

Orellee--seeeseseaee ane = = <= 731 
PARKER, Q AH, a Comanche chief -.--- 1046 
—, opposition of, to ghost dance. ....----- 902 
Parker, Mrs Z. A., on the Sioux ghost 

CAN COMee see a cistaintecises sein \« at aie ee iiesiosi=is 916 
PARKMAN, FRANCIS, cited on Pontiac .-... 665, 669 
—, Pontiac manuscript referred to by .--. 663 
Parr, HARRIET, cited on Joan of Arc .--. 935 
PARTON, ELizA, acknowledgments to..-.- 655 
PARTON, GEORGE, acknowledgments to- -- 655 
Pa’TADAL, influence of, in ghost dance --. 914 
—, see POOR BUFFALO. 
Pa’THESKE, account of .......-...-------- 700 
Parrick, —, quoted on Potawatomi proph- 

OtSICANCO le sesers sores ace ae simeiem wile 706 
PATTERSON AND Brown's mission. 946 
PavioTso, application of term 1048 
PAWNEE and Arapaho warfare......----- 954 
—, ghost dance among the...----..-------- 902, 927 
—, influence of ghost dance over the .---- 926 
— name of the Arapaho ..-.--. 954 
— name of the Kiowa Apache......----- 1081 
— name of the Sioux ..-.--..----.---.---- 1057 
PEACE PIPE of the Sioux....--.--.------- 1062 
PELLOATPALLAH, @ Pii/lus synonym..---- 735, 745 
PELOOSE, a Pii/lus synonym.... 735 
PEMMICAN, derivation of ....---..-------- 1067 
—, ghost song reference to 991 
—, preparation of 1067 
Pr’NA‘NDE, a Comanche band.......------ 1045 
Pr/NATEKA, a Comanche band 1045 
—, ghost dance among the 901 
—, migration of the ....--.--------------- 1044 
PEND D'OREILLE, account of the ..-..---- 731 
—, land treaty with the....-......-------- 731 
—, present habitat of the 805 
Penney, Capt. C. G., appointed indian 

agent ----.saceee sce - ones sn noose eeeese 887 
PERFUME, grass used 48 .......----------- 823 
PERSONAL NAY Shawano, note on...--- 683 
PERUVIAN belief in a messiah ~--- 660 
Puister, N. P., on ghost-dance doctrine... 784 
—,on Wovoka's father....-..------------ 765 
PHOTOGRAPHS of the ghost dance......-. 654 
Picrocrapny of Kiowa calendar. 906, 907, 909, 910 
«_ of the ghost dance éae 1060 
—on gaming wheel.-....----------+------ 994 
— on ghost-dance costume ...--------+--+ 982 
—on ghost shirts. 790, 916 
—, thunderbird in.-----.- 969 
Pierce, F. E., appointed indian agent. .-. 887 


[ETH. ANN. 14 


Pima, absence of ghost dance among....-. 805 
Pine Brkp, flight of, to Bad lands.-...... 884 
PINE RIDGE AGENCY, arrival of troops at.. 


— attacked by Brulés 
—,changes in boundaries 0 


—, delegates from, to Wovoka.-...-.-.---- 820 
—, delegation from, to Washington. ...... S91 
—, destruction of property at .-.-..------ 892 
—, dissatisfaction of indians at ..---.---- 844 
—, flight of indians of, to Bad land 850 
—, ghost dance at ..-....-. Acagereso cee 846 
—, ghost-dance council held at - 820 
—, ghost-dance excitement at ..-...-..--. 848 
—, indians of, meet commissioners. -.-...- 841 
—, missions on, abandoned S74 
—, reduction of rations at.-.-.--..----...- 832, 845 
—, report of Sioux delegates at-.-- 820 
—, restlessness of indians at.--.-..-- 845 
—, return of Sioux hostiles to...--....... 861 
—, visit of Apiatan to ...-- 911 
PINON Nuts, how regarded by Cheyenne 

and Arapaho 779 
PinOret’, a Cheyenne di 1026 
PIPE ceremony in ghost dance ..--...---- 915 
— in Caddo mythology 1093 
—, peace, broken by Sitting Bull .-...--..- 854 
—, peace, of the Cherokee ..-....-.------- 1063 
—, sacred, in chargeof northern Arapaho. 955 
—, sacred, of the Arapaho.............-- 956, 1063 
—, sacred, of the Sioux-- - - 823, 1062 
—, sacred, referred to in ghost song ...--- 1072 
-—, sacred regard for. ..-.-. Re SEROASEASOO 959, 960, 961 
—, symbolism of, in ghost dancoleeeeesese 739 
—, treaty, illustrated -.-.-.--------------- 682 
—,use of, in ghost dance . 1064 

| PisnquiTPanH, sketch of the -. 739 
Piskwaus and Isle de Pierre affinity. ---- 735 
——RKOLCHIOMUNOcace= oer aitane = aicec ee sin 736 
PIsQUOUSE, a Piskwaus synonym ..------ 737-738 
Pisscow, an Okanagan division ---------- 734 
Pir RIVER INDIANS, account of the .....-- 1052 
—, ghost dance among -..-- - 785, 804 
PIUTE, a synonym of Paiute .....-------- 1048 
PLEASANT MEN, an Arapaho division.-..-. 957 
PuLenty Horses, Lieut. Casey killed by-- 888 
PiuMp, AGENT, account of ghost dance by. 806 
P'‘ni, a village on Columbia river - . 716,717 
—, meaning of. .>.... 2.--=--20-----senn- n= 735 
—, Smohalla ceremonial at .-------------- 727 
—, see PRIEST RAPIDS. 

Po’Ho!, a Comanche band ..-------------- 1045 
Pornrep Hearts, a Coeur d'Alene syn- 

ODYM ...--..----- ---- 2 enone nen nese 733 
POLAND, COL., troops under, at Rosebud. 850 
PoLANYuP, a Kiowa warrior order...--..-. 989 
POLE, sacrifice, in Sioux ceremony-.---- BOI 823 


—, see TREE. 
Pouick, Siouy, arrrest of Sitting Bull by. 856-858 


—, Sioux, bravery of : 860 
—, Sioux, moderation of 869 
POLLEN, use of, in Apache ceremony ----- 705 
PoLLock, Oscar, killed at Wounded Knee. 871, 872 
Poot, HENRY, acknowledgments to....-- 655 
POLONCHES, a Pii/lus synonym... 5 735 
Ponca, ghost dance among the...-------+ 816, 902 


ETH. ANN. 14) INDEX TO PART 2 
Page | 
PONDERAS, see PEND D'ORFILLE. | QUIARLPI, a Colville synonym.....------- 
PonrTIAc, character of ...----------+-++- oct 668 | QuIRT of the Dog soldiers.-..--..--.--.--- 
— manuscript, reference to...------.--+-- 663 | Quorr-Tsow, another name for Wovoka-.. 
Poor BurFaLo, a ghost-dance leader..-... 908 | QuorrzE Ow, name applied to Wovoka... 
—, Kiowa messiah delegation under 907 | Qw0‘LH-HWAL-PCM, a Kli’/katat synonym. 
—, portrait of ...------------------ 908 
PORCUPINE, account of messiah by------- 793 | RaBpBiTs in Paiute myth..-.-..... SO ec 
—, effect of messiah visit of..----.------- 818 | —,a Kiowa warrior order = 
—, ghost song composed by 1028 | Rain invoked by the butl-roarer - . 
—, statement of, concerning messiah. --.. 819 | — songs of Wovoka..- . 
_-—, Visit of, to Wovoka.------ 703, 784, 803, 817,894 | RANTERS, account of the 
POTAWATOMI, absence of ghost dance RaPip Ciry, appearance of troops at... -- 
AMON Gwe one eee eee ass ee 816 | Rapmprnpians, asynonym of Gros Ventres 
—, disciples of Kinakak. 696-697 | RATIons, Sioux, table of ........-..-.---- 
—, ghost dance among the .....---------- 902 ah see SIOUX OUTBREAK. 
settlement at Tippecanoe..-.-- : 684. |/AAATILE of the Dog: soldiers Sora 
Yo. me = — used by Arapaho warriors 
PoOTAWATOMI PROPHET, account of....--- 705 Dias earaoardifor the 
OUREEC. prophecy of padians Oho s SUES, a Kiowa warrior oilers. mee 
oe Bue eee on one rounds bis | Rep as a sacred color .....-------- hacses 
—, sacred, use of, in battle...-..-- Seenice ss! 790 | 1, oe, 
— ee POLLEN. BIR ee ce ernst docile 
PowELL, J. W., quoted on the Paiute. .... 1084 | = Oeainls Rie ae : OLE C0 4 
Powers, JOHN, minister of Shaker church. 758 _, confidence in, by agent. a 
POWERS, STEPHEN, on Bit River indians. 1052 —, declaration of, for ghost-dance doctrine. 
PratuHeER, W. H., Sioux campaign song —, ghost dance council held by...-..-<--- 
a ee ern 
PRAYER, Lorp’s, Arapaho equivalent of.. 966,977 = eee 58 : ae es 
PRAYER STICK, used by Kinakik....-.-- 697 —, responsibility of, for Sioux outbreak. 
PRESBYTERIANS, attitude of, toward Shak- render Fy EIT? ee ee! Sc 
erie BiGn cosas ae ak 700 | _ thwarted by McGillycuddy .-......--- 
ere W. H., on effect of civilization eh TEMICTOUDIRIACK aconductlor ein Sioux 
DDYA SLU -isin'=in)s\-[si"'= ere opel crete sereie ona irks ATA) Se eee eee aa eres 
= on golden age of Anahuac.-.--+:----:. 658 | Rep FEATHER, name of Paul Boynton... 
Preston, Liev. Gvy, at battle of Wound- RED-LODGES, a Cheyenne division.....- Ey 
CIA Gn eS oe cg cance Sea aHae a a 873 | Rep Tat in the ghost dance........-.-- 
PRETTY BACK ou the Sioux outbreak -.-- 839 RED TOMAHAWE, a Sioux policeman..--. 
ee ei Smohalla performances at. PED |) eee tS IN gee Be er a eee senor 
—, see P'NA. Deine é Sones ed on tee 
PrRIMEAU, Lous, guide in attack of Sitting a ee Wovoka 
BE eae OS eases Z 856 REGAN, MICHAEL, killed at Wounded Knee 
—, interpreter for Sioux delegation. ----- 891 | REGENERATION, ideaof, ridiculed by south- 
PRINCIPAL DOGS, a Kiowa warrior order. . 989 FEET Of es Sa ene ees ee 
PED Saka on paren ern rots ven aa endian Vliet insta 
ROPHETS, various, compared - - g Pee ee a Hee MLR oat 
PROPHETS TOWN, battle of -- - 688-689 | __ a pees ecvaba pene anes 
rey DIEEECANOE: —, power of, attributed to Wovoka....-.- 
Psuwa/nardm, aKtitas synonym.------ 736 Rerp, Henry, acknowledgments to..---- 
PvEBLOS, absence of ghost dance among. 805,926 | prweceky, F.T., killed at Wounded Knee 
sei CON OLU OS GSO eae as) Remy, J., on the Kentucky revival..... = 
= 1G Neko) LENGE RESURRECTION, see REGENERATION. 
PUMPKIN SEED in Caddo mythology...... 1093 | PerURN-FROM-SCOUT, Vision of wife of... 
Pict, information concerning Cohonino RicHarb, Louis, interpreter for Sioux 
from - 813 dologation so: ---= =< 2c--=- cn >= -2== 
PUYALLUP in treaty of 1854 751 | RipGE PEOPLE, a Cheyenne division...-.. 
PYRAMID LAKE, battle of, in 1860..-- 771 | RirvaL of Smohalla religion. .- Boo 
Rivers, reference to, in ghost song.----- 
QaAMI/LH, a Piskwaus chief....-..-------- 736 | RoBeRTs, J., Arapaho sacred pipe seen by 
QAMIL-‘LEMA, a Piskwaus bande s2.o-cce 736 | ROBINSON, LIEUTENANT, scouts under, in 
Qa’PNISH-‘LEMA, sketch of the 739 Sioux ombbreali.c-\--- -a22<s0--0+-secr~ == 
Q’MA‘SHPAL, a Coeur d’Aléne synonym... 733 | RoosEVELT, THEODORE, quoted on the 
QUAKERS, account of the .- oe 936 Sword-bearer affair. -.... Sonmesoantecccs 
QUANAH, former name of father of-.....- 1044 | Ross, wild, use of seeds of....-.--------- 
—, see PARKER, QUANAH. ROSEBUD AGENCY, changes in land bound- 
Quaraw name of the Comanche.....----- 1042 ATIC Of. .--.eccecceesse-ceseees sie aoee 


785, 796 
959, 1030, 1054, 1073 


1127 


Page 
732 
987 
702 
765 
738 


1051 
989 
975 
772 
936 
850 
955 


839 


987 
988 
982 
989 
1037 
1083 
848 


845, 1058 


832 
821 
820 
881 
845 
846 
852 
882 
845 


884 
971 
1026 
1085 
856 
856 
857 
900 


872 


806 
818 


821 
665 
872 
943 


916 


891 
1025 


725 


1032 
961 
850 


707 
978 


830 


1128 


Page 
ROSEBUD AGENCY, delegates from, to 

iWisshin ptonicses-mo- snes meee oeeeeene 891 
—, delegates from, to Wovoka......-...-. 820 
—, flight of indians of, to Bad lands..-..-- 850 
—, ghost dance at ..-..-. = 847 
—, number of Sioux at.. wir 845 
—, outbreak of indians of, predicted ....- 800 
Ross, —, on northwestern indian land 

CrOUD OS semen onsen sa eee eee eee 710 
Royer, D. F., agent at Pine Ridge. - 828, 848 
a DLATIN Ofer ean ee ee eee ate ae 849 
—, consultation of, with General Miles... 848 
-—, on mortality at Wounded Knee-..-.-.-- 871 
—,remoyal of Sioux indians recom- 

mended by..-...- 852 
—, statement to, on Sioux outbreak ....-. 839 
RUGER, GENERAL, on Big Foot's move- 

AMO IUUG Seeteeestee sie stare icing ie aia ese s:nciafejatanai aia 865 
—,on causes of Sioux outbreak .......... 834 
—,on mortality at Wounded Knee ....--. 870 
—, ordered to arrest Sword-bearer ....-. 3 707 
SACRIFICE, mortuary, by prairie tribes.... 782 
— pole of the Sioux. 822 
—, Scarification as &...........-.%-. CcEIeS 898 
—, see OFFERING. 

SA’DALSO'MTE-K'INAGO, Kiowa name of 

Kiowa Apache...........----. ssacdesta 1081 
SAGE, acknowledgments to...-.-..------- 655 
—, see NAKASH. 

SAGEBRUSH, use of, in sweat-bath ........ 822 
SAGE-HEN held sacred in ghost dance 982 
ai PAU tO MOY bls cen sa aclseew eis seems 1051 
— symbol on ghost shirts..........-..--- 823 
Sa'GHALEE TYEE, a Columbia indian god . 719, 722 
SAHAPTIN, sketch of the.-----...- coscHGhe 744 
—, see NEZ PERCE. 

SAINT JOHN, dance of, described. ......-.- 935 
SAINT PAUL MISSION among the Colville. - 732 
SAINT VITUS DANCE, origin of....-..-...- 935 
SAK'ora, Kiowa name of the Cheyenne. -- 1023 
SALISHAN TRIBES, absence of ghost dance 

ATEN OTE brant cme leleletns wa leininiote ai cletetecte eee ateis 805 
SALMON dance of northwestern indians -. 728 
— fishing among Columbia indians .-.--.. 717 
SALTON SEA, indian belief concerning --.- 804 
SAMILKANUIGH, an Okanagan division ... 734 
SANFORD, COLONEL, troops under, in Sioux 

CO Dae ones SEmecinstacdosinascocas 850 
SANITIKA, Pawnee name of the Arapaho ~ 954 
SANKO, Kiowa name of the Comanche.... 1043 
SANPOIL and Nespelim affinity 724 
— and Spokan affinity.................. - 733 
—, sketch of the 733 
Sans Arcs, a Teton division ......... Boos 1059 
SANS PUELLES, a Sanpoil synonym ....... 733 
SANTEE, absence of ghost dance among .. 816 
—, divisions Of the: <2... .220c--iccs-eec cans 1058 
SA/PANI, Shoshone name of Gros Ventres. 955 
SARAMINUKA, a Winnebago leader. ....-.. 700 
SARETIKA, Comanche and Shoshoni name 

OMPATAD AN Orcas sicen cine emma sate aoa 954 
SARETIKA, Wichita name of the Arapaho. 954 
SARLILSO, a Spokan synonym ............ 732 
SaAksI, absence of ghost dance among .... 817 


INDEX TO PART 2 


| Se_wyn, W. T., account of Sioux visit to 


SASA/BA-ITHI, an Arapaho division....... 
SA-SIS-E-TAS, a synonym of Cheyenne. ... 
SavHrTo, Caddo name of the Comanche.- - 
SAUK, ghost dance among the....-...---- 
SAUK AND Fox, absence of ghost dance 

AMON Pyteeen toma saan ens eee se ee ee 
— allied with Tecumtha 
—, influence 

Ch) Ye eee Se noes Same de SS caee Socodse 
SAWPAW, a Skinpé synonym... 
Scappy, a Cheyenne division. -. 
ScABBY BULL, name adopted by Sitting 

Bull.. 
SCAFFOLD BURIAL by the Cheyenne...... 
ScALps in Cherokee myth...-...---...-.. 
SCARIFICATION as a mortuary custom..... 
—, sacrificial 
ScHAFF, PHILIP, on dance of Saint John... 
—,on Fifth-monarchy men.-.-----......-. 
—, on the Flagellants.-.-.--...-... 0.052: 
ScCHARTEL, T., killed at Wounded Knee. - 
SCHOFIELD, GEN. J. M., telegram to, on 

Sioux trouble - - 


of Potawatomi prophets 


—,on Pontiac manuscript 
—,on Tecumtha 
—,on Winnebago prophecy..-.....--...-. 
SCHOOLS, eastern, objection of Sioux to-. 
—, seeCARLISLE, CIVILIZATION, EDUCATION. 
SCHROOYELPI, a Colville synonym 
ScHWENKEY, P., killed at Wounded Knee. 
SCHWOGELPI, a Colville synonym......... 
ScCHWOYELPI, a Colville synonym......... 
Scort, Capr. H. L., acknowledgments to. 
—,on ghost-dance doctrine. .- 
—,on Moon Head........ . 
—, on Sitting’ Bull. - 2a eek a nee 
—,on reputed power of Sitting Bull...-... 
—, ordered to investigate ghost dance. -.. 
Scouts, loyalty of, at Wounded Knee.... 
SEAPCAT, a Si/ipkat synonym 
SH/HIWCQ, native name of Weasel Bear... 
Sercua, the Arapaho sacred pipe. - 


[WiOM OK AD Vinee sejeeinmerene = ee el celee ee 
—, interview of, with Kuwapi.------..... 
—, inauguration of Sioux ghost dance. ... 
—, warning by, of Sioux outbreak. 
SEMAT, a Kiowa division 
—, Kiowa name of Kiowa Apache.......- 


| SEMINOLE allied with Tecumtha.......... 


| —, troops under, in Sioux outbreak .. 


SENIJEXTEE, see LAKE INDIANS. 
SE/TAS-“LEMA, habitat of the-- 
SETKOPTI, PAUL, acknowledgments to. ... 
SET?’ AINTI, tipi symbolism of... 
SEWATPALLA, a Pii‘lus synonym.......... 
SHA’AWE, a Yakima chief 
SHA"CHIDI'NI, a former Caddo village .... 
SHAFTER, COL., on the Few-Tails affair... 


SHAGAWAUM{KONG, location of _.......--. 
SHAHAN, Osage name of the Sioux ...-.-. 
SHAHAPTIAN TRIBES, absence of ghost 

dance among 
SHAILELA, Sioux name of the Cheyenne... 


{ETH. ANN. 14 


896 


896, 897 


1057 


ETH. ANN. 14] 


Page | 
SHAIENA, Sioux name of the Cheyenne. .. 1023 
SHAKERS, account of the...-..----------- 746, 941 
—, character of the.....-..-----..-------- 760 
—, growth of church of ...--------------- 759 | 
—, organization of church of -.-.---.----- 758 | 
—, tenets of religion of..-..--------------- 759 
—, Wickersham on religion of....-..----- 751 
SHALLATTOOS, a W‘shii‘natu synonym. ... 736 
SHANGREAU, Louts, conduct of, in Sioux 

OMUDLEA Kiseaee esse reece aaa 884 | 
—, interpreter for Sioux delegation. ...... 891 | 
SHANWAPAPPOM, a K'/titiis synonym ...- 736 | 
SHAPUPU-LEMA, native name of Yowa- 

luch’s'followers'.--<-.=--~----=----.-.---< 760 

SHARP Noss, acknowledgments to- 635 
—, Cheyenne delegate to Wovoka..-- 776, 900 
SHAVE Heap at arrest of Sitting Bull 857 | 
— wounded in Sitting Bull fight 857 
— killed in Sitting Bull fight..-.-.... : 858 | 
SHAWANO, final defeat of the....-.-.-.--- 672 
—, personal names of the ..-..--.-------- 683 | 
—. tribal range of the 683 
SHAWANO PROPHET, see TENSKWATAWA. 
SHAW-WAWA KOorTIACAN, see SHA’AWE. 
SHEEP, CHARLEY, acknowledgments to... 655 
—, uncle of Wovoka ...-.-..--.----.s-c00 767 
SHELL, significance of the..-..--..-...--. 1001 
SHERIDAN, GEN. P. H., promises of, to Nez 

ROnChSe sce ce cnw ici = lelsl=ai=s is mim ielein's == 714 
SHrinavo, Comanche name of the Chey- 

ENN ...- 22. - 222 --o ee ee eee eee ee 1023 
SHrIEDA, Wichita name of the Cheyenne... 1023 
SHINNY STICK of the Arapaho...-.-.---.. 964 
SHIpaPt, a pueblo indian magic lagoon .. 659 | 
SHIRT, see GHOST SHIRT. | 
SuisHinowits-ITANiuw’, Cheyenne name 

of the/Comanche:---------- 2. - ee 1043 
SHIWANISH, a Cayuse synonym...-.------. 743 
Sai wanisu, a Sahaptin synonym -...-..-.. 744 | 
SHMoQtLA, see SMOHALLA. | 
Sor? BULL, arrest of band of-....-..--- 876 | 
—, continued retreat of...-...--.-------.- 867 
—, delegate: to Wovoka. -.0--.---cee-se-e 820 
—, flight of, to Bad lands-..-.....--..- 850, 852, 884 
—, ghost dance led by-..--.------- 788, 817, 847, 1064 
—, indians urged to dance by...----.----- 849 
—, operations of, in Sioux outbreak ...... 881 
--, Pine Ridge agency attacked by...----- 873 
—, portrait of....---------- — 851 | 
—, surrender of, demanded BG 887 | 
—SSULLONG OL OL n= ans iaweleian === fermen tere e 868 | 
—, visit of, fo Wovoka-...-.----. 797, 819, 843, 894 | 
SuHosHon!I and Arapaho warfare......---- 954 | 
— and Comanche affinity -.-.-.....------ 1043 
—, ghost dance among. --. 805, 806, 807, 809, 817, 894 | 
—, early knowledge of the messiah by .--. 797 | 
—, influence of ghost dance over the. ...- 926 
—, messiah delegates among the..-.....-- » 818, 894 
— name for ghost dance .-..-..-.-.------ 791, 920 
— name of the Arapaho ................- 954 
— name of the Cheyenne ..............-- 1023 
— name of the Comanche...-....-.....--- 1043 
— name of the Gros Ventres..........--- 955 
— name of the Paiute ...-. S 1048 
— name of the Sioux ..................-- 1057 


INDEX TO PART 2 


1129 


Page 
SHOSHONI name for the whites..........- 703, 978 
—, present habitat of the.......... 806 
| —, reception of, into Mormon church...-. 790 
c— HUG V ONG. -s= acces conta se an co ceateais 654 
—, Tavibo among the. ---... 0.5.2. s0ecen =e 701 
==rvisit of Apiatallit0vsss.sseeoss<s=seee 911 
== VASIL Of, 0 \WOVOKS >= -.onses-accscesess 818, 894 
| SHYIKs, mention of the........---.-..---- 738 
SV'XpKatT, a Piskwaus band .............. 735 
SIBLEY, —, quoted on the Caddo..-....-..- . 1094 
SICHANGU, a Teton division .......-.----. 1058 
SicKELs, Miss E.C., acknowledgments to- 655 
—, Sword’s account of ghost dance pre- 
BOMLEOID Varee = se as eats ome ase ee 797 
| StpEs, JOHNSON, visit of Captain Dick to. 784 
—, Wovoka confounded with.......------ 765 
| SIGN, TRIBAL, of Kiowa Apache. 1081 
— Of GNE:ATAPRNOs «cena s-=-- 954 
—, of the'Caddo.--....- 1092 
ofthe: Cheyennees.s.ea6cec-- -2-= = san 1024 
— Ofte COMBANCNOsea—eeeeeee sean esas 1043 
== OLN INOW Bae ae alate oalatainta einai ime oi = 1078 
—, Of the: Sioux: <5. ~--/-5-=---se200--0--=25 1057 
SIGNAL, WAR, of the Sioux -.....--..-..--- 869 
SIGN LANGUAGE as medium of ghost-dance 
COMMUNICHHON. sae este weseleea cee 808 
S1wasSAPA, a Teton division -..--....-.--.. 1059 
Sumions, J. W.,adelegate tothe Yakima. 1111 
—,elected elder of Shaker church.-....... 75) 
SINAPOILS, a Sanpoilsynonym....-....--- 733 
| Srnpr, a Kiowa hero god. -....--....---- 1064, 1080 
SuUNbryv’l, a Kiowa division An 1079 
SINEEGUOMENAH, an Upper Spokan syno- 
732 
SINHUMANISH, a Spokan synonym..-. 732 
SINIPOUALS, a Sanpoil synonym... 733 
SINKOMAN, a Spokan synonym ....------- 732 
SINPAIVELISH, a Sanpoil synonym......-- 733 
SINPOHELLECHACH, an Okanagan division. 734 
—, a Sanpoil synonym..---.--------.----- 733 
SINPOILSCHNE, a Sanpoil synonym..--..-. 733 
SrNsIusE, an Isle de Pierre synonym..-.- 734 
SINSPEELISH, a Nespelim synonym..-.-.-.- 733 
SInTI, a Kiowa hero god.......-----.-.. 1064, 1080 
| SinroorToo, a Middle Spokan synonym... 732 
SINWHOYELPPETOOK, an Okanagan divi- 
BION See seecela Selsies'slsineic.e/ate=\-[e1</==s.0'= = -.5 734 
S1oux, absence of ghost dance among cer- 
tain! band sjOfee-- <2 -sers 5 ssccecee sess 816 
—, account of the---- 1057 
— and Cheyenne hostility 1024 
— and Kiowa early warfare- 1080 
—, delegation of, to Wovoka.......------ 813, 894 
| —, discontinuance of ghost dance among. 927 
— drawings of the ghost dance.-...----- 1060 
—, failure of crops among..-.------------ 826 
—, features of ghost dance among..-..--- 802, 822 
—, first knowledge of messiah among the. 819 
—, ghost dance among the-..-.--.---..--- 654, 
787, 796, 816, 817, 819, 915 
—, glossary of the......---------.:-----++ 1075 
—, how affected by the ghost dance ...... 927 
— habitat and population. -............--- 824 
— name of the Arapaho...............-. 954 
— name of the Cheyenne ......----...-.- 1023 


1130 


INDEX TO PART 2 


Page 
Srovcx, number of, in ghost dance. ..-.--- 817 
— name of ghost dance.............-.-.- 791 
— outbreak, account of the......-..----- 843 
— outbreak, causes of ......-----.--- 824, 825, 829 
—ONtDreak COStOlLL«- ss een eee sees 843, 891. 892 
— outbreak, effect of, on neighborhood... 892 
— outbreak, end of the.........-...--.-- 888 
— outbreak, number killed in - . $71, 891 
— outbreak, warning of -..-...........-- 821 
— outbreak, see WOUNDED KNEE. 
—, population of the ...--.......-.5.2...6 844 
—, reduction of rations among ....-.-..-- 827 
— reservation, division of ..........-.--- 840 
—, reservation experience of.......-.----- 833 
== SOULS OM LNOrnaicretemaie wisiaina.= <la'r alesis siento 1061 
—, symbolic representation of.....---.--- 789 
— SYMONYMYOL thos ccc ole soe cemsanaae 1057 
—, treatment of, by government--......... 827 
——treatyiOr 1868)2--- = <2. sc -.cinacaanenacen 824, 839 
— treabyiOl 1816). ~~ -=mieian-ie nomena mae 825 
—stPOAty, Of; 1807) <2 =n-cnnne msieinasc ese =n~ = 838 
—, tree used by, in ghost dance ........-- 979 
—, tribal sign of the. - 1057 
—, Visit to the.......-- 7 767 
SIsITONWAN, a Sioux division 1058 
SISSETON, a Sioux division. ..........---- 1058 
SITANKA, see BiG Foor. 
SittinG BULL (Arapaho), acknowledg- 

MEN [SILO sen eee se anon ean 655 
—, belief of, regarding ghost dance. .-..... 786 
—, decline of interest of, in ghost dance.. 901 
—, ghost song composed by........-...--. 972 

—, ghost song introduced by.-......--..--- 965 
—, hypnotism performed by-.---..---- 899, 923, 972 
—, instruction in ghost-dance doctrine by. 895 
Ss DOLUT ALL Ol sawmemaiaehiasseeaeee alesse 896 
—, prediction of 909 
—, reputed power of....---- 896, 897 
—, sacred feather conferred b 919 
—— SKEbCOL: «tenes case seecese senate 895 
—, statement of, at Anadarko council .--. 913 
—, visit Of, tov Wiov0ka: <n.cccencececcs 817, 894, 901 
Sirtine Buy (Sioux), account of trouble 

BWW Ttetcteyofale moe aa veletelata(eee a tetelaia’siayeteraia asi 843 
mt ATT OR GOle == saicitis eee teian cee seetentia/ces 857 
—, attempt to arrest.......22..-02--22-020+ 854 
idea hol. a armcc sae talncanacieeeenetee ete 857, 860 
—evil'influence of. <2 2.- 2.06... cececcens B44 
—, flight of warriors of................--- 858 
—, ghost dance at camp of............--.. 853 
—, ghost dance continued by . 847 
—, ghost dance invited by...... 847 

—, interview of McLaughlin with. 849 
—-,map of fight at camp of ............... 859 
—. mischief plotted by ................-2. 854 
—, number killed in fight with ........... 891 
—,number of followers of..-............. 864 
—, opposition of, to land cession.......... 845 
= OLGOL LOLATLEst Ole ccesunce coc ce ae cee cs 855 
—, peace pipe broken by ..........-...... 854 
—, plan of, to evade arrest........-..-.... 855 
=< DOMUTAML Oljica cine nneeicccicesaasceecea= sce 858 
—— FEMOVAl Of, ALVISO... o-.+- someone aes 848, 854 
—, responsibility of, for Sioux outbreak... 832, 852 
= SKOtCM Olsacacisacicetetesace Aasacce ses 860 


(ETH. ANN. 14 


Page 
SITTING BULL (Sioux), surrender of war- 

TOTS! O lepaic tials wcles'stae sine ieise se eee 860, 862, 871 
Siur Ports, a synonym of Sanpoil.--..... 733 
SKADDAL, a synonym of Ska/utal.......-.. 736 
SKALZI,a synonym of Kutenai ----.-..-.-- 731 
SKAMOYNUMACH, an Okanagan division -. 36 
SkKa’‘UTAL, a Piskwaus band ...-...--...--. 734 
SKEECHAWAY, a Cceur d’Aléne synonym. 733 
SKEETSOMISH, a Coeur d’Aléne synonym. 733 
SKIEN, a synonym of Skinpi 740 
SKIN, a synonym of Skinpii.....-......--. 740 
SKINPA, sketch of the 740 
SKINPAH, @ synonym of Skinpa Z 738, 740 
SKITSAMUQ, a synonym of Cceur d’ MGs ne. 733 
SKITSWISH, a synonym of Coeur d’Aléne-. 733 
SKOKOMISH, Shaker religion among the .. 747 
SKULL, buffalo, figurative reference to.... 1002 
—, buffalo, use of, in ceremonials ......-.. 980 
SKUNKBERRY PEOPLE, a Kiowa warrior 

ordertizct a noise pec ae es ee oer 989 
SKU’TANI, Sioux name of Gros Ventres. .. 955 
SKWA’NANA, a Piskwaus band.......----. 36 


rs 
a 


SKYUSE, a Cayuse synonym . 


~ 

ie 

a 
a9 494 


SLocuM, JOHN, account of. 52 
——(CONVErsion Ofe---=--eea-ae eo 3 51 
—, elected elder of Shaker church.....-... 58 
—, how regarded by the Shakers......... 750 
SMALLPOX, appearance of, in Columbia 

TOP] ON coe emcee ae (ects eee ee a eemeniones 743 
SMAWHOLA, a Smohalla synonym.......-.. N17 
SMITH, JOHN, elected elder of Shaker 

Church: 2--<e-m-- sone eee aoe aeee aaa eee 758 
SMOHALLA, account of.............-..--.. 708 
— religion, account of the................ 708 
— religion, doctrine of ......-...----..-.. 716 
— religion, tribes under influence of -..-.. 731 
SMOHALLER, a Smohalla synonym -.- 17 
SMOHALLOW, a Smohalla synonym....-.-. 717 
SMOHANLEE, a Smohalla synonym ......-. NZ 
SMOHOLLIE, a Smohalla synonym..--..... 717 
SMOKEHOLER, & Smohalla synonym.-.-..- 717 
SMOKELLER, a Smoballa synonym ......-. 711,717 
SMOKING, ceremonial, by Arapaho -....-- 918, 1730 
SMOKY LODGES, a Cheyenne division...-.- 1025 
SMUXALE, a Smohalla synonym .........- 717 
SNAKES, handling of, by Crazy dancers... 1033 
— in Sioux mythology <co-asmceno seessee 1063 
SNOHOLLIE, a Smohalla synonym ......... 717 
SNOOHOLLER, a Smohalla synonym .....-- 717 
SNOW-SNAKE and Arapaho game com- 

pared 1007 
SNYDER, SIMON, cited on Sword-bearer. . -- 707 
SOKULK,a Wa‘naptim synonym.....-. 5 735 
SOMAHALLIE, a Smohalla synonym. 717 
Sona, closing, of the Arapaho.....-. 1012 
—, closing, significance of .-. 5 918 
—, gambling, of the Paiute. 1009 
— of the Sioux campaign. ' 883 
Sonas, ghost-dance, peters: ul of. “ 5 918 
— in Smohalla ceremony. -...--.--------- 730 
— of the Arapaho. ..........0...---sanes 958 
== (Of PHO OAdCO vc cnis's == <= EEO HE SECO ESEIO 1096 
—JOf the CHOY CNN > creas coe eaemonte 1028 
== Ofte COMANCHE: =a .0- <= mcesaaaennaae 1046 
— of the ghost dance.........----------- 920, 953 


ETH. ANN. 14] 


Page 
Sones of the Paiute...............--..--- 1052 
=~ OURO SOAKOYSs ==. sscte a nweian ss ae='= = 755 
— of the Sioux...... 917, 1061 
—, Paiute, characterof-----.------------- 1050 
—— Pain: Of WONOKRas2 see en. eae 772 
Sousa, J. P., acknowledgments to..-...-.. 655 
SouTuey, R., cited on French prophets. -. 939 
—, cited on Methodists 941 
So/WAniA, a Cheyenne synonym 1025 
Sowwanl'v, the Algonquian spirit world. 982 
SOYENNOM, mention of, by Lewis and 
Clarkes aac eee eet cena ice seeenee anices 745 
SPANIARDS, indian regard for the......-.- 676 
—, relations of, with the Caddo.-..-.....- 1094 
SPEAR MEN, an Arapaho warrior order -.- 988 
SPIRIT WORDD, location of .....----------- 982, 983 
SPoFFORD, A. R., acknowledgments to.... 655 
SPOKAN, present habitat of the.........-- 805 
— SH GUCH OPCHOs- case nas cee eons eon ns 732 
SPOKIHNISH, a Spokan synonym ..-..-.---- 732 
SPOKOMISH, a Spokan synonym.....-.--.- 732 
SpoTrep HorskE, an Arapaho chief .-...-.- 956 
— on the Sioux outbreak. ..............-. 839 
—on the Wounded Knee massacre 885 
SQUANNAROOS, a Skwa/naind synonym. .-.. 736 
SQUAXIN in treaty of 1854... 7351 
— leaders in Shaker religion. .-... 746 
— membership in Shaker church....:...-. 759 
SQUIRREL, Caddo delegate to Wovoka-... 903 
SQU-SACHT-UN, see SLOCUM, JOHN. 
STAITAN, a synonym of Cheyenne...-..-.-. 1023 
SraLKoosum, a Piskwaus chief...--....- 736 
STANDING BEAR, Kicking Bear's surren- 
MOKCHGCLEd gD vencacriscasac---soewes> == 868 
STANDING BEAR, ELLIs, acknowledgments 
HO) sabato cisstadosobo cacoso7enecupeescmose 655 
STANDING BULL, Cheyenne delegate to 
DWiOVOK AD meen caccsinc pe cewecces wonseos 900 
STANDING ROCK AGENCY, delegates from, 
LOMWiaS HAN ELON awe cfe sons ne eae ene ae 891 
—, disaffection of indians at 834 
—— PHOSUGANCO ato -cccs5=-isas esses see 847, 848 
STANDING SOLDIER, scout at Wounded 
KOS soaasae anata aoe one aa eee 876 
STAR, evening, personification of the 1098 
—, morning, indian reverence for........- 1011 
STAR MEN, an*Arapaho warrior order...- 987 
STENHOCSE, T. B. H., cited on Mormonism 790 
STEPHEN, A. M., acknowledgments to.. .- 655 
—,on Cohonino ghost dance .-.----.....-- 812 
—,on Hopi regeneration myth-.--.....-. 811 


—,on Navaho knowledge of ghost dance. 810,811 


STEPTOE, COL., fight of, with Chief Moses. 734 
Srevens, I. I., on Cayuse and Kltkatit 

LIGBVALN RN / encecc depen dean= aS pASSeaeeeae 738 
- ,on the Cayuse 744 

,on the meaning of Yakima...-........ 737 
—,on the Piskwaus.........-- 5 736 
—, treaty of 1854 by....-....--..---- 751 
STIETSHOI!, a Ceeur d’Aléne synonym... 733 
STOBSHADDAT, a Yii/kima synonym 737 
Stone, H.B., killed at Wounded Knee... 872 
STRAIGHT HEAD, a delegate to Washing- 

(LONE nena oninieiemmne arith asace cia. sos 891 
Srrincs knotted as message bearer... .- 659 


INDEX TO PART 2 


STURGIS, COLONEL, in Nez Percé war..... 
| SumNeER, Cou. E. V., ordered to arrest Big 
G0 biecescc ane tenis. aces eee eae 
—, troops under, in Sioux outbreak .-.-.-. 
Sn, indian myth concerning...-..-..----- 
—, Paiute notion concerning the....-....- 
—, personification of the..........-.-...- 
= PIAVELritO~Nes<--2 0. 2se= co oeseee esos 
—, Sacred nerarntor the: .-ecaesaecaar oes 
—, Symbolism of the. ..........-.esseccuce 
—, see ECLIPSE. 
SUN DANCE among the Cheyenne......... 
— among the Kiowa .-.--.... Sonsseecoobe 
Sunpay selected for the ghost dance -.... 
Sura/si’Na, a Cheyenne division.......... 
Stra/ya, a Cheyenne division.... 
SUTHERLAND, T. A.,on Nez Percé wa 
SvTI, a synonym of Sitta’ya 
SWEAT-BATH, preliminary to ghost dance. - 


| —, useof, described........-.-....-----.-- 
SWEAT-LODGE, buffalo skull in front of... 
| —, ceremonial, of the Arapaho..-.-....... 
—, ghost-song reference to............-.-- 
] GF UG) oI AO) oe—nenosenoqdecoboneos 
— of the Sioux described................- 
—, use of, in ghost dance -.............2.- 
—, use of the........-..-... dobocneresedce 
SWIELPEE, a Colville synonym.......-.... 
SworpD, GEORGE, acknowledgments to.... 
—, account of ghost dance by..-.-.-..----. 
—, delegate to Washington.-.............. 
—, onadvent of the messiah. -...- 
—,on Sioux knowledge of the me 
—, vision of 2 
—,on Wounded Knee massacre 
SworpD, JENNIE, survivor of Wounded 


—, effect of affair of, on the Crow........- 
—, origin of name 
SYMBOLISM, ceremonial, in Shakerreligion. 
—, color, in ghostdance...-...--..-....... 
—, color, in Smohallaritual............... 
—, earth, turtle the representative of..-.. 
—,mnemonie, invented by Smohalla...... 
—ofamammObecssesoar=n- ees cn ee: seees 
— of natural phenomena................. 
SOP WUC OnE Se Se eo ee eer 
= OS COURT seeesnicenaasiscee ce Seas 
—of the cross 
— of the crow 
—of the ghost dance 
| —of the planets 
— on ghost shirts 
Synonymy of the Caddo... 
— of the Cheyenne 
— of the Comanche 
— of the Kiowa 
— of the Paiute 
— of the Sioux 


TABINSHI, visit of, to Wovoka..----.-.-.- 
TABU of certain articles in ghost dance.. 


- 798, 


787, 
803, 822 
822 
980 
989 
981 
960 
822 
798 
981 
732 
655 
796 
891 
816 
819 
821 
885 


880 
706 
816 
706 
761 
919 
, 129 
976 
720 
905 
905 
980 
809, 979 
1011 
1072 
920 

823 

823 
1092 
1023 
1043 
1078 
1048 
1057 


738, 
916, 921 


1132 


Page 
Taxsu of Comanche names.... 1044 
— of fire in certain ghost dances ..-..-.-. 802 


TaGu'l, Kiowa name of Kiowa Apache... 1081 
TA A’KO, Kiowa name of northern 

PATA Dal Omeeeer erence cess eiser eee meee 955 
AAT “AQ SE GC DRO LOUNGE wee neice se seer 742 
TAIGH, a Tai/-Aq synonym.......-...-.-.. 742 
TA-IH, & ‘Tai!-iq synonym) ..-...-..5...... 742 
TAI-KIE-A-PAIN, a Taitinapam synonym .. 739 
TAIRTLA, a Tai’-Aq synonym ......_....-. 742 
TaITINAPAM and Klikatit aflinity -.-..-.- 738 
——y SKOLCH OL sbNO: wacamaaneeitette « ano Sna 739 
Tar/vo, Shoshonean name for the whites- 978 
Ta'KA-I, Kiowa name of the whites ...--- 978 
TALL BEAR, hummer used by ..---..------ 975 
TALL BULL, Cheyenne delegate to Wo- 

voka 775, 900 
TAMA, acknowledgments to 655 
TAMANA/RAYARA, Shoshoni name of ghost 

dance - 791 
TANA/RAYUN, Shoshoni name of ghost 

GEC > aa Ser eipecdortedacosdss obevescobc 791 
TANI/BANEN, a Caddo synonym.......---- 1092 
TANI/BATHA, a Caddo synonym........--- 1092 
TANI/MA, a Comanche band...-... Sesiete 1045 
TANNER, JOHN, on Ojibwa name of Gros 

WWIGTILLOS corcmet cone ceca cinseeiiee aces = 955 
—,on the Shawano prophet ........---.-. 673 
—,on Tenskwatawa among the Ojibwa -- 677 
T/ANPE/KO, a Kiowa warrior order. -.-..--- 989 
Taos, ghost dance at .-.....-.... - 805, 926 
TAPANASH, sketch of the .....-. 740 
TA’PTEAL, application of name. os 739 
Ta’sawiks, a Piilus village.......- ee 735 
TA’SHIN, Comanche name of Kiow 

FATE ONO RAS Aa DARA Sp Goan OR RES Saco HaSoCn 1081 
TATANKA IYOTANKE, native name of Sit- 

[eS HN bocouats copaseonogsanccaqaasa 860 
TATQUNMA, the proper form of Thatuna. 745 
TATTOOED PEOPLE, the Wichita so called. 1095 
Tatum, LAwri£, Wichita interpreter to 

Wovoka delegation ..................-- 903 
TRA VIBO; ACCOUNL OL amas eco eee cane = 701, 764 
= Wovoka'siaccount Ol - ~~ ccs. «jes seems 771 
TawAKONI, a Wichita subtribe .........- 1095 
TAWE/HASH, a synonym of Wichita..-.-. 1095 
TayYLor, LIEvT., at surrender of Big Foot. 867 
TAYLor, MAJ., at battle of Prophet's town 688 
TcHILOUIT, a Tlaqluit synonym .......... 740 
TECUMTHA, account of ....... : 681 
—, address of, to Harrison . 5 721 
—, defeat of ..-. 3506 co 689 
—,end of. -..-.- 691 
—, etymology of......... 8 681 
— joins the British army ..............-. 690 
—— ALON CALOOL Osc eae ninins'sscictccinee 690 
TELEGRAMS on Sioux trouble............ 835, 836 
TE/NAHWIT, a Comanche band............ 1045 
TENA‘wWA, a Comanche band.....--....-.. 1045 
TE/NBIYU'I, a Kiowa warrior order....... 989 
TENINO, present habitat of ............... 805 
tS KOLCHIOLMiNOra aeslte ee seeisiciaee ccs ccien 742 
TENSKWATAWA, account of..............- 670 
= ObYMOlO Lyi nan pn alesieneise em sinsisaisei= = 674 
—, extent of influence uf ......sceceeeeees 927 


INDEX TO PART 2 


(ETH. ANN. 14 


Page 

TEPDA, a Kiowa synonym............-... 1087 
TERRY, GEN., pursuit of Sitting Bull by. . 860 
TETAU, a synonym of Comanche....-.... 1043 
TETE PELEE, a synonym of Comanche... 1043 
LETON, a Sioux division. ....--.--2.---n<- 1058 
TH ACCOUNMOLGULO)A 2. esis e aereeeeemen ete 1058 
—, number of, in ghost dance .-..-.-..... 817 
TEXAS BEN, offer of services by.-...--.-. 893 
THA'KAHINE’NA, Arapaho name of Kiowa 

Apaches nccccasccon oe oeasimentee eaten asso 1081 
THATUNA, origin of name 745 
TaHiG0/NAwaT, Arapaho name of ghost 

CANCE Soce veers seas eeac essen aes eases 791 
THompson, A. H., account of Tivibo by.. 703 
—, acknowledgments to -..-...-.--.-..... 655 
—,on the Paiute prophet 702 
THREE STARS, CLARENCE, interpreter for 

Slouxideleration’----.-.<seesenoaasee=e 891 
THUNDER, indian notion concerning...--. 968 
—, personification of the............... 1097, 1099 
THUNDER BAY, origin of name. .-........ 968 
THUNDERBERRIES used as food .......--. 996 
THUNDERBIRD, account of the............ 968 
—— ML SUTOLOL NO etarcistcmatejisslaseisiee ee sees 969 
—, reference to,in Arapaho song.....-... 978 
SONS Olthe emcee sne see aca ee 976 
THUNDER’S NEST, origin of name....-.- ore 968 
ADTANAUNT: ; each iOlce secesce cee nese estes 727 
—, Smohalla service conducted by .-.--.-. 727 
TILFORD, COLONEL, troops under, in Sioux 

Outbreak so. news econ eeeeseenaeos se 850 
TILHULHWIT, a Tlaqluit synonym 740 
TYLQONI, sketch of the .......-. x 742 
TIME reckoning among indians. T74 
Tipt, a Sioux word. 1059 
—of the Arapaho...... 957 
TIPPECANOE, account of......-..--....... 681 
—— sPLOPOL OTM lace esinesenivelter ae slate 684 
TivoNWAX, a Sioux division......-....... 1058 
—, see 'TETON. 
Trv1s, WILLIAM, acknowledgments to .... 655 
TLAQLUGIT, Bketch ofthe... -<<-cceccnsces 740 
TLINKIT, sacred regard of, for the crow.. 982 
Tosacco offering by the Sioux .......... 822 
TOBIN, JAMES, appointed minister of Sha- 

Ikerchurchicce secmce ssi seins ecco 758 
To/NGYA-GU/ADAL, Kiowanameot Red Tail — 1085 
TONKON’KO, a Kiowa warrior order ...... 989 
TOOHULHULSOTE, a Dreamer priest.-.....- 713 
TOPINISH, a Qa’pnish-‘léma synonym. 739 
—and Klikatit afiinity ........... 738 
Tors used by Arapaho boys ..- 5 1006 
TOTEM, significance of -...-..-...-. 2 696 
TOWAHNAHIOOK, application of name . 742 
Towakonl Jim, acknowledgments to. 655 
TRANCES in ancient times. ara 929 
—- in Shaker religion...-..-.- 746, 751, 752 
— of the Shawano prophet. - 673 
—of Smohalla 719 
—ot Wovoka..- 771 
—, see DREAM, HyPNOTISM, VISION. 
TRANSFORMATION in ghost-dance doctrine. 1068 
TREATY between Iroquois and Cherokee. 670 
ORC POL G00 a wiecineaincecemacecemane 1094 
—— Comanche, Of 1835)... .scscccccesceceos 1044 


ETH, ANN. 14] 


Page 

TREATY, effect of, on the Sioux......----- 829 
—, failure of government to fulfill. .-. 710-712, 
: 827, 830, 831, 834, 835, 836, 840 


mK OW AOD Ga teem meee ies a nwa 

— of Edwardsville . 

— of Greenville...- : 

—of Medicine Lodge in 1867 - 957, 1044 
== Siibs, OF 1 Soak So sescgeascociee $24, 839 
—, Sioux, of 1876 825 
—, Sioux, of 1877. 838 
a Va IM a, Of, 1800. .<cn- == aicicese seas ere 737 
TREATY PIPE illustrated......-....-:----- 688 
TREE, sacred, in ghost-dance symbolism. 789 
— used in Cohonino ceremony...--.------ 813 
— used in ghost dance -.-..- 802, 823, 916, 979, 1075 


—, see CEDAR, COTTONWOOD, POLE. 
Troops, appearance of, among the Sioux. 847, 850 


—, conduct of, at Wounded Knee. .--..--- 876 
—, effect of, on ghost dance............- aS 853 
—, effect on Sioux of appearance of.....-- 852 
——formed@of indians..---....--------.---- 891 
— killed at Wounded Knee...-....--..--- 871 
—, necessity for, in Sioux outbreak .....- 832 
—, number of, in Sioux outbreak. .-......- 850,866 
TSABAKOSH, Caddo name of the Sioux... -- 1057 
TSAN‘YUI, a Kiowa warrior order. -.-...-... 989 
TSCHADDAM RELIGION, account of... ..-- = 751 

A 989 
TSILLANE, an Okanagan division. .... 734 
TUKABACHI, visit of Tecumtha to. - - 687 
TOxksP0’sH, sketch of the......-.-.--.. = 743 
TCKsPCsH-‘LEMA, a Tikspish synonym... 743 
TULE POLLEN used in Navaho ceremony. - 705 
TUMWATER, Smohalla performances at. -- 725 
Tupac AMARU, a Peruvian hero god....- 660 


TUPPER, MaJor, pursuit of Sioux by -.-- 861 


‘TURKEY FEATHERS on Cheyenne arrows.- 1024 
TURNING BEAR, flight of, to Bad lands---- 884 
TuRNING HAWKE, delegate to Washing- 
891 
884, 885, 886 
959 
—in primitive mythology...-...---- Sene6 976 
TURTLE RIVER, identification of ...-. Gacde 1029 
TUSHEPAW, asynonym of Kutenai...... 731 
Tvu’sHipa, application of the term.--....-.. 731 
Twouia, DANIEL, killed at Wounded Knee 872 
Two KETTLES, a Teton division.--....-- E 1059 
Two STRIKE at battle of Wounded Knee. . 873 
—, flight of, to Bad lands.-.............-.. 884 
—, ghost danceled by.-...- SDnERob Sou 847 
—, operations of, in Sioux outbreak 881 
Sy aa aheodabocsssecamcssosooes 867, 868 
—, Pine Ridge agency attacked by...---. 873, 875 
Tyicu#, a Tai'-iq synonym........... achat 742 
Ucni'cHo., sketch of the..............--. 740 
UGLY-FACE-WOMAN, trance experience of. 962 
U'MANHAN, meaning of word....-..-..--. 1093 
UMATILLA opinion of land assignments... 710 
—, present habitat of the 805 
—, sketch of the....... = 744 
—, Smohalla performances at..........-.- 725 
UMATILLA RESERVE, indians on........... 805 
—, Visit of Sioux delegates to...........-- 820 


INDEX TO PART 2 


113% 


Page 
UppPer CHINOOK, a Kwikwilit synonym. 741 
Utxt and Arapaho warfare. --. 954 
—, attendance of, at ghost dance 802 
805 
806 
—, reception of, into Mormon church. .-.- 790 
—,southern, absence of ghost dance 
SLOT Eternia meet wae leas wre eee terete 805, 806 
UTENSILS of the Paiute.-............---=- 770 
UTILLA, a Umatilla synonym............- 744 
ViROQUvA, account of......---- Sooanbortcs 893 
VISION of Bidnk'‘i..-...... oes 910 
—, see DREAM, HYPNOTISM, TRANCE. 
VOCABULARY, see GLOSSARY, LANGUAGE. 
Vorn, H. R., acknowledgments to-.--.--- 655 
—,on Cheyenne sacred paint-. 1029 
—,on figurative use of shell... 1001 
Wa-al/H, aComanche band......-.-.....-. 1045 
Waco, a Wichita subtribe............... 1095 
WAFFORD, JAMES, On Shawano prophet 
among Cherokees......----- acesnssoaths 676 
WAHCLELLAH, a Kwikwilit synonym....  , 741 
WaAHOWPUM, a Hihau’piim synonym....- 739 
WAHPACOOTA, a Sioux division 1058 
WAHPETON, a Sioux division 1058 
WaArAm, sketchrof the. -...5-2..---::-:--< 741 
WAIAM-‘LEMA, a Waiiim synonym...-..-. 741 
Wal'LETMA, a Cayuse synonym ...-..-...- 743, 744 
WaAILé'TPU, a Cayuse synonym .....-. mare 743 
Walp-SHWA, see SMOHALLA. 
Watapal, ghost dance among the-...... 785, 
786, 805, 814, 921 
WALAWALTZ, 2 Wallawalla synonym... .-. 744 
WALKER, CHARLES, elected elder of Shaker 
eburch - - 758 


WALKER, HENRY, cure of, by Shakers ..-. 754 
WALKER, JAMES, elected elder of Shaker 


ODER De eS oomnnodse sete cose gbecdote, 758 
WALLACE, Capt., killed at Wounded Knee 871 
WALLAWALLA and Cayuse intermarriage. T44 
— opinion of land assignments .-.....--- 710 
—, present habitat of the...-............- 805 
—, sketch of the 744 
WALU'LA-POUM, a Wallawalla band ......- 744 
WAMPUM BELT, significance of -. - 662, 685 


WanaA/GHI WA/CHIPI, Sioux name of ghost 
GENCE a nes ecudeko Senn OTE Be OnoSonaee 791 


Wa/NAPOM and Pa lus affinity 735 
—, incorporation of Chimna’piim with... 739 
= NOLO:OUNUNG see sats sed se cisieisia’e(s oa oe 5 716 
— BKOLCh OlithOtes arc sas v een aae sewers = 735 
WAND, use of, in Sioux ceremony. - = 823 
WANWAUAI, application of name..--..--- 742 
WAPAKONETA, an indian settlement in 

Ohio -. 7 672 
Wa/PAMETANT, a Sahaptin synonym ..-... 744 
WaAPTAULMiM, a Ya’kima synonym......- 737 
WAQPEKUTE, a Sioux division ........--- 1058 
WaQPETONWAN, a Sioux division ......-. 1058 
Waaqur'st, native name of Ugly-face-wo- 

PYUA e nis iste a aw siesta aisle ae ae nea lane tale 962 
Wa’QuiTuHi, an Arapaho division 957 


Wak forbidden by ghost-dance’doctrine.. 783, 796 


1134 


Page 
War bonnets, eagle feathers used in...-- 1072 
— Department, acknowledgments to .--. 655 
— signal of the Sioux ...........-.-...... 869 
WARDEN, CLEVER, acknowledgments to-. 655 
WARMSPRING INDIANS, present habitat of. 805 
—, see TENINO. 
WARMSPRING RESERVE, indians on..-..--- 805 
Warner, C. C., letter of, on Wovoka.... 767 
WARNER, Masor, Sioux commissioner. -- 839 
WARREN, W. W., onthe Shawano prophet. 673 
—,on Shawano religion among Ojibwa. .- 677 
WARRIOR ORDER of the Kiowa.....------ 989 
—, society of the Arapaho .-.....-.-.---- 986 
Warriors, Cheyenne renowned as. .--.--- 1027 
—, Sioux, number of. 852 
Wasco, present habitat of. 805 
—, sketch of the.......------ 741 
WascopuM, a Wasko synonym. 741 
WéASHEE, a delegate to Wovoka -.-...---- 894, 901 
WASHINGTON, see COLUMBIA REGION. 
W.ASHO, account of the........5.5.------- 1051 
—, ghost dance among the ...- - 785, 804 
= MAaMoOL the Laue esas as eaa melee to 1048 
WA’siu, a Washo synonym..--.-.--...---- 1051 
WATAN-GAA, see BLACK COYOTE. 
WartER, sacred regard for---..---......-. 919 
W ATER-POURING MEN, an Arapaho priestly 

Ct ES eR Sd aon ee aSoRsasnCS 939 
WATLALA, a Kwikwilit synonym .------ vest 
WATONGA, derivation of name. -..-.------ 897 
W AUGH-ZEE-WAUGH-BER among the Paiute 703 
—,name applied to Ta’vibo............-. 765 
WAYYAMPA, a Waiiim synonym. -.. & 741 
Weapons of the Arapaho....-...-- 987, 988 
—- prohibited in ghost dance 788 
WEASEL Bear, portrait of- 4 844 
—,sacred pipe shown by. s 961 
—, the sacred pipe keeper......-......--. 955, 959 
WELLS, PHILIP, interpreter at Wounded 

TSM EO s/o icone savecisjencseelsemcce'sic m= ==\sin sis 881 
—, acknowledgments to .......----------- 655 
WELLs, CAPTAIN, in Sioux outbreak..... 850, 861 
WELLS, GEN., at battle of Prophet's town. 688 
WELSH, HERBERT, On indian regard for 

(OoK0T Se eS roe sn OCH Posse nesooeancse 826 
—,on Wounded Knee massacre. -.....---- 869 
WENATSHAPAM, a Piskwaus synonym... 738 
WESLEY, CHARLES, on French prophets. - 939 
EE OTM OLNOUISER sem niccceitecimeecines eee 940 
—,on the Jumpers .-... 939 
WEVOKAR, name applied to Wovoka -.-.. 765 
WEYEHHOO, a KJa/kitiit synonym .....-.- 738 
Wueaton, Cou., troops under, at Pine 

RIG Ger oaen cere ncier ce -> = = = 850 
WHEEL-GAME of plains tribes. - 994, 995 
WHEELPOO, a Colville synonym. ue 732 
WHIRLWIND in Paiute ghost son 1054, 1055 
—, indian reverence for - A 1034 
— BONG OL tO eee ac ce cmmpeineae'ei-= -=- Abe 907 
WHISTLE, eagle-bone, used by medicine- 

IAN © oop emcinice cote cecmesciem asia snc am sa s0 868 
—, use of, in the sun dance.-...........-.-- 992 
WHITE, FRANK, a Pawnee ghost-dance 

IGE itor pee onbcooccucoeccnTQsOLe LES 902 


Witz BEAR, see SETT AINTI. 


INDEX TO PART 2 


(ETH. ANN. 14 


Page 
WuiteE Birp, delegate to Washington. --. 891 
— ignored in Sioux difficulty.........--. 832 
WHITE BuFFALO, ghost shirt introduced 

Dy sasciet see ee sees twee nome Re aciae eee 791 
WHITE CLAY CREEK, destruction of prop- 

Gri ALY NBO SOR SOLD SoCs aa eSnOsHGooannanosa 881 
=, PHOSUCANCE ON acces Seseecise cena ee 846, 916 
—, NOStiIE:SiOUX ON esse cccc = enteaamaen sees 873, 882 
— SOUR COUNCIL ON a. -wecsem emesis qna= = 821 
Waite Horse, flight of, to Bad lands. --. 884 
WHITE SHIELD, Cheyenne delegate to Wo- 

895 
WHITE-TAIL DEER PEOPLE, a synonym of 
Kutenai Sans 731 
| WHITMAN, Dr, aceused of witcheraft 724 
—, killed by indians. soc. -- nen aa n—= 743 
WuHiITsIDE, Masor, Big Foot's band inter- 

(yb th fon aaE ssoooddduoRgecccencenecss 867 
—, on mortality at Wounded Knee..------ 70 
WHULWHyPUM, a Klt/kaitit synonym. --. 738 
WVALETr-POM, a Cayuse synonym......--- 744 
WICHITA, accountiofthe..----2---.----- 1095 
—, delegation of, to Wovoka..---- - 901, 903 


—, ghostdanceamongthe- 653, 786, 895, 898, 902, 927 


—= name of the Arapaho: 2.22. 2--.----- 954 
= Name Of the! Caddo: ssee=scc cesar eects 1092 
— name of the Cheyenne ....--.......-.. 1023 
— name of the Comanche....-.----.-..... 1043 
— name of the Kiowa Apache. oe 1081 
—, refusal of, to accept A’piatai’s report . 914 
WICKERSHAM, J AS., acknowledgments to- 655 
—,on Aiyaliand Yowaluch..-.-----------~ 1111 
—, on the Shaker religion. .-..-- - 750, 751 
—, Shaker songs recorded by...-.-.....-- 755 
WYI'pyu, a Comanche band..----....------ 1044 
Wik1up, Paiute, description of......--- 1049, 1050 
WILDERNESS WORSHIPERS, account of... - 946 
WILHAUER, GEORGE, killed at Wounded 

1G Psosashosopogenceratenoeas==aeos 871, 876 
WILLEWAH, mention of, by Lewis and 

Clark: trccarcisesraseteee aise = nace ae 745 
WILLIAMS, RoGER, on indian regard for 

DLOWS rene ste nts cleetare werent ae eee ree 982 
WILLOW CREEK INDIANS, a Lohim syn- 

ONY .. 2222-2202. ---- neon ene e eens e sees 743 
WILsoN, Bitty, Caddo delegate to W ovoka. 903 
Wixson, Davip, employer of Wovoka.... 765 
WILson, JACK, name applied to Wovoka - 765 
WILSON, JACKSON, name applied to Wo- 

WONKA cletejane ste'atelisine ates afaterettate are eteeeeta 765 
WILSON, JOHN, acknowledgments to..-.--- 655 
—, see Moon Heap. 

WINANS, —, on the Nespelim and Sanpoil. 733 
WHINA’TSHIPUM, see PISKWAUS. 

WINDBREAK of the Arapaho......-----.. 957 
WINNEBAGO, absence of ghost dance 

INOM flees eet at leew een e maa ne aa 816 
—, Potawatomi prophet among the .- 706 
—, prophecy of the.-...-.-------.-- 661 
—, prophet among the. é 700 
=, Study Ol thO.-.---------- = 654 
—, visit to the 767 
WINNEMUCCA, a Paiute chief wate 1048 
WINSON, JACK, name applied to Wovoka~ 765 
WISsHAM, a Tlaqluit synonym ..-.....-.-- 740 


ETH. ANN. 14] 


Page 

WISHHAM, a Tlaqluit synonym........--- 740 
—,a Wushqtim synonym ..-...-...--..--. T38 
WIsHRAM, & Tlaqlnit synonym. .-........- 740 
WISSWHAM, a Tlaqluit synonym ..-..-.-- 740 
WITAPA’/HAT, a Kiowa synonym. .-......- 1078 
WI TAPAHA’TU, a Kiowa synonym......-. 1078 
WirTapa’tu, a Kiowa synonym.....------ 1078 
Wirapt'v, a Cheyenne division ------.--- 1025 
WircucraFT, indian crusade against. --.- 673- 
WOJAJI BAND, rebellion of, predicted ..-... 800 
Wo F in Caddo mythology -.--------..--- 1093 
WOLLAWOLLAH, a Wallawalla synonym. . 744 
Wo tiaw-WOLLAH, a Wallawallasynonym 744 
WotvEs, an Arapaho division. ....--..--. 957 
WomeEN killed at Wounded Knee --...--- 876, 885 
WooveEn LANCE, see A/PIATAN. 
WoopwortH, Mrs, a Heavenly Recruit. - 947 
WooLwortH, ARNOLD, interpreter to mes- 

siah delegation 900 
Wopokante, name applied to Wovoka 765 | 
WORD-BUILDING by the Arapaho 998 
WORLD'S COLUMBIAN EXPOSITION, collec: 

TIONS ORNs eases oe ae See ea 653, 654 


WOUNDED KNEE, account of battle of.... 843, 869 


| YACKAMANS, a Yii/kima synonym 
YAKAMA, a Yi‘kima synonym 


—, native account of battle of............ 884 
—— burial ofideadatie=-2s--—-<-\se=5~ yn ae 876 | 
—, graves of indians killed at............ 1060 
—AiStiOimciledstbs-se-sonsos- eos eee 872 
—— MNOLtA Gyr AU ta = cleaner nae c acess cans 870 
=a TOSULOL DAbIG Ofs--naccoscen- cae se 873 
—, second encounter of.........-----...-- 882 
——ABULVIV OLR Oles- sec etinn seecece seeseecee= 877-881 
—,use of sacred paint at...-.-....-....-- 779 
—, see SIOUX OUTBREAK. 
WoOvOKA, account of......-.---.- 764, 769, 771, 927 
—, address of, to delegation 797 
—, Arapaho and Cheyenne delegation to. - 900 
—, Bannock and Shoshoni delegates to... 818 
—, Caddo delegation to 903 
—, claims of, renounced ateq 914 
— compared with other prophets.-.......- 930 
GeTIVAIONOLe asso e sees ceeeeceeeeees 765 
—, ghost dance led by ...-.--------------- 818 
—— NOW LOPALACG seem nom eciiccecciesseene= 766 
—, hypnotism practiced by..-...-..-..--- 818, 901 
—, indianletter to-........--....-.....--- 901 
==, EtkortrOMaecen. soepeeeciat seine ccn e 776, 780, 781 
—, Poreupine’s account of.............--. 803 
-—, photographing of. 774 
—— DOW OL Oleennce ase aeeeaene 1048 
—, reported to be a half-blood...........-. 894 
—, reputed powers of..-......-.----.-.--. 773, 821 
—, responsibility of ghost shirt disclaimed 

ype see oes stse ors sccsesSoseetaccasoses 791 
—, Shaker contact with .. = 763 
—, Sioux knowledge concerning..-.--..... 800 
—, speech of, communicated by Porcupine 784 
a VISIO Osawa) = aeeas ees a an ewe aac 773 
—, Visit of A’piataii to ..........-.--..... 911, 913 
—, visit of Arapaho to 894 
—, visit of Cheyenne delegates to. 817 
—, visitiof Nakashito'--<-~---..-+<.«se-- 803, 817 
—, visit of Porcupine to.................. 794, 803 
—, visit of Shoshoni delegation to........ 807 
—, visit of Sioux delegation to........... £19, 820 


14 ETH—PT 2. 


INDEX TO PART 2 


WovoRKA, visit of Ute delegates to......-- 
—, Visits of various delegations to. ... 
WIGHT, AGENT, advises removal of Crow 
—, ghost dance stopped by 
—, messiah doctrine discouraged by 
—., Rosebud census by..-.....--...-------- 
Wricut, Cou., fight of, with Chief Moses. 
WRITING, ideographic, of Biink‘i 


W'SHA/NATU, a Piskwaus band..-......... 
WusHk0OM, Smohalla ceremonial among. - 

SHQUM, a Tlaqluit synonym.......--. 
WiUvoKA, a synonym of Wovoka ..-..... 
WyaM, a Waiiim synonym..............- 
W YANDOT, final defeat of the -.----.-.-.- 
—, importance of the....-..--....--....-. 
—, Tecumtha among the..-........---....- 
WiYNIMA, account:of-----..--.-...-25.---. 


— and Piskwaus intermarriage ....-..... 
—and Wa/napim affinity............-... 
—,attempt of Shakers to influence. 
—, sketch of the 
—, Smohalla ceremonial among the. 
— warofthe, in 1855-561. 2) se =e 
YAKIMA GAP, Smohalla performances at- 
YAMPALNI, Shoshoni name of the Co- 

manche 
YAMPAI-RIKANI, Shoshoni name of the 

CoMmAan Cheseescacseatacs. soo ce eae sea 
YA/MPARI/KA, a Comanche band 
YANKTON, a Sioux division..-.......-.... 
—, former habitat of the ae 
—, interview with, concerning messiah. -. 
YANKTONAIS, a Sioux division 
—, former habitat of the..-......-....... 
—, ghost dance among the..-.............. 
YAPA, a Comanche band ................. 
YA’ ‘PAHE, a Kiowa warrior order.-.....-. 
YA’TAsI, a Caddo division........-....... 
YAUMALOLAM, name applied to Umatilla 


YELETPO, a Cayuse synonym wes 
YELETPO CHOPUNNISH, a Cayuse synonym 
YELLOW BirD, adoption of child of-...-.- 
—,responsibility of, for Wounded Knee 

fight 
YELLOW Breast, delegate to Wovoka.... 
YELLOW EAGLE, delegation to Wovoka 

under 


YoOokooMans, a Yii/kima synonym ..-.... 
YounGER, COLE, Texas Ben indorsed by. - 
YOUNG-MAN-AFRAID as a peacemaker. .... 
—, conduct of, in Sioux outbreak 
—, ghost-dance council held by 
— ignored in Sioux difficulty 
—, proper name of 
—, speech of, to General Miles......-. 
YOUNG-MAN-AFRAID-OF-INDIANS, see Roy- 
ER, D.F. 
YounG Mountain SHEEP, a Kiowa war- 
rior order 


797, 


Page 
806 
894, 901 


844 
847 
843 
831 
734 
910 
736 
727 
740 
765 
741 
762 
685 
689 
893 


737 
737 
736 
735 
759 


808 
797, 819 
737 
893 
887 
884, 886 
820 
832 
887 
890 


1136 INDEX TO PART 2 [ETH. ANN. 14 


Page | Page 
Yowa.ucu, Lov!s, account of..........-- 746,754 | ZEHNDER, BERNARD, killed at Wounded 
—, conversion of..-.--- SASH Sr eHoSHOS SQGUSC UG) SUSICR 36 ns eases nee Soaeceeneom shed socs 872 
—, correction concerning. -...--. sscecee-- 1111 | Zepuier, DAvip, interpreter for Sioux 
—,enters Presbyterian church..........- 760 delogation)~<-- 2s -- <1. e sea eee 891 
—, headman of Shaker church.......-.... 758 | ZINGOMENES, a Spokan synonym. 732 
SCN Sespeecpscciercesosccnceéonoes 753,754 | ZITKALA-NONI, survivor of Woun 
Yowa'nl, a Caddo division - 1093 Knee. - 
Yucui myth of the cedar. ..--.----- 979 | ZITKALAZI, HERBERT, survivor of Wound- 
Yuma, absence of ghost dance among. .-. 805 ed Knee .--- 880 
YUTAN, a synonym of Comanche.......-. 1043 | ZoNTOM. MARy, ghost song composed by- - 1085 
YU’YUNIPI/TQANA, see SMOHALLA, —, acknowledgments to............ conaacs 655 

io)